Henry Grattan’s letter to the Catholic Committee
at the recall of Lord Fitzwiliam

[Source: Richard Musgrave, Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland (Dublin & London 1801) - Appenices, pp.22-23 - App. X; Musgrave’s italics]. Original available at Internet Archive [online] - but see full copy of Memoirs in RICORSO Library > “History” > Legacy - as attached [.doc.]

Note archaic ‘f’ font for ‘s’ in Musgrave’s book [1st and other pre-modern edns.].

Mr. Grattan’s Anfwer to the Roman Catholicks [i.e., the Catholic Committee]
Gentlemen,

In fupporting you, I fupport the Proteftant; we have but one intereft and one honour; and whoever gives privileges to you, gives vigour to all. The Proteftant already begins to perceive it; a late attack has rallied the fcattered fpirits of the country, from the folly of religious fchifm to the recollection of national honour, and a nation’s feuds are loft in a nation’s refentment. YOUR EMANCIPATION WILL PASS, rely on it, YOUR EMANCIPATION MUST PASS; it may be death to one viceroy, it will be the peace-offering of another; and the laurel may be torn from the dead brow of one governor, to be craftily converted into the olive of his fuccefer.
 Let me advife you by no means to poftpone the confideration of your fortunes till after the war; rather let Britain receive the benefit of your zeal during the exigency which demands it, and you yourfelves, while you are fighting to preferve the bleffing of a conftitution, have really and bona fide thofe bleffings.
 My wifh is that you fhould be free now, there is no other policy which is not low and little; let us at once inftantly embrace, and greatly emancipate.
 On this principle I mean to introduce your bill, with your permiffion, immediately after the recefs.
You are pleafed to fpeak of the confidence and power with which for a moment I was fuppofed to have been poffeffed. [23]
 When his Majefty’s minifters were pleafed to refort to our fupport, they took us with the incumbrance of our reputation, and with all our debts and mortgages which we owed to our country.
 To have accepted a fhare of confidence and council without a view to private advantage, will not meet, I hope, with the difapprobation of my country but to have accepted that fhare without any view to publick advantage, would have been refinement on the folly of ambition. Meafures therefore, publick meafures and arrangements, and that which is now difputed, were ftipulated by us, were promifed in one quarter and with affurances; they were not refifted in another.
 In the fervice of government, under his excellency’s adminiftration, we directed our attention to two great objects, the Kingdom and the Empire. We obtained certain beneficial laws, the difcovery and reformation of certain abufes, and were in progrefs to reform more we obtained a great force, and a great fupply with the confent and confidence of the people; thefe were not the meafures of courtiers, they were the meafures of minifters.
 His excellency lord Fitzwilliam may boaft that he offered to the empire the affections of millions; a better aid to the war than his enemies can furnifh, who have forfeited thofe affections, and put themfelves in their place.
 So decidedly have the meafures of Ireland ferved the empire, that thofe who were concerned in them might appeal from the cabals of the Britifh cabinet, to the fenfe of the Britifh nation. I know of no caufe afforded for the difpleafure of the Englifh cabinet; but if fervices done to Ireland are crimes which cannot be atoned for by exertions for the empire, I muft lament the gloomy profpect of both kingdoms, and receive a difcharge from the fervice of government, as the only honour an Englifh minifter can confer on an Irifh fubject.
 I conceive the continuance of lord Fitzwilliam as neceffary for the profperity of this kingdom: his firm integrity is formed to correct, his mild manners to reconcile, and his private example to difcountenance a progrefs of vulgar and rapid pollution: if he is to retire, I condole with my country: for myfelf, the pangs on that occafion I fhould feel on rendering up my fmall portion of minifterial breath would be little, were it not for the gloomy profpects afforded by thofe dreadful guardians which are likely to fucceed. I tremble at the return to power of your old tafkmafters; that combination which galled the country with its tyranny, infulted her by its manners, exhaufted her by its rapacity, and flandered her by its malice: fhould fuch a combination, (at once inflamed as it muft be now by the favour of the Britifh court, and by the reprobation of the Irifh people,) return to power, I have no hefitation to fay, that they will extinguish Ireland, or ireland must REMOVE THEM. It is not your cafe only, but that of the nation. I find the country already committed in the ftruggle. I beg to be committed along with her, and to abide the iffues of her fortunes.
 I fhould have expected that there had been a wifdom and faith in fome quarter of another country, that would have prevented fuch cataftrophe but I know it is no proof of that wifdom, to take the taxes, continue the abufes, damp the zeal, and dafh away the affection of fo important a member of the empire as the people of Ireland; and when this country came forward, cordial and confident with the offering of her treafure and blood, and refolute to ftand or fall with the Britifh nation; it is, I fay, no proof of wifdom nor generofity, to felect that moment to plant a dagger in her heart.
 But whatfoever shall be the event, I will adhere to her interefts to the laft moment of my life,

HENRY GRATTAN.

[END]

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