File 1

File 2

File 3

File 4

File 5

[Cont.]

Eudoxus: You speake very sharplie, Irenius, in dishonor of the Spaniard, whome some other boast to be the onelie brave souldier under the skye.

Irenius: Soe surely he is a very brave man; nether is that which I speake any thinge to his derogacon, for, in that I saide he is a mingled people, it is no disprayse; for I thinke there is no nation now in Christendome, nor much further, but is mingled, and compounded with others: Yt was a singuler providance of God, and a most admirable purpose of his wisedome, to drawe those Northerne Heathen Nacons downe into those Christian partes, where they might receave Christianitie, and to mingle nations soe remote soe miraculouslie, to make, as it were, one kindred and bloode of all people, and each to have knowledge of him.

Eudoxus: Nether have you sure any more dishonered the Irishe, for you have brought them from very greate and auncyent nations, as any were in the worlde, howe ever fondly they affecte the Spaniard. For both the Scythians and the Gaules were twoe as mightie nations as ever the worlde brought forth. But is there any token, denominacon or monument of the Gaules yet remayninge in Ireland as there is of Scythians?

Irenius: Yea surelie very many: for there is first in the Irish language many words of Gaules remayninge, and yet daylie used in common speach.

Eudoxus: Wher, what was the Gallish speach? is there any parte of yt still used amongest any nacon?

Irenius: The Gallish speeche is the very Brytishe, the which was generally used heere in all Bryttaine before the cominge of the Saxons: and yet is retayned of the Welchmen, the Cornishe men, and the Bryttains of Fraunce, though tyme, working alteracon of all thinges, and the tradinge and enterdeale with other nacons rounde about, have chaunged and greatly altered the dialecte thereof, but yet the originall wordes appeare to be the same, as who [that] lyste to reede in Cambden or Buckanan, may see at large. Besides, there be many places, as havens, hilles, townes, and castles, which yet beare names from the Galles; of the which Buckanan rehearseth above 3 hundred in Scottland, and I can (I thinke) recount neare as many in Ireland: Moreover there be of the olde Galles certaine nacons yett remayninge in Irelande which retaine the olde denominacons of the Galles, as the Manapij, the Cauci, the Venti and others;by all which and many other very reasonable probabilities, which this shorte course, will not suffer to be laid forth, it appeareth that the cheef inhabitantes in the Iland were Galles cominge thither first from Spayne, and afterwards from besides Tannius, where the Gothes, Hunnes, and the Getes sat downe, they allso beinge (as it is said) of some ancient Galles, and lastly passinge out of Gallia it self, from all the sea Coaste of Belgia and Celtica, into all the sotherne coastes of Ireland, which they possessed and inhabited, whereupon it is at this daye, amongst all the Irishe a common use to call any strange inhabitante there amongst them, Gald, that is, descended of [or] from the Gaules.

Eudoxus: This is very lykely, for even so did theis Gaules aunciently possesse and people all the Southerne coastes of our Brittaine, which yet retayne their old names, as the Belgeæ in Somersetshier, Wiltshire and parte of Hampeshier. Atrebatij in Barkshier, Regni in Sussex and Surrey, with many others. Nowe thus far I understand your opinion, that the Scythians planted in the Northe parte of Ireland; the Spaniard (for so we call them) what euer they were that came from Spain, in the West; the Gaules in the Southe: so that there now remayneth onely the East partes towardes England, which I would be glad to understand from whom you thinke them to be peopled.

Irenius: Mary, from the Bryttons themselves, of which though their be lyttle footinge nowe remayning, by reason that the Saxons afterwardes and lastly the Englishe, drivinge out all the first inhabitantes thereof, did possesse and people the land themselves. Yet amongst the Tooles, the Brines, the Cavanaghes, and other nacons in Linster, there is some memorie of the Brytons remayninge: as the Tooles are called of the old Brytish woord Tol, that is, an hilly Country. the Brins of the Brytish word Brin, that is, Woody. And the Cavenaghes of Caune, that is, stronge. So that in thies three people, the very denominacon of the old Bryttons doth still remayne. Besides, when any flieth under the succor or protection of any against an enemy, he crieth unto him Commericke, that is Brytton Helpe, for the Brytton is called in his owne language, Commerouye. Furthermore to prove the same, Ireland is by Diodorus Siculus, and by Strabo, called Brytannia, and a parte of Greate Bryttaine. Finally, it appeareth by good Record yet extante that King Arthure, and before him Gurgunt, had all that Iland in his alleagiaunce and subjection: hereunto I could adde many probabilities of the names of places, persons, and speeches, as I did in the former, but they should be to longe for this place, and I reserve them for another. And thus you have hard my opinion, how all the Realme of Ireland was first peopled, and by what nacon. After all which the Saxons succeedinge, did wholley subdue it unto themselves. For first Egfryde, longe kinge of Northumberland, did utterly waste and subdue, as appeareth by auncient Record, in which it is founde wrytten that he subdued all the islandes of the North, even unto Norwaye, and their kings did bringe into his subjection.

Eudoxus: This rippinge up of Auncestries, is very pleasinge unto me, and indeed savoreth of good conceiptes, and some reading withall. I see hereby howe profitable travill and experience of forrainr nacons is to him that will apply them to good purpose. Neyther indeed would I have thought, that any such antiquities could have bene avouched for the Irishe, that maketh me the more to longe to see some other of your observacons, which you have gathered out of that Country and have earst half promised to put forthe: And sure in this minglinge of nacons appeareth (as you earst well noted) a wonderfull providence and purpose of Almightie God, that stirred up the people in the farthest partes of the world to seeke out theis regions so remote from them, and by that meanes bothe to restore the decayed habitacons, and to make himselfe knowen to the Heathen. But was their, I praye you, no more generall Impeoplinge of that Iland, then first by the Scythians, which you saye were the Scotts, and afterwardes by the Affricans, besides the Gaules, Bryttons, and Saxons?

Irenius: Yes, there was an other, and that the last and the greatest, which was by the English, when the Earle Strangbowe, havinge conquered that Lande, delivered up the same into the handes of Henry the second, then Kinge, who sent over thither great store of gentlemen, and other warlyke people, amongst whom he distributed the Land, and setled such a stronge Colonie therein, as never since could, with all the subtile practices of the Irishe, be rooted out, but abyde still a mightie people, of so many as remayne Englishe of them.

Eudoxus: What is that you say, of so many as remayne English of them? Why are, not they that were once English, abydinge Englishe still?

Irenius: No, for the most parte of them are degenerated and growen almost meare Irishe, yea, and more malicious to the Englishe then the very Irishe them selves.

Eudoxus: What heare I? And is it possyble that an Englishman, brought up naturally in such sweet civilitie as England affordes, could fynd such lyking in that barberous rudenes, that he should forgett his owne nature, and foregoe his owne nacon? how may this be? or what I pray you may be the cause thereof?

Irenius: Surely, nothinge but that first evill ordinance and Institucon of that Common Wealthe. But thereof now is their no fitt place to speake, least, by the occation thereof offering matter of longe Discourse, we might be drawen from this that we have in hand, namely, the handleinge of abuses in the Customes of Ireland.

Eudoxus: In truthe, Irenius, you doe well remember the plott of your first purpose; but yet from that me seemes, you have much swarved in all this longe discourse, of the first inhabiting of Ireland: for what is that to your purpose?

Irenius: Truely very materiall; for if you marked the course of all that speech well, it was to shew by what meanes the Customes, that now are in Ireland, beinge some of them indeed very straunge and almost heathenishe, were first brought in: and that was, as I said, by those nacons from whome that contry was first peopled; for the difference of manners and customes doth followe the difference of nations and people: the which I have declared unto you to have bene 3 speciall, which seated themselves theare, to wyt, first the Scythian, then the Gaules, and lastly the Englishe. Notwythstanding that I am not ignorant, that there sundry other nacons which got footing in that Lande, of the which their yet remayne dyvers great families and seiptes, of whom I will also in theire proper places make mencon.

Eudoxus: You bringe your self, Irenius, very well into the waye againe, notwithstanding that it seemeth that you were never out of the waye. But nowe that you have passed through their antiquities, which I could have wyshed not so soone ended, begine when yee please, to declare what Customes and manners have been deryved from those nacons to the Irishe, and which of them yee fynd faulte withall.

Irenius: I will then begin to count their customes in the same order that I counted their nacons: and first with the Scythian or Scottish manners. Of the which there is one use amongst them, to keepe their Cattell, and to live them selves the most part of the yeare in Bollies, pasturinge upon the mountaines and wast wyld places; and removing still to freshe land, as they have depastured the former dayes. The which appeareth plaine to be the manner of the Scythians, as you may reede in Olaus Magnus, and Jo. Boemus, and yet is used amongst all the Tartarians and the people about the Caspian Sea, which are naturally Scythians, to live in heardes as they call them, beinge the very same that the Irishe Bollies are, dryving their cattell continually with them, and feeding onely on their whyt meates.

Eudoxus: What fault can you fynd with this custome? For thoughe it be an olde Scythian use, yet it is behooffful in this Country of Irelande, where their are great mountaines, and wast desertes full of grasse, that the same should be eaten downe, and nourishe many thousandes of cattell for the good of the whole Realme, which cannot mithinke be any other waye, then by keepinge those Bollies as there you have shewed.

Irenius: But by this custome of Bolling there grewe in the meane tyme many great enormities unto that Common waylth. For first, if there be any outlawes, or loose people, as they are never without some, which live upon the stelthes and spoyles, they are evermore sucered and fynd Releef onely in those Bollies, beinge upon the wast places, where eles they should be dryven shortly to sterve, or to come downe to the townes to seeke releef, where, by one meanes or another, they would soone be caught. Besydes, such stelthes of cattell they bringe comonly to those Bollies, where they are receaved readily, and the theif harbored from daunger of Lawe, or such officers as might light upon him. Moreover, the people that live thus in theis Bollies grow thereby more barborous, and live more licentiously then they would in townes, using what meanes they lyst, and practyzing what mischeefes and villainies they will, eyther against the government theire, generally by their combinacons, or against pryvate men, whom they maligne, by stealinge their goodes, or murtheringe [them]. For theare they thinke them selves half exempted from Lawe and obedience, and havinge once tasted freedome, doe, lyke a steare that hath bene longe out of his yooke, grudge and repyne ever after to come under rule againe.

Eudoxus: By your speech, Irein. I perceive more evill come by these bollies, then good by their grasinge; and therefore it may well be reformed: but that must be in his due course: doe you proceede to the next.

Irenius: They have another custome from the Scythians, that is the wearing of manteles and longe glebbes, which is a thicke curled bushe of heare, hanginge downe over their eyes, and monstrously disguysinge them, which are both very badd and hurtfull.

Eudoxus: Doe you thinke that the mantle cometh from the Scythians I would surely thinke otherwyse, for by that which I have redd, it appeareth that most nacons in the world auntiently used the mantle. For the Jewes used it, as you may reed of Elias mantle, of [gap of 2-3 words]. The Caldees also used it, as you may reed in Diodorus. The Egyptians lykewyes used it, as yee may reed in Herodotus, and may be gathered by the discription or Berenice, in the greek Commentaries upon Callimacus. The Greekes also used it aunciently, as appeareth by Venus mantle lyned with starres, though afterwards they chaunged the forme thereof into their clookes, called Pallia, as some of the Irishe also use. And the auncient Latines and Romains used it, as yee may reede in Virgill, who was a very great Antiquarie, that Evander, when Ænæs came to him at his feast, did intertaine and feast him on the ground, and lying on manteles. Insomuch that he useth the very word mantile for a mantle: --Mantilia humi sternunt.’’

So that it seemeth that the mantle was a generall habite to most nacons, and not proper to the Scythians onely, as yee suppose.

Irenius: I cannot deny but aunciently it was common to most, and yet sithence disused and laid away. But in this latter age of the world, since the decay of the Romaine empyre, it was renued and brought in againe by those Northerne nacons when, breakinge out of their could caves and frosen habitacons into the sweet soyle of Europe, they brought with them their usuall weedes, fitt to sheild their could, and that continuall frost, to which they had bene at home inured: the which yet they lefte not of, by reason that they were in perpetuall warres with the nacons where they had invaded. But still removing from place to place, carryed always with them that weede, as their howse, their Bedde, and their garment. And, cominge lastly into Irelande, they found there more special use therof, by reason of the rawe could clymate, from whence it is nowe growen into that generall use in which that people nowe have it. Afterward the Affricans succeedinge, fyndinge the lyke necessitie of that garment, continued the lyke use thereof.

Eudoxus: Since then the necessitie thereof is so comodious, as ye alegde, that it is insteed of howsinge, Bedding and Clothinge, what reason have you then to wishe so necessary a thinge cast of?

Irenius: Because the commoditie dothe not countervayle against the discomoditie, for the inconveniences that thereby doe aryse are much more many: for it is a fitt howse for an outlawe, a meet Bedd for a Rebell, and apte Cloke for a theef. First the outlawe being for his many crymes and villainies banished from the townes and howses of honest men, and wandring in wast places, far from danger of Lawe, maketh his mantle his howse, and under it covereth himself from the wrathe of heaven, from the offence of the earth, and from the sight of men. When it raineth it is his penthowse, when it bloweth it is his tente; when it freezeth it is his tabernacle. In Sommer he can weare it loose, in winter he can lappe it close; at all tymes he can use it; never heavie, never combersome. Lykewaise for a Rebell it is as serviceable; for in his warre that he maketh, if at least it deserve the name of warre, when he still flyeth from his foe, and lurketh in the thicke woods and straigt passages, wayting for advantages, it is his Bedd, yea, and almost all his houshold stuffd. For the wood is his howse against all wethers, and his mantle is his cave to sleepe in. Therein he wrappeth himself rounde, and ensconceth himself strongly against the gnattess, which in the Country doe more anoy the naked rebelles, whylst they keepe the woodes, and doe more sharply wound them, then all their enemyes swordes or speares, which can seldome come nigh them; yea, and often tymes their mantle serveth them, when they are nighe driven, being wrapped about their lefte arme insteed of a Target, for it is hard to cut thorough it with a swoord. Besydes it is light to beare, light to throw away, and, being, as they then commonly naked, it is to them all in all. Lastly, for a theef it is so handsome, as it may seeme it was first invented for him; for under yt he can clenly convey any fytt pillage that cometh handsomely in his way, and when he goeth abroad in the night in free-booting, it is his best and surest frend; for lyinge, as they often doe, two or three nights together abroad, to watch for ther booty, with that they can prettyly shroud them selves under a bush or a backe syde, tyll they may conveniently doe their errande: and when all is done, he can in his mantle passe through any towne or Company, being close hooded over his head, as he useth, from knowledg of any to whome he is indaungered. Besydes all this, he, or any man eles that is dysposed to any mischeef or villainie, may under his mantle goe privyly armed without suspicon of any: carry his headpeece, his skene, or pistole if he please, to be alwaies in a readines. Thus necessarye and fytting is a mantle for a Badd man. And surely for a badd huswyfe it is no lesse convenient, for some of them that be wandring women, called of them Mona shut, it is half a Wardrobe, for in Somer ye shall fynd her arayed commonly but in her smocke and mantle; to be more ready for the light services: in Wynter, and in her travill, it is her cloake and safeguard for her lewde exercise. And when she hathe fylled her vessill, under it she can hyde bothe her burden, and her blame; yea, and when her bastard is borne it serves insteed of all her swadling cloutes. And as for all other good women which love to doe but lyttle woorke, howe handsome it is to lie in and sleepe, or to louse themselves in the sunne shine, they that have bene but a whyle in Ireland, can well wytnesse. Sure I am that you will think it very unfitt for good huswyves, to stirre in, or to busy her self about her huswyfry in such sorte as they should. Theis be some of the abuses for which I would thinke it meete to forbidd all mantles.

Eudoxus: O evill minded man, that having reckned up so many uses of mantles, will ye yet wishe it to be abandoned? Sure I thinke Diogenes dishe did never serve his master more turnes, notwithstanding he made [it] his dishe, his cupp, his measure, his waterpott, then a mantle doth an Irishe man. But I see they be all to bad intentes, and therefore I will joynn with you in abolishinge it. But what blame lay you to the glybb? take heed, I pray you, that you be not too busie therewith for feare of your owne blame, seeing our Englishemen take it up in such a generall fashion to weare ther haire so immesurably longe, that some of them exceed the longest Irishe glybbes.

Irenius: I feare not the blame of any undeserved myslyke; but for the Irish glybbes, I say that besyde ther falstye, bruitishnes and fythines which is not to be named; they are [as] fit maskes as a mantle is for a theife. For whensoever he has runne him selfe into that perill of lawe that he will not be knowen, he eyther cutteth of his glibb quite, by which he becometh nothing lyke himself, or pullethe it so lowe downe over his eyes, that it is very hard to discerne his thevish countenaunce. And therefore fit to be trussed up with the mantle.

Eudoxus: Truly theis three Scythian abuses, I hould fitt to be taken away with sharpe pennalties; and sure I wonder howe they have bene kept thus longe, notwithstandinge so many good provicons and orders as have bene devysed for that people.

Irenius: The cause thereof shall appeare to you hereafter. But let us nowe goe forward with our Scythian Customes. Of the next that I have to treat of, is the manner of raysinge their Crye in their conflictes, and at other troblesome tymes of uprore: the which is very naturall Scythian, as we may reed in Diodorus Siculus, and Heroditus, discrybing the manner of the Scythians and Parthians comminge to geve the charge at their battelles: at the which it is said, they come running with a terrible yell and hubbubbe as if heaven and yearth would have gone together, which is the very Image of the Irish hubbub, which ther kerne use at their first incounter. Besydes, the same Herodotus wryteth, that they used in their battelles to call upon the names of their Captaines or generalls, and sometymes upon their greatest kinge deceased, as in that battell of Tomyris against Cyrus: which custome to this day manifestly appeareth emongst the Irishe. For at their joyning of battell, they lykewyes call upon their captaines name, or the name of his auncestors. As the under Oneale cry Landergabo, that is, the bloody hand, which is Oneales badge: they under OBrien call [Laun-laider], which is [the strong hand]. And to their ensample, the old Englishe also which there remayneth, have gotten up their cryes Scythian like, as Cromabo, and Bulerabo. And herein also lieth open an other very manifest proof that the Irish are Scythes or Scottes, for in all their incounters they use one very comon woord, crying Ferragh, ferrogh, which is a Scottish word, to wyt, the name of one of their first kinges of Scottland, called Fergus (or Ferragus), which fought against the Pictes, as you may reed in Buckanan de rebus Scoticis; but as others wryt, it was longe before, that the name of their cheef Captayn, under whome they fought against the Affricans, the which was then so fortunate unto them, that ever sithence they have used to call upon his name in their battells.

Eudoxus: Beleeve me, Irenius, this observacon of yours is very good and delightfull; far beyond the blynd conceipt of some, whome I remember have upon the same woord Ferragh, made a very blunt conjecture, as namely Mr. Stanihurst, who though he be the same country man born, that should search more nearly into the secreats of theis things, yet hath strayed from the truthe all the heavens wyde (as they saye,) for he therevpon groundethe a very grosse imagination, that the Irishe should discend from the Egiptianes which came into that Iland, first under the leadinge of Scota the daughter of Phraoh, whereupon they use (saith he) in all ther battailes to call upon Pharaoh, crying Ferragh, Ferragh. Surely he shot wyde on the Bowe hand, and very farre from the marke. For I would first knowe of him what auncient ground of Authoritie he hath for such a sencelesse fable, and if he have any of the rude Irishe bookes, as it may be he hath, yet me seemes a man of his learning should not so lightly have bene carryed away with old wyves tales from approvance of his owne Reason; for whether Scota be lyke an Egiptian woord or smacke of any learning or judgment, let the learned judge. But his Scota rather comes upon the Greeke Scoto, that is, darknes, which has not let him see the light of the truthe.

Irenius: You knowe not, Eudoxus, howe well Mr. Stanihurst could see in the darke; perhappes he hath owles or cattes eyes; but well I woot he seeth not well the very light in matters of more wayght. But as for Ferragh I have tould you my conjecture onely, and yet thus much I have more to prove a likelyhood, that there be yet at this day in Ireland, many Irish men, cheifly in the Northeren partes, called by the name of Ferragh. But let that nowe be; this onely for this place suffyceth, that it is a word comonly used in ther hubbubbs, the which, with all the rest, is to be abolished, for that it discovereth an affection of Irishe captenry, which in this platforme I endevour specially to beat downe. There be other soarts of cryes, all so used among the Irishe, which favour greatly of the Scythian barbarisme, as their lamentacons at their burialles, with dispairefull outcryes, and imoderate waylinges, the which Mr. Stanihurst might also have used for an argument to prove them Egiptians, for so in Scripture it is mentioned, that the Egyptians lamented for the deathe of Joseph. Others thinke this custom to come from the Spaniardes, for that they do imesurably bewayle likewise their dead. But the same is not propper Spanishe, but altogether heathenishe, brought in first thither either by the Scythians, or the Moores, which weare Affricans but longe possessed that Country. For it is the manner of all Paganes and infidelles to be intemperate in ther waylinges of their dead, for that they had no faythe nor hope of salvacon. And this ill Custome also is specially noated by Diodorus Siculus, to have been in the Scythians, and is yet among the Northeren Scottes at this day, as you may reade in their chronicles.

Eudoxus: This is an evill Custome also, but yet doth not much concerne Civill Reformacon, as abuse in Religion.

Irenius: I did not rehearse it as one of the abuses which I thought most worthie of Reformation; but having made mencon of Irishe cryes I thought this manner of Cryinge and howlinge not impertinent to be noted as uncyvill and Scythians lyke: for by theis old customes, and other lyke conjecturall circumstances, the descentes of nacons can onely be proved, where other monuments of writinge are not Remayninge.

Eudoxus: Then, I pray you, whensoever in your discourse you meet with them by the way, doe not shune, but bouldly touch them; for besydes their great pleasure and delight for their antiquitie, they bringe also great profitt and helpe unto civilitie.

Irenius: Then sithence you will have it soe I will heare take occation, since I lately spake of their manner of Cryes in joyninge of Battaile, to speake somewhat also of the manner of their Armes, and Array in battayle, with other Customes perhappes woorth the notinge. And first of their Armes and Weapons, amongst which their broad swordes are proper Scythian, for such the Scythes used commonly, as you may reed in Olaus Magnus. And the same also the old Scottes used, as yee may reed in Buchanan, and in [Solinus], where the pictures of them are in the same forme expressed. Also theire short bowes, and lytle quivers with shorte Bearded arrowes, are very Scythian, as ye may reede in the same Olaus. And the same soart, bothe of bowes, quivers, and arrowes, are at this day to be seene commonly among the Irishe, whose Scottishe bowes are not past 3 quarters of a yard longe, with a stringe of wrethed hempe slackly bente, and whose arrowes are not above half an elline longe, tipped with steele heades, made lyke common broad arrowes heades, but many more sharpe and slender, that they enter into an armed man or horse most cruelly, notwithstanding that they are shott forth weakly. Moreover, their longe broad sheeldes, made but with wicker roddes, which are comonly used amongst the said Northeren Irishe, but specially of the Scottes, and brought from the Scythians, as ye may reede in Olaus Magnus, Solinus, and others; likewyes their goinge to battaile without armor on their bodies or heads, but trusting onelie to the thickness of their glybbes, the which they say will somytimes beare of a good stroke, is meare salvage and Scythian, as you may see in the said Images of the old Scythes or Scottes, set forth by Hodianus and others. Besides, ther confused kinde of march in heapes, without any order or aray, ther clashing of swordes together, their fierce runninge upon ther enemyes, and their manner of fight, resembleth altogether that which is redd in all histories to have bene used of the Scythians. By which it may almost infallably be gathered, together with other sircumstances, that the Irishe are very Scottes or Scythes oridgionall, though since intermingled with many other nacons reparinge and joyning unto them. And to these, I may also add an other very stronge conjecture, which commeth to my mynde, that I have often observed there amongst them; that is, certaine relidgious Ceremonies, which are very superstitious, yet used amongst them, the which are also wrytten by sundry Authores, to have bene observed among the Scythians, by which it may very vehemently be presumed that the nations were aunciently all one. For Plutarch, as I remember, in his Treatise of Homere, indeavoringe to search out the truth, what countryman Homere was, proveth it most strongly, as he thinketh, that he was an Italian borne, for that in distributing of a sacrifice of the Greekes, he omitted the [gap of 2 words] called [gap of 2 words] [loyne,] the which all the other Grecians, save the Italians, do use to burne in their sacrifice: also for that he maketh the entralles to be rosted on fyve spites, the which was the proper maner of the Ætolians, who only, of all the nations and Cuntryes of Gretia, used to sacrifice in that sort, whereas all the rest of the Greekes used to rost them upon three spites, by which he inferreth, necessarily, that Homere was an Ætolian. And by the same reason may I as reaonably conclude, that the Irish ar descended from the Scythians, for that they use even to this day, some of the same Ceremonyes which the Scythians aunciently used. As for example, yee may reade in [Lucian] in that sweet dialogue which is intituled Toxaris or of friendshipp, that the comon oath of the Scythians, was by the sword, and by the fyer, for that they accounted these two specyall devyne powers, which should worke vengance on perjurors. So doe the Irish at this day, when they goe to any battayle, say certayne prayers or charmes to ther swordes, making a crosse therewith upon the earth, and thrusting the poyntes of ther blades into the grownd; thinking therby to have the better successe in fight. Alsoe they use to swere comonly by their swordes. Likewise at the kindling of Candles, they say certayne prayers; and use some other superstitius rightes, which showe that they honor the fyer and the light; for all those Northerne nations, having bene used to be anoyed with much could and darknesse, are wont therfore to have the fyer and the sonne in great veneracon: like as otherwise the Moores and Egiptians, which are much offended and greved with much extreame heate of the sunne, doe everie morning, when the sunne rises, fall to cursing and banning of him as ther plague and chiefe scourge. [Also the Scythians used when] they would bind any solemne vow or combynacon, to drawe a bowle of blood, together vowing therby to spend their last blood in that quarrel, as you may read in Buckhanan; and some of the Northerne Irishe, lykewise: as you may also reade in the same booke, in the tale of Arsacomas, that it was the manner of the Scythians when any on[e] of them was heavily wronged, and would assemble unto him any forces of people, to joyne with him in his revenge, to sit in some publick place for certayne dayes upon an oxe hide, to which there would resorte all such persons as being disposed to take armes would enter into his armes, would take pay or ioyne with him in his quarrell. And the same you may lykewise reade to have bene the auncyent manner of the wilde Scottes, which are indeed the very naturall Irish. Moreover, the Scythians used to sweare by ther kinges hand, as Olaus showeth. And soe doe the Irish use to swere by their Lordes hand, and, to forsweare it, hould it more cryminall then to sweare by god. Also the Scythians sayd, that they were once every yere turned into wolves, and soe it is wrighten of the Irish; thoughe Master Camden in a better sence doe suppose it was a disseaze, called Licanthropia, soe named of the wolfe. And yet some of the Irish doe use to make the wolf ther gossopp. The Scythians also used to seeth the flesh in the hyde, and so do the North Irishe yet. The Scythians likewise used to boyle the bloode of the beast lyvinge, and to make meate thereof: and soe doe the Irishe still in the North. Manye such customes I could recounte unto you, as of there ould manner of marrying, of burying, of dauncing, of singing, of feastinge, of cursing, though Christians have wyped out the most parte of them, by resemblance whereof yt might playnely appere to you that the nacons ar the same, but that by the reckoning of these fewe, which I have tould unto you, I finde my speech drawen out to a greater lenth than I supposed. Thus much only for this time, I hope, shall suffice you, to thinke that the Irishe are aunciently deduced from the Scythians.

Eudoxus: Surely, Irenius, I have in theese fewe wordes heard that from you which I would have thought had bene impossible to have bene spoken of tymes soe remote, and customes so auncyent: with delight whereof I was as it were all that while entranced, and carryed far from myself, as that I am now right sorrye that yee ended soe soone. But I marvayle much howe it commeth to passe, that in so long continuance of time, and many ages come betwene, yett any jott of those ould rightes and superstitious customes should remayne amongest them.

Irenius: It is noe cause of wounder at all, for it is the manner of all barbarous nacons to be very superstitious, and diligent observors of old customes and antiquities, which they receyve by contynuall tradicon from ther parentes, by recording of ther bardes and cronicle[s], in their songes, and by dayly use and ensample of ther elders.

Eudoxus: But have you I pray you observed any such customes among them, brought likewise from the Spanyardes or Gaules, as those from the Scythians? that may sure be very materiall unto your first purpose.

Irenius: Some perhapps I have; and whoe that will by this occasion marke and compare ther customes shall finde many more. But ther are fewer I thinke, remayning of the Gaules or Spanyardes then of the Scythians, by reason that the partes, which they then possessed lying upon the Coast of the Westerne and Southerne Sea, were sithence contynually visited with strangers and forreyne people, repayring thither for trafficke, and for fishing, which is very plentifull upon the coastes: for the trade and enterdeale of seacoste nacons one with another worketh more civility and good fashions, all sea men being naturally desirous of new fashions, then the Inland dwellers which are seldome seene of forreyners; yet some of them as I have noted, I will recounte unto you. And first I will, for the better creditt of the rest, shewe you one out of ther Statutes, amongst which it is enacted that noe man shall weare his beard but only on the upper lyp, like mustachios, shaving all the rest of his chinne. And this was the auncient manner of the Spanyardes, as yett it is of all the Mahometans, to cut all ther beardes close, save onely muschachos, which they weare longe. And the cause of this use was for that they, being bred in an hot country, found much hayre on ther faces and other partes to be noyous unto them: for which cause they did cutt yt most away, like as contraryly all other ncaons, brought upp in could countryes doe use to nourish ther hare, to keep them the warmer, which was the cause that the Scythians and Scottes woare glibbes, as I shewed you, to keep ther heades warme, and long beardes to defend ther faces from could. From them also I thinke came saffron shirtes and smockes, which was devised by them in those hotte countryes, wher saffron is very common and rife, for avoyding that evill which commeth of much swetnes, and longe wearing of lynnen. Also the women amongst the ould Spanyardes had the charge of all hushould affayres, both at home and abroad, as Boemius wrighteth, though now theise Spanyardes use it quite otherwise. And soe have the Irish women the trust and care of all thinges, both at home, and in the feilde. Likewise rownd lether targettes, as the Spanyarde fashion, who used it, for the most part, paynted, which in Ireland they use alsoe, in many places, colored after ther rude fashion. Moreover ther manner of ther womens ryding on the wrong syde of the horse, I meane with ther faces toward their right syde, as the Irish use, is, as they say, ould Spanish, and as some say Africane, ffor amongst them the women (they say) use to ride acrosse: Also the deep smock sleve hanging to the grownd, which the Irish women use, (they say), was ould Spanish, and is used yet in Barbary: and yett that should seme rather to be an oulde Irish fashion; for in Armory the fashion of the Manche, which is geven in armes by many, being indeed nothing ells but a sleve, is fashioned much like to that sleve. And that Knightes in ould tymes used to weare ther mistres favor or loves sleve, upon ther armes, as appereth by that is wrighten of Sir Launcelott, that he wore the sleve of the fayre mayd of Asteroth in a tourney, whereat Quene Guenouer was much displeased.

Eudoxus: Your conceit is very good, well fitting for things soe farre from certayntye of knowledge and learning, only upon lykelyhoodes and conjectures. But have you any customes remayning from the Gaules or Bryttans?

Irenius: I have observed a few of eyther; and whoe will better search into them may find more. And first the possession of their Bardes was, as Cæsar writeth, usuall amongst the Gaules; and the same was also common amongst the Brittans, and is not yett altogether left of with the Walshe, which are ther posterity. ffor all the fashions of the Brittons, as he testifieth, were much like. The longe dearts came also from the Gaules, as ye may read in the same Ceasaer, and in John Boemius. Likewise the said Jo. Boemius wrighteth, that the Gaules used swordes, a hanfull broad, and soe doe the Irish nowe. Also that they used long wicker sheilds in battell that should cover their whole bodyes, and soe doe the Northerne Irish. But because I have not seen such fashioned targettes in the Southerne partes, but only amongst those Northerne people, and Irish Scottes, I doe thinke that they were brought in rather by the Scythians, then by the Gaules. Alsoe the Gaules used to drincke ther enymyes blood, and to paynte themselves therewith: soe alsoe they wright, that the ould Irish were wonte, and soe have I sene some of the Irish doe, but not theire enymyes but frendes bloode. As namely at the execution of a notable traytor at Lymbricke, called Murrogh Obrien, I saw an ould woman, which was his foster mother, tooke up his heade, whilst he was quartered, and sucked up all the blood running thereout, saying, that the earth was not worthy to drincke it, and therewith also steeped her face and brest, and tare her heare, crying and shriking out most terribly.

Eudoxus: Yee have very well runne thorough such customes as the Irish have deryved from the first ould nacons which inhabited that land, namely, the Scythians, the Spanyardes, the Gaules, the Brittanes. It nowe remayneth that you now take in hand the customes of the ould English which are amonst the Irish: of which I doe not thinke that yee shall have much to find fault with any, consideringe that by the Englishe most of the ould badd Irish Customes were abolished, and more cyvill fashions brought in their steade.

Irenius: You thinke otherwise, Eudoxus then I doe; for the chiefest abuses which are nowe in that realme, are growne from the English, that are now much more lawlesse and lycencious then the very wild Irish: so that as much care as was then by them had to reforme the Irish, so much and more must nowe be used to reforme them; soe much tyme doth alter the manners of men.

Eudoxus: That semeth very strange which you say, that men should soe muche degenerate from their first natures as to grow wild.

Irenius: Soe much can libertye and ill examples doe.

Eudoxus: What liberty had the English ther, more then they had here at home? Were not the lawes planted amonge them at the first, and had they not governors to curbe and keepe them still in awe and obedience?

Irenius: They had, but it was such for the most part, as did more then good[,] for they had governors for the most part of them selves, and commonly out of the two familiyes of the Gerldines and the Butlers, both adversaryes and corivales one against the other. Who though, for the most part, they were but deputyes under some of the Kinges of Englands sonns, brethren, or other nere kinsmen, who were the Kinges leiutenantes yet they swayed soe much as they had all the rule, and the others but the tytle. Of which Butlers and Geraldines, albeit I must confesse they were very braue worthy men, as also of other the peres of that realme, made Lorde Deputyes, and lord Justices and signories at sundry times, yet thorough greatnes of their late conquests and seignories they grewe insolent, and evill bente both that regall authority, and also ther private powers, one against another, to the utter subversion of them selves and strenthining of the Irish againe. This you may reade playnly discovered by a letter written from the Citizens of Corke out of Ireland, to the earle of Shressburye then in England, and remayning yet upon recorde, both in the Tower of London, and alsoe amongst the Cronicles of Ireland. Wherein it is by them complained, that the English Lords and Gentlemen, who then had great possessions in Ireland, began thorough pride and insolencye, to make private warrs one against another, and, when the other parte was weake, they would wage and drawe in the Irish to take ther part, by which meanes they both greatly encoraged and enabled the Irish, which till that tyme had bene shut upp within the mountaynes of Slewlougher, and weakened and disabled them selves, in soe much that there revenews were wonderfully impayred, and some of them, which are ther reckoned to have bene able to have spent xij or xiij hundred pounds per annum, of owld rent, that I may say noe more, besides ther comodetyes of Creekes and havens, were now scarce able to dispend the third part. From which disorder, and thorough ther huge calamityes which have come vpon them therby, they are now almost growne to be almost as lewde as the Irish: I meane of such English as were planted towardes the West; for the English pale hath preserved it selfe, thorough nearenes of the state, in reasonable civilitye, but rest which dwell aboue in Connagh and Munster, which is the sweetest soyle of Ireland, and some in Leinster and Ulster, ar degenerate and growen to be as very Patchcockes as the wild Irishe, yea, some of them haue quite shaken of ther English names, and put on Irishe that they might be altogether Irishe.

Eudoxus: Is it possible that any should soe farr growe out of frame that they should in soe short space, quite forgett ther Country and ther owne names? that is a most dangerous LETHARGIE, much worse then that of MESSILA CARVINUS, who, being a most learned man, thorough sicknes forgot his owne name. But can you counte us any of this kynde?

Irenius: I cannot but by the reporte of the Irishe themselves, who report, that the Macmaghons, in the North, were auncyently English; to witt, descended from the Fitz Ursulas, which was a noble family in England, and that the same appered by the significacon of their Irish names. Lykewise that the Macswinies, now in Ulster, were aunciently of the Veres of England, but that they themselves, for hatred of the English, soe disguised ther names.

Eudoxus: Could they ever conceyve any such devilish dislike of ther owne naturall Country, as that they would be ashamed of ther name, and bite of the dugge from which they sucked lyfe?

Irenius: I wote well ther should be none: but prowd heartes doe oftentymes, like wanton coultes, kicke at ther mothers, as we reade Alcibiades and Themistocles did, who, being banished out of Athens, fledd unto the Kinge of Asia, and ther stirred him upp to warr against ther Country, in which warrs they them selves wer cheiftaynes. Soe that, they sayd, did theise Macswynes and Macmahons, or rather Veres or Fitz Ursulaies, for private despite, turne themselves against England. For at suche tyme as Robert Vere, Earl of Oxford, was in the Barons warrs against King Richard the seconde, thorough the mallice of the Peeres, banished the realme and proscribed, he with his kynsman Fitz Ursula fledd into Ireland, wher being prosecuted, and afterwardes in England put to death, his kinsmen there remayning behinde in Ireland, rebelled, and conspiring with the Irishe, did quite cast of ther Englishe names and alleigaunce; since which tyme they have so remained, and have euer sithence bene counted meere Irish. The verye like is also euer soe reported of Macswynes, Mackmahons and Mackshehaies of Mounster, howe they lykewise were auncyently English, and ould followers to the Earle of Desmond, untill the raigne of King Edward the fourth: at which tyme the Earle of Desmonde that then was, called Thomas, being thorough false subbornacon, as they say, of the Queene for some offence, by her against him conceyved, brought to his death at Tredagh most unjustly, notwithstanding that he was a very good and sounde subjecte to the kinge. Therupon all his kinsemen of the Geraldines, which then was a mighty family in Mounster, in reveng of that huge wronge, rose into armes against the kinge, and utterly renownced and forsware all obedience to the Crowne of England; to whom the sayd Mackswynes, Mackshehayes, and Mackmahons, ther servantes and followers, did the like, and have euer sithence so contynued. And with them, they say, all the people of Mounster went, and many other of them, which were mere English, thenceforth ioyned with the Irish against the King, and termed themselves very Irish, taking on them Irishe habites and customes, which would never since be cleane wyped awaye, but the Contagion thereof hath remayned still amongst ther posterityes. Of which sorte, they say, be most of the surnames which end in an, as Shinian, Mangan, &c. the which nowe account them selves naturall Irishe. Other great howses ther bee of the ould Englishe in Ireland, which thorough lycentious conversinge with the Irish, or marrying, or fostering with them, or lacke of meete nurture, or other such unhappy occasions, have degendred from ther auncyent dignityes, and are nowe growen as Irish as Ohanlans breach, (as the proverbe ther is,) of which sorte ther are two most pittifull exsamples above the rest: to witt the Lord Breningham, who being the most auncyent Barron in England, is nowe waxen the most salvage Irish, naming himselfe Irish like Noccorish: and the other the great Mortimer, who forgetting howe great he was once in England, or English at all, is now become the most barbarous of them all, and is now called Macnemarra; and [not] much better then he is the ould Lord Courrie, who having lewdly wasted all the land and signoryes that he had and aliened them unto the Irishe, is himselfe also now growne quite Irishe.

Eudoxus: In truth this which you tell is a most shamfull hearing, and to be reformed with most sharpe sensures in soe greate personages, to the terrour of the meaner: for wher the lords and cheife men wax so barbarous and bastard like, what shalbe hoped of the pesantes, and baser people? And hereby sure you have made a fayre waye unto your selfe to lay open the abuses of ther vile customes, which yee have now next to declare, the which, noe doubte, but are very bad and barbarous, being borowed from the Irishe, as there apparell, ther language, their riding, and many other the lyke.

Irenius: Yee cannot but thinke them sure to be very brute and uncyvill; for were they at the best that they weare of ould, when they were brought in, they should in soe long an alteracon of tyme seeme very strang and uncouth. For it is to be thought, that the use of all Englande, was in the raigne of Henry the seconde, when Ireland was first planted with Englishe, very rude and barberous, soe as yf the same should be nowe used in England by any, it would seme worthy of sharpe correction, and of newe lawes for reformacon; but it is but even the other day since England grewe cyvill: therfore in countyng the evill customes of the Englishe ther, I will [not] have regard whether the beginninge thereof were Englishe or Irish, but will have respect only to the inconvenyence thereof. And first I have to find faulte with the abuse of language, that is, for the speaking of Irishe amongst the English, which as it is unnaturall that any people should love another language more then ther owne, soe it is very inconvenient, and the cause of many other evills.

Eudoxus: It semeth strang to me that the English should take more delight to speake that language more then ther owne, whereas they should (me thinkes) rather take scorne to acquiante ther tonges therto: for it hath alwayes bene the use of the conqueror to dispose the language of the conquered, and to force him by all meanes to learne his. So did the Romains alwayes use, insomuch that ther is almost not a nacon in the world, but is sprinkled with their language. It were good therfore (me thinkes) to search out the originall course of this evill; for, the same beinge dicovered, a redresse thereof wilbe the more easily provided: for I thinke it were strange, that the English being soe many, and the Irish soe fewe, as they then were left, the fewer should drawe the more unto their use.

Irenius: I suppose that the chief cause of bringing in the Irish language, amongst them, was specially ther fostering, and marrijng with the Irish, which are twoe most dangerous infections; for first the child that sucketh the milke of the nurse, must of necessitie learne his first speach of her, the which being the first that is enured to his tongue, is after most plesing unto him, insomuch as though he afterwardes be taught English, yet the smacke of the first will alwayes abide with him; and not only of the speach, but of the manners and condicons. For besydes the yonge children bee like apes, which affect and Imitate what they have seene done before them, specially by their nourses whom they love soe well: moreover they drawe into themselves, together with their sucke, even the nature and disposition of ther norses: for the mind followeth much the temperature of the body; and alsoe the wordes are the image of the minde, soe as, the[y] proceeding from the minde, the mynd must be needes affected with the wordes. Soe that the speach being Irish, the hart must needes be Irishe; for out of the aboundance of the hart, the tonge speaketh. The next is the marryinge with the Irish, which how dangerous a thinge it is in all comonwelths appeareth to every symplest sence; and thoughe some greate ones have used such matches with ther vassales, and have of them neverthelesse raysed worthie yssue, as Telamon did with Tecmissa, Alexander the great with Roxane, and Julius Cesar with Cleopatre, yet the example is so perillous, as it is not to be ventured: for in stead of those fewe good, I could counte unto them infinite many evell. And indeed how can such matching but bring forth an evill race, seing that comonly the child taketh most of his nature of the mother, besydes speach, mannors, and inclynation, which are for the most part agreable to the condicons of ther mothers? for by them they are first framed and fashioned soe as [if] they receyve any thing from, they will hardly ever after forgoe. Therfore are theise twoe evill customes of fostering and maryinge with the Irishe most carefully to be restrayned; for of them twoe, the third, that is the evill custome of language which I spake of, cheifly proceedeth.

Eudoxus: But are ther not lawes alredye appointed, for avoyding of this evill?

Irenius: Yes, I thinke there be; but as good never a whit as never the better. For what doe statutes avayle without penaltyes, or lawes without charge of execution? for soe ther is another like lawe enackted against wearing of Irish apparell, but never the more it is observed by any, or executed by them that have the charge: for they in ther private discresions thinke it not fitt to be forced upon the pore wretches of that Countrye, which are not worth the price of English apparell, nor expediente to be practysed against the better sorte, by reason the the Country (say they) doe yeeld noe better: and were ther better to be had, yet theise were fitter to be used, as namely, the mantle in travelling, because ther be noe Innes wher meate or beding might be had, soe that his mantle serves him then for a bed: the lether quilted Jacke in jorninge and in Campinge, for that it is fittest to be under his shirte of maile, for any occasion of suddayne service, as ther happen many, and to cover his thine bretch on horsbacke. the great lynnen rowle which the women weare, to keepe ther heades warme after cutting their hayre, which they use in any sicknesse. Besydes ther thicke foulded lynnen shirtes, ther longe sleved smocke, ther halfe-sleved coates, ther silken fillottes, and all the rest, they will devise some colour for, eyther of necessity, or of antiquity, or of comlynesse.

