[… decolonisation is always a violent phenomenon […] decolonisation is quite simply the replacing of a certain species of men by another species of men. Without any period of transition there is a total, complete and absolute substitution. […] The extraordinary importance of this change is that it is willed, called for, demanded. The need for this change exists in its crude state, impetuous and compelling, in the consciousness and in the lives of the men and women who are colonised. But the possibility of this change is equally experienced in the form of a terrifying future in the consciousness of another species of men and women: the colonisers. (p.27.)
The settler and the native are old acquaintances. In fact, the settler is right when he speaks of knowing them well. For it is the settler who has brought the native into existence and who perpetuates his existence. The settler owes the fact of his very existence, that is to say his property, to the colonial system. (p.28.)
Decolonisation is the veritable creation of new men. But this creation owes nothing of its legitimacy to any supernatural power; the thing which has been colonised becomes man during the same process by which it frees itself. (p.28.)
The naked truth of decolonisation evokes for us the searing bullets and bloodstained knives which emanate from it. If the last shall be first, this will only come to pass after a murderous and decisive struggle between the two protagonists. (p.28.)
The colonial world is divided into compartments .... its ordering and its geographical lay-out will allow us to mark out the lines on which a decolonised society will be reorganised. (p.29.)
In the capitalist countries a multitude of moral teachers, counsellors and bewilderers separate the exploited from those in power. In the colonial countries, on the contrary, the policeman and the soldier, by their immediate presence adn their frequent and direct action maintain contact with native and advice him by means of rifle-butts and napalm not to budge. It is obvious here that the agents of government speak the languge of pure force. (p.29.)
[pied noir:] The settlers feet are never visible, except perhaps at the sea, but youre never close enough to see them. his feet are protected by strong shoes although the streets of his town are clearn and even, with no holes and stones. (p.30.)
The colonised man is an envious man. [...] for there is no native who does not dream at least once a day of setting himself up in the settlers place (p.30.)
In the colonies the economic superstructure is also a substructure. The cause is the consequence; you are rich because you are white, you are white because you are rich. (p.31.)
The governing race is first and foremost those who come from elsewhere, those who are unlike the original inhabitants, the others. (p.31.)
The violence which has ruled over the ordering of the colonial world ... will be claimed and taken over by the native at the moment when, deciding to embody history in his own person, he surges into the forbidden quarters. To wreck the colonial world is henceforth a mental picture of action which is very clear, every easy to understand ... The destruction of the colonial zone is no less than the abolition of one zone, its burial in the depths of the earth or its expulsion from the country. (p.31.)
The natives challenge to the colonial world is not a rational confrontation of points of view […] not a treatise on the universal […] The colonial world is a Manichean world. […]
At times this Manicheanism goes to the logical conclusion and dehumanises the native, or to speak plainly it turns him into an animal. In fact, the terms the settler uses when he mentions the native are zoological terms. (p.32-33.)
[E]very time Western values are mentioned they produce in the native a sort of stiffening or muscular lock-jaw. During the period of decolonisation, the natives reason is appealed to. He is offered definite values, he is told frequently that decolonisation need not mean regress ... But it so happens that whenthe native hears a speech about Western culture he pulls out his knife - or at least he makes sure it is within reach. (p.33.)
In the period of decolonisation, the colonised masses mock at these very values, insult them and vomit them up. (p.34.)
The colonialist bourgeoisie, when it realises that it is impossible for it to maintain its domination over the colonial countries, decides to carry out a rear-guard action with regard to culture, values, techniques and so on. [...] the immense majority of colonised people is oblivious to these problems. For a colonised people the most essential value, because the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity. But this dignity is nothing without the dignity of the human individual […] the well known principles that all men are equal will be illustrated in the colonies from the moment that the native claims he is the equal of the settler. In fact, he has already decided to eject him and to take his place […] (p.34.)
Thus the native discovers that his life, his breath, his beating heart are the same as those of the settler. [...] For if, in fact, my life is worth as much as the settlers, his glance no longer shrivels me up nor freezes me, and his voice no longer turns me into stone. I am no longer on tenterhooks in his presence; in fact, I dont give a damn for him. [..] I am soon preparing [...] efficient ambushes for him [...] (p.35.)
Decolonisation unifies that people by the radical decision to remove from it its heterogeneity, and by unifying it on a national, sometimes racial basis. (p.35.)
