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MEMOIRS

OF THE DIFFERENT

REBELLIONS IN IRELAND.

FROM THE

ARRIVAL OF THE ENGLISH:

WITH A

PARTICULAR DETAIL OF THAT WHICH BROKE OUT THE XXIII D OF MAY, MDCCXCVIII;

THE

HISTORY OR THE CONSPIRACY WHICH PRECEDED IT

AND THE

CHARACTERS OF THE PRINCIPAL ACTORS IN IT.

COMPILED FROM

ORIGINAL AFFIDAVITS AND OTHER AUTHENTIC DOCUMENTS;

AND

ILLUSTRATED WITH MAPS AND PLATES.

By Sir RICHARD MUSGRAVE, Bart.

MEMBER IN THE LATE IRISH PARLIAMENT.

The danger of the day’s but newly gone,
Whose memory is written on the earth
With yet-appearing blood! Shakespeare.

Hoc illud eû precipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in illustri posita monumento, intæri, inde tibi, tuæque republicæ, quod imitere capias; inde foedum inceptu, fœdum exitu, quod vites. —Livy.

DUBLIN

FOR JOHN MILLIKEN, 32, GRAFTON-STREET,

AND

JOHN STOCKDALE, PICCADILLY, LONDON.

1801

IRELAND.

[frontispiece: port of General Lake; facing t.p.]

[Dedication:]

TO HIS EXCELLENCY

CHARLES, MARQUIS CORNWALLIS,

LORD LIEUTENANT GENERAL, AND GENERAL GOVERNOR OF IRELAND.

MY LORD,

From a fenfe of duty, and zeal for the publick welfare, I undertook to write the following pages, which I have the honour, with your Excellency’s permillion, of dedicating to you.

Hiftory, which is a mirror of paft times, is the beft guide to the ftatefman; and Livy tells us, that he wrote his, that the republick might learn leffons of wifdom and prudence from it, by avoiding fuch meafures as had proved fatal, and by embracing fuch as had been found falutary for its intereft.

It is much to be lamented that Ireland has been difgraced, and that her improvement in morals and induftry has been retarded for near three centuries by civil diffenfions; and from their frequent recurrence, and as they have been uniformly directed to one object, “a feparation from England,” we may fairly conclude, that the predifpofing caufes to them muft be inveterate, and that the feeds of combuftion muft be deeply and extenfively laid.

As Ireland is now become an integral part of the empire, it is to be hoped that the Imperial Government will apply more effectual remedies than have been hitherto adopted, to

vi DEDICATION.

remove the caufes of her rebellions, her crimes and difgraces; but it would be as imprudent to undertake that talk, without having a perfect knowledge of them, as for a phyfician to adminifter medicine to a patient, without having inveftigated the fymptoms and diagnortics of his difeafe. I confider it then as an important, nay as a facred duty, to lay before the people of England the origin and progrefs of the late confpiracy and rebellion; for I have good reafon for faying, that the majority of them are as ignorant of the real ftate of Ireland, as they are of Kamfkatka or Madagafcar; which has arifen from the following caufes: An angry oppofition in parliament has conftantly imputed the difturbances and infurrections in Ireland to a wrong fource, and have feverely and unjuftly arraigned the wifeft meafures of government for their fuppreffion. Thus truth has been perverted through the medium of faction, as the rays of light refraded through the prifm, prefent various falfe lights and colours: Englifhmen, who vifited Ireland for a few days or weeks, have imbibed the prejudices of factious and defigning men, with whom they fortuitoufly afsociated, as we are told the camection affimilates to the colour of whatever body he approaches; and fuch men have taken upon them to write on the religious, moral and political state of Ireland:* The Jacobins both in England and Ireland, in order to feed the flame of rebellion, have inlmuated both orally and through the prefs, that the rebellion arofe from the oppreffion of the Roman catholicks; an affertion as falfe as it is iniquitous!

* Mr. George Cooper ftands confpicuous among thefe; for he has written a book printed by J. Davis, in Chancery-lane, London, in which he has fhewn a radical ignorance of the affairs of Ireland, and gives a grofs and flagrant mifreprefentation of them and another Jacobin pamphlet, “On the ftate of affairs in the year 1799” abounds with grofs falfehoods and miftatements on the fame subject

DEDICATION. vii

They enjoy as much civil liberty as any other portion of his majefty’s fubjects, and their lives, liberties and properties are protected by the fame laws; and as a proof of it, behold, of the popifh perfuafion, the number of wealthy merchants, manufacturers and mechanicks in Dublin, Cork, Waterford and Limerick, the farmers in the counties of Meath, Weftmeath, Tipperary, Limerick, and in many other parts of the kingdom, who have made large fortunes within a few years I Is not the Roman catholick labourer as much protected by the law as the proteftant; and does not the former experience as much humanity and kindnefs from his employer as the latter Nay, I will venture to affert, that the lower clafs of Roman catholicks would prefer proteftant landlords and matters to perfons of their own perfuafion, from their well-known mildnefs and beneficence.* While the penal laws exifted, they were not enforced by the proteftants, but remained a dead letter in the ftatute-book.

Such caufes of mifconception and error have operated fo ftrongly and fo generally in England, that many of the Englifh nobility and gentry, in their fpeeches on the Union, difplayed a total ignorance of the real caufes of the prefent ftate of Ireland; an ignorance which has long proved fatal to its peace and profperity If I am anxious alfo, that our gracious Sovereign, whofe firft object is the happinefs of his fubjects, fhould know the real ftate of it.

Every perfon who perufes thefe Memoirs muft perceive, that by uniting the two kingdoms, your Excellency has laid a folid foundation for the future profperity of Ireland, by extinguifhing the feeds of diffenfion, and by filencing the voice of faction.

* See James Beaghan’s confeffion in the Appendix, page 100.

† This was very much occafioned by the miftaken zeal and the unabated exertions of Mr. Edmund Burke.

viii]

By your nice fenfe of honour and juftice, and thofe exalted virtues which you fo eminently poftefs, you reftored Britifh honour and good faith in the Eaft, where they had been long tarnifhed; and by your valour and military fkill, you fubdued Tippo Saib, as terrific to England, as Mithridates was to Rome; and it is univerfally allowed, that he could not have been overthrown, but for the brilliant victories which you obtained over him; by which you circumfcribed his dominions, and diminifhed his refources. It is certain then, that your Excellency is fully entitled to the greateft fhare of the laurels which were obtained by his final downfal.

Thus the fplendid and important victories of Quintus Flaminius, the Roman conful, rendered Macedon an eafy conqueft for Paulus Æmilius; and the trophies won at Zama by the renowned Scipio Africanus, facilitated the deftruction of Carthage for Scipio Æimilianus. But however great the advantages which you have procured for the empire by your conquefts in the Eaft, they are far inferior to thofe which will arife to it from the union of the two kingdoms; an union that will ftifle the fermentation of avarice and ambition, which operated fo ftrongly in parliament, that it appeared like a volcano, whofe annual eruptions kindled a flame in every part of the kingdom, deftructive of peace, of morals, and of induftry. Every factious incendiary lighted his flambeau of difcord at it, and fcattered combuftion through the land.

Her parliament was an engine, by which factious zeal united with fanaticifm, hoped to obtain a political afcendancy, for the purpofe of fubverting the conftitution, and of ereding a republick on its ruins. The venal orator of the day, affuming the mafk of patriotifm, and the garb of philanthropy, deluded and agitated the giddy multitude, though his eloquence might be

[ix

as little regarded as that of a mountebank, who, when he promifes the people health and longevity, diffeminates poifon amongft them.

What thefe political empirics fo long contended for, your Excellency has virtually given them, by an Union; “a reform of parliament,” in an affimilation of the Irifh conftitution to that of England, and an “equal participation of her commercial advantages.” Volvenda dies en! attulit ultro.” And this great and important event has been accomplifhed without any difturbance or commotion; though many ominous predictions were made, that even an attempt to bring it about would produce a civil war, and occafion much bloodshed.

For this we are indebted to your Excellency’s mildnefs, humanity, and benevolence, by which you fubdued and pacified the Irifh nation (in a ftate of civil war when you arrived amongft them) more than by your fword. By your goodnefs and clemency, you faved thoufands of deluded wretches, who would have fallen a prey to the vengeance of the law; and it is to be hoped that you have awakened contrition, and a fenfe of duty in them, and have reclaimed them from their errors.

How much more laudable in the eyes of God and man, than to draw the fword of extermination, and to fend them, “with all their imperfections on their head,” before that awful tribunal, where the beft of men, from the frailty of their nature, muft ultimately hope for mercy! Like Caefar, you fhewed them, that humanity is infeparable from true valour.

We are told in holy writ, that God made man after his own image; and in no quality can he fo nearly approach the divine nature, as in the exercife of mercy.

x]

“No ceremony that to the great belongs,
Not the king’s crown, nor the deputed fword,
The marfhal’s truncheon, nor the judge’s robe,
Become them with one half fo good a grace,
As mercy does.” —Shakspeare.

The Irifh nation are indebted to your Excellency for another moft important fervice; that of having put the kingdom in a better ftate of defence than it has been fince its connection with England: And it never fhould be forgotten by them, that when the French landed, in the year 1798, your Excellency, defpifing the board of luxury, and the down of indolence, took the field at the head of the army, and refolved to endure the fatigues of the campaign in their defence; though, from your length of fervice, and a long life dedicated to your country, you had been entitled to repofe.

That your Excellency may long continue to enjoy the favour of your Sovereign, the efteem of all good men, and the gratitude of the Irifh nation, is the fincere wifh of him who has the honour to be, with the moft profound refpect.