Eudoxus: But what couler soever they alledge, me thinke it is not expedient, that the execution of a lawe once ordayned should be left to the discression of the officer, but that without partialitie or regard, yt should be fulfilled aswell on Englishe as Irishe.

Irenius: But they thincke this pricisenes in reformacon of apparell not to be soe materiall, or greatly pertinent.

Eudoxus: Yes surely but yt is; for mens apparell is comonly made accordinge to theire condicons, and theire condicons are oftentymes goverened by theire garmentes: for the person that is gowned is by his gowne put in minde of gravitie, and also restrayned from lightnes by the very aptnes of his weede. Therefore yt is wrytten by Aristotle, then when Cyrus had overcome the Lydeans that were a warlike nacon, [and] devised to bringe them to a more peacable life, he chaunged theire apparrell and musicke, and in steade of theire shorte warlike coate, clothed them in long garmentes like wyves, and in steade of theire warlike musicke, appointed to them certen lascyvious layes, and loos gigges, by which in shorte space theire mindes were [so] mollified and abated, that they forgot theire former feircenes, and became most tender and effeminate: whereby it appeareth, that there is not a little in the garment to the fashioninge of the mynde and condicons. But bee [all] these, which you have described, the fashions of the Irishe weedes?

Irenius: Noe: all these which I have rehearsed to you, bee not Irish garmentes, but Englishe; for the quilted leather Jacke is oulde Englishe; for yt was the proper weede of the horseman, as you may reade in Chaucer, where he describeth Sir Thopas apparrell and armor, when he went to fighte against the gyant, which shecklaton, is that kinde of gilden leather with which they use to Imbroder their Irishe Jackes. And there likewise by all that discripcon yee may see the very fashion and manner of the Irishe horseman most lively sett out, in his longe hose, his shoes of costlie cordwaine, his hacqueton, and his haberjon, with all the rest thereunto belonginge.

Eudoxus: I surely thought that that manner had bene kindly Irishe, for yt is farre differinge from that we have nowe; as also all the furniture of his horse, his stronge brasse bytt, his sliding raynes, his shanke pillyon without stirruppes, his manner of mountinge, his fashion of rydinge, his charginge of speare aloft above hande, [and] the forme of his speare.

Irenius: Noe sure; they bee native Englishe, and brought in by the Englishe men first into Ireland: nether is the same yet accounted an uncomelie manner of rydinge; for I have hearde some greate warryors say, that, in all these services which they had seene abroade in forraygne countreyes, they never sawe a more comelie horseman then the Irish man, nor that cometh on more bravely in the charge; nether is his manner of mountinge unsemely; though he lacke stirrops, but more readie then with styroppes; for in his gettinge up, his horse is still goinge, whereby he gayneth way. And therefore the styrrop was called soe in scorne, as yt were a stayre to gett up, beinge derived out of the oulde Englishe worde sty, which is, to mounte.

Eudoxus: It seemeth then that you finde no faulte with this manner of rydinge; whie then woulde you have the gilded jacke layed awaye?

Irenius: I would not have that laied away, but the abuse thereof to bee put awaye; for beinge used to the ende that it was framed, that is, to be worne in warre under a shirte of male, yt is allowable, as also the shirt of mayle, and all his other furniture: but to be worne daylie att home, as in Townes and civill places, yt is a rude habitt and most uncomelie, seeminge like a players painted coote.

Eudoxus: But yt is worne, they saye, likewise of Irishe footmen; howe doe you allowe of that? for I should thinke yt were unseemelye.

Irenius: Noe, not as yt is used in warre, for yt is then worne likewise of footmen under their shirts of mayle, the which footmen they call Galloglasses; the which name doth discover him to be allso auncyent Englishe, for Gallogla signifies an Englishe servitor or yeoman. And he being so armed, in a long shirte of mayle downe to the calfe of his legge, with a long broade axe in his hande, was then pedes gravis armaturæ, and was insteade of the armed footeman that nowe weareth a Corselett, before the corslett were used, or allmost invented.

Eudoxus: Then him belike you allowe in your streighte reformacon of oulde customes.

Irenius: Both him and the kearne allso (whome only I toke to bee the proper Irishe souldyer) cann I allowe, soe that they use that habite and cutome of theires in the warres onely, when they are ledd forth to the service of their Prince, and not usuall[y] at home, and in civill places, and besides doe laye aside the evill wylde uses which the galloglasses and kerne doe use in theire evill trade of lief.

Eudoxus: What be those?

Irenius: Marry, these be the most loathlie and barbarous condicons of any people, I thincke, under heaven; for, from the tyme that they enter into that coorse, they doe use all the beastlie behavior that may bee to oppresse all men: they spoile aswell the subjecte as the enemye; they steale, they are cruell and bloodye, full of revenge, and delighte in deadly execucon, licensious, swearers, and blasphemers, comon ravishers of weomen, and murtherers of children.

Eudoxus: Those bee most villanous condicons; I mervayle then that ever they bee used or imployed, or allmost suffered to lyve: what good cann there bee then in them?

Irenius: Yet sure they are very valiaunt, and hardye, for the most parte greate endurors of colde, labor, hunger, and all hardnes, very actyve and stronge of hande, verye swyfte of foote, very vigillant and circumspecte in their enterprises, very present in perills, very greate scorners of death.

Eudoxus: Truelie, by this that yee saye, yt seemes the Irishman is a very brave souldier.

Irenius: Yea truelie, eaven in that rude kinde of service hee beareth himselfe very couragiouslie. But where he cometh to experience of service abroade, or is putt to a peece, or a pyke, he maketh as worthie a souldier as any nacon he meeteth with. But lett us I pray you turne againe to our discourse of evill customes amongest the Irishe.

Eudoxus: Me seemes, all this which you speake of, concerneth the Customes amongest the Irishe very materially; for theire uses in warre are of noe smale importance to be considered, aswell to reforme those which are evill, as to confirme and contynew those which are good. But followe you your owne coorse, and shewe what other theire Customes you have to dislike of.

Irenius: There is amongest the Irishe, a certen kinde of people called the bardes, which are to them insteade of Poetts, whose profession is to sett forth the prayses and disprayese of men in theire Poems or rymes; the which are had in soe high regarde and estimacon amongest them, that none dare displease them for feare to runne into reproach through theire offence, and to be made infamous in the mouthes of all men. For theire verses are taken up with a generall applause, and usuallye sonnge att all feaste meetings, by certen other persons whose proper function that is, which also receave for this same, great rewardes, and reputacon besides.

Eudoxus: Doe you blame this in them, which I would otherwise have thought to have ben worthie of good accompte, and rather to have ben mayntayned and augmented amongest them, then to have ben disliked? for I have reade that in all ages Poetts have bene had in specyall reputacon, and that me seemes not without greate cause; for besides theire sweete invencons, and most wyttie layes, they are alwayes used to sett forth the praises of the good and vertuous, and to beate downe and disgrace the bad and vicyous. Soe that many brave younge mindes have oftentymes, through the hearinge the prayses and famous Eulogies of worthie men songe and reported unto them, benn stirred up to affecte the like commendacons, and soe to stryve unto the like desertes. Soe they say that the Lacedemonians were more enclyned to desire of honor with the excellent verses of the Poett Tyrteus, then with all the exhortacons of theire Captaines, or authorities of theire rulers and Magistrates.

Irenius: It is most true that such Poettes, as in theire wrytinge doe labor to better the Manners of men, and through the sweete bayte of theire nombers, to steale into the younge spirittes a desire of honor and vertue, are worthy to be had in greate respecte. But these Irish bardes are for the most parte of another mynde, and soe far from instructinge younge men in Morrall discipline, that they themselves doe more deserve to be sharplie decyplined; for they seldome use to chuse unto themselves the doinges of good men, for the ornamentes of theire poems, but whomesoever they finde to bee most lycentious of lief, most bolde and lawles in his doinges, most daungerous and desperate in all partes of disobedience and rebellious disposicon, him they sett up and glorifie in their rymes, him they prayse to the people, and to younge men make an example to followe.

Eudoxus: I mervayle what kinde of speaches they cann finde, or what face they cann put on, to prayse such lewde persons as lyve so lawleslie and licensiouslie upon stealthes and spoiles, as most of them doe; or howe can they thincke that any good mynde will applaude the same?

Irenius: There is none soe bad, Eudoxus, but that shall finde some to fauor his doinges; but such licentious partes as these, tendinge for the most parte to the hurte of the English, or mayntenance of theire owne lewd libertye, they themselves, beinge most desirous therto, doe most allowe. Besides these evill thinges beinge deckt and suborned with the gay attyre of goodlie wordes, may easilie deceave and carry awaye the affeccon of a younge mynde, that is not well stayed, but desirous by some bolde adventure to make profe of himselfe; for beinge (as they all bee) brought up idlelie, without awe of parents, without precepts of masters, without feare of offence, not beinge directed, nor imployed in anye coorse of lief, which may carry them to vertue, will easilie be drawen to followe such as any shall sett before them: for a younge mynde cannot but rest; yf he bee not still busied in some goodnes, he will finde himselfe such busines as shall soone busye all about him. In which yf he shall finde any to prayse him, and to geve hym encorragement, as those Bardes and rymers doe for little rewarde, or a share of a stollen cowe, then waxeth he moste insolent and halfe mad with the love of himselfe, and his owne lewde deedes. And as for wordes to sett forth such lewdenes, yt is not hard for them to geve a goodlie glose and paynted showe thereunto, borrowed even from the prayses which are proper unto vertue yt selfe. As of a most notorius theife and wicked outlawe, which had lyved all his tyme of spoiles and robberies, one of theire Bardes in his praise findes, That he was none of those idle mylkesoppes that was brought up by the fyer side, but that most of his dayes he spent in armes and valiant enterprises; that he never did eate his meate before he had wonne yt with his sworde; that he laye not slugginge all night in a cabben under his mantle, but used commonly to kepe others wakinge to defend theire lyves, and did light his Candle at the flame of their howses to leade him in the darknes; that the day was his night, and the night his daye; that he loved not to lye woinge of wenches to yealde to him, but where he came he toke by force the spoile of other mens love, and left but lamentacon to theire lovers; that his musicke was not the harpe, nor layes of love, but the Cryes of people, and clashinge of armor, and that fynally, he died not wayled of manye, but [made] many wayle when he died, that dearlye bought his death. Doe you not thinke, Eudoxus, that many of these prayses might be applied to men of best desert? yet are they all yeilded to moste notable traytors, and amongest some of the Irish not smallye accompted of. For the same, when yt was first made and soung vnto a person of high degree, they were bought as their manner is, for fortie crownes.

Eudoxus: And well worth sure. But tell me I pray you, have they any arte in their composicons? or bee they any thinge wyttye or well favored, as poems shoulde bee?

Irenius: Yea truly; I haue caused diuers of them to be translated unto me that I might understande them; and surelye they savored of sweete witt and good invencon, but skilled not of the goodly ornamentes of Poetrie: yet were they sprinckled with some prettye flowers of theire owne naturall devise, which gave good grace and comlines unto them, the which yt is greate pittye to see soe good an ornament abused, to the gracinge of wickednes and vice, which woulde with good usage serve to bewtifie and adorne vertue. This evill custome therefore needeth reformacon. And nowe next after the Irishe Kerne, me seemes the Irish Horse boyes woulde come well in order, the use of which though necessarye (as tymes nowe bee) doe enforce, yet in the reformacon of that Realme they shoulde be cutt of. For the cause whie they must bee nowe permitted is the wante of convenient innes for lodginge of travellers on horsebacke, and of Ostelers to tende theire horses by the waye. But when thinges shalbe reduced to a better passe, this needeth specially to be reformed; for out of the frye of these rakehelly horseboyes, growinge up in knavery and villany, are theire kerne contynewally supplied and mayntayned. For hauinge benn once brought up an idle horseboye, he will never after falle to labor, but is only made fitt for the halter. And these allso (the which is one fowle over-sight) are for the most parte bred up amongest Englishmen , and Souldyers, of whome learninge to shoote a peece, and beinge made acquainted with all the trades of the Englishe, they are afterwardes, when they become kerne, made more fytt to cutt theire throates. Next to this there is another much like, but much more lewde and dishonest; and that is, of theire Carrowes, which is a kinde of people that wander up and downe gentlemens howses, lyvinge only upon Cardes and dyce, the which, though they have little or nothinge of theire owne, yet will they playe for much moneye, which if they wynne, they waste most lightlie, and yf they loose, they paye as slenderlye, but make recompence with one stealth or another, whose only hurte is not, that they themselves are Idle Losselles, but that through gayminge they drawe others to like lewdnes and idlenes. And to these maye bee added another sorte of like loose fellowes, which doe passe up and downe amongest gentlemen by the name of Jesters, but are in deede notable Roges, and partakers not only of many stealthes by settinge forth other mens goodes to bee stollen, but allso pryvie to many trayterous practizes, and common Carryers of newes, with desier whereof you woulde wonder howe muche the Irishe are fedd: for they use commonly to sende up and downe to knowe news, and yf any meete another, his second worde is, What newes? In soe much that hereof is toulde a pretty jest of a Frenchman, whoe havinge bene sometyme in Ireland, where he maked theire greate enquirye for newes, and meetinge afterwardes in Fraunce an Irishman whome he knewe in Ireland, first saluted him, and afterwardes thus merelye: Sir, I praye you (quoth he) tell me of curtesie, have you hearde yet any thinge of the newes that ye so much enquired for in your Countrye?

Eudoxus: This argueth sure in them a greate desier of innovacon, and therefore these occasions which norishe the same are to be taken awaye, as namelie, these Jesters, Carrowes, Mora-shite, and all such straglers, for whom me seemes the shorte riddance of a Marshall were meeter then any ordinance or prohibicon to restrayne them. Therefore, I praye you, leave all this brablement of such loose Runnagates, and passe to some other Customes.

Irenius: There is a greate use amonge the Irishe, to make greate assemblies togeather upon a Rath or hill, there to parlie (as they saye) about matters and wronges betwene Towneship and Towneship, or one private person and another. But well I wott, that knowe, yt hath bene oftentymes approved, that in these meetinges many mischiefes have benn both practized and wrought: for to them doe commonly resorte all the scumme of loose people, where they may freelie meete and conferre of what they list, which ells theye could not doe without suspicon or knowledge of others. Besides, at these parlies I have divers tymes knowen that many Englishmen, and other good Irishe subjectes, have benn villanouslie murdered, by movinge one quarrell or another amongest them. For the Irishe never come to those Rathes but armed, whether on horsebacke or on foote, which the English nothinge suspectinge, are then commonly taken at advantagge like sheepe in the pynfolde.

Eudoxus: It may bee Irenius that abuse maye bee in these meetings. But these rounde hilles and square bawnes, which you see soe stronglie trenched and throwen upp, were (they saye) at first ordayned for the same purpose, that people mighte assemble themselves thereon; and therefore auncientlye they were called Folkmotes, that is, a place for people to meete or talke of any thinge that concerned any difference betweene parties and Towneshipes, which seemeth yet to me very requisite.