[Remarks on Senghor: ... now Africanising the Europeans 35]
Individualism is the first to disappear. … where each person shuts himself up in his own subjectivity … Now the native who has the opportunity to return to the people during the struggle for freedom will discover the falseness of this theory. [...] The native intellectual takes part, in a sort of auto-da-fé, in the destruct of all his idols: egoism, recrimination that springs from pride, and the childish stupidity of those who always want to have the last word. (pp.36-37.)
Self-criticism [37] period of austerity [38]
The native intellectual … once he begins to militate among the people he is struck with wonder and amazement; he is literally disarmed by their good faith and honesty. … Not the fellah, the unemployed man, the starving native do not lay a claim to the truth; they do not say that they represent the truth, for they are the truth. (p.38.)
[The intellectual:] if a local defeat is inflicted, he may well be drawn into doubt, and from thence to despaire. The people, on the other hand, take their stand from the start on the broad and inclusive positions of Bread and land [...] (p.39.)
Truth is that which hurries on the break-up of the colonial regime; it is that which promotes the emergence of the nation; it is all that protects the natives, and ruins the foreigners. In this colonial context there is no truthful behaviour: and the good is quite simply that which is evil for them
Thus we see that the primary Manicheaism which governed colonial society is preserved intact during the period of decolonisation; that is to say that the settler never ceases to be the enemy ... that must be overthrown. (p.39.)
The settler makes history and is conscious of making it. And because he constantly refers to the history of his mother country, he clearly indicates that he himself is the extension of that mother country. Thus the history which he writes is not the history of the country which he plunders but the history of his own nation in regard to all that she skims off, all that she violates and starves. (p.40.)
The colonised man will first manifest this aggressiveness which has been deposited in his bones against his own people. (p.40.)
The dreams of the native are always of muscular prowess [40] The natives muscles are always tensed ... ready at a moments notice to exchange the role of the quarry for that of the hunter. [... The] impulse to take the settlers place implies a tonicity of muscles the whole time [...] (p.41.)
The nativess muscular tension finds outlet regularly in bloodthirsty explosions - in tribal warfare, in feuds between septs and in quarrels between individuals ... a suicidal behaviour which proves to the settler that these men are not reasonable human beings. In the same ay the native manages to by-pass the settler. A belief in fatality removes all blame from the oppressor; the cause of misfortunes and of poverty is attributed to God; He is Fate. (p.42.)
One of the characteristics of underdeveloped societies is in fact that the libido is first and foremost the concern of a group, or a family. (p.43.)
The atmosphere of myth and magic frightens me and so takes on an undoubted reality. By terrifying me, it integrates me into the traditions and the history of my district or of my tribe, and at the same time it reassures me, it gives me status, as it were an identification paper. In underdeveloped countries the occult sphere is a sphere belonging to the community which is entirely under magical jurisdiction. [...] Believe me, the zombies are more terrifying than the settlers; and in consequence the problem is no longer that of keeping oneself right with the colonial world and its barbed-wire entanglements, but of considering three times before urinating, spitting or going out into the night.
The supernatural, magical powers reveal themselves as essentially personal; the settlers powers are infinitely shrunken, stamped with their alien origin. We no longer really need to fight against them since what counts is the frightening enemy created by myths. We perceive that all is settled by confrontation on the phantasmic plain. (p.43.)
In the colonial world, the emotional sensitivity of the native is kept on the surface of his skin like an open sore which flinches from the caustic agent; and the psyche shrinks back, obliterates itself and find outlet in muscular demonstrations whcih have caused certain very wise men to say that the native is a hysterical type [...] (p.44.)
One step further and you are completely possessed. In fact, these are actually organised séances of possession and exorcism; they include vampirism, possession by djinns, by zombies, and by Legba, the famous god of the Voodoo. This disintegrating of the personality, this splitting and dissolution, all this fulfils a primordial function in the organism of the colonial world [...] During the struggle for freedom a marked alientation from these practices is observed. [...] After centuries of unreality, after having wallowed in the most outlandish phantoms, at long last the native, gun in hand, stands face to face with the only forces which contend for his life - the forces of colonialism. (p.45.)
The national political parties never lay stress on the necessity of a trial of armed strength, for the good reason that their objective is not the radical overthrowing of the system. (p.46.)
[W]hen can one affirm that the situationis ripe for a movement of national liberation? [...] What are the forces which in the colonial period open up new outlets and engender new aims for the violence of the colonised peoples? (p.46.)
[Account of the nationalist parties:] The national political parties never lay stress upon the necessity of a trial of strength, for the good reason that their objective is not the radical overthrowing of the system [...] to the colonialist bourgeoisie they put bluntly enough the demand which to them is the main one: Give us more power. on the specific question of violence, the élite are ambiguous.
This characteristic on the part of the nationalist political [46] partiers should be interpreted in the light both of the make-up of their leadres and the nature of their followings. (p.46.)
Thus there is very easily brought into being a kind of class of affranchised slaves, or slaves who are individually free. [...] On the other hand, the mass of the people have no intention of standing by and watching individuals increase their chances of success. What they demand is not the settlers position or status, but the settlers place. (p.47.)
The peasantry is systematically disregarded for the most part by the propaganda put out by the nationalist parties. It is clear that in colonial countries the peasantry alone are revolutionary, for they have nothing to lose and everything to gain. [...] For him there is no compromise, no possible coming to terms; colonisation and decolonisation are simply a question of relative strength. (p.47.)
At this decisive moment, the colonialist bourgeoisie, which up till then has remained inactive, comes into the field. It introduces the new idea which is in proper parlance the creation of the colonial situation: non-violence. In its simplest form this non-violence signifies to the intellectual and the economic élite of the colonised country that the bourgeoisie has the same interests as them and that it is therefore urgent and indispensable to come to terms for the public good. (p.48.)
[Fanon evokes the idea that the cycle of exploitation has given way to the cycle of economic exploitation when the colonies have become a market and that the mother country will not destroy a market for its manufactured goods, ergo it will not massacre the population (50ff.)]
the monopolistic group within this bourgeoisie does not support a governemtn whose policy is solely that of the sword. What the factory-owners and finance magnates of the mother country expect from their government is not that it should decimate the colonial peoples, but that it should safeguard with the help of economic conventions their own legitimate interests. (p.51.)
The military will of course go on playing with tin soldiers which date from the time of the conquest, but higher finance will soon bring the truth home to them.
This is why reasonable nationalist political parties are asked to set out their claims as clearly as possible, and to seek with their colonialists opposite numbers, calmly and without passion, for a solution which will take the interests of both parties into consideration. (p.52.)
The colonialist bourgeoisie is helped in its task of calming down the natives by the inevitable religion. All those saints how have turned the other cheek [...] are held up as examples. [...; 52] At this moment, as if there existed a dialectical concomitance, the colonialist police will fall upon them [...] Then it is that they will realise bewilderedly that the peasant masses catch on to what they have to say immediately, and without delay ask them the question to whcih they have not yet prepared an answer: When do we start? (p.52.)
[I]t is the intuition of the colonised masses that their liberation must, and can only, be achieved by force. […] How can they hope to triumph? [57; …] The truth is that there is no colonial power today which is capable of adopting the only form of contest which has a chance of succeeding, namely, the prolonged establishment of large forces of occupation. (p.58.)
Cold War (59ff.) competing blocs; the Third World is not cut off from the rest. Quite on the contrary, it is at the middle of the whirlpool. (p.60.)
Castro [52] Kennedy [60] Mr Khrushevs shoe [61]
The Americans take their role of patrons of international capitalism very seriously [62]
The native and the underdeveloped man are today political animals in the most universal sense of the word. [64]
The appearance of the settler has meant in terms of syncretism the death of the aboriginal society, cultural lethargy, and the petrification of individuals. For the native, life can only spring up again out of the rotting corpse of the settler. This, then is the correspondence, term by term, between the two trains of reasoning. (p.73.)
At the level of the individuals, violence is a cleansing force. It frees the natives from his inferiority complex and form his despair and inaction; it makes him fearless and restores his self-respect. (p.74.)
The geography of hunger [...] the European nations sprawl [...] ostentatiously opulent. [...] This European opulence is literally scandalous, for it has been founded on slavery, it has been nourished with the blood of slaves and it comes directly from the soil and from the subsoil of the underdeveloped world. The well-being and progress of Europe have been built up with the sweat and the dead bodies of Negroes, Arabs, Indians and the yellow races. We have decided not to overlook this any longer. (p.76.)
If conditions of work are not modified, centuries will be needed to humanise this world which has been forced down to animal level by imperial powers. (p.79.)
Not long ago Nazism transformed the whole of Europe into a veritable colony. The governments of various European nations called for reparations and demanded the restitution in kind and money of the wealth which had been stolen from them. […] We are not blinded by the moral reparation of national independence; nor are we fed by it. The wealth of the imperial countries is our wealth too. (p.81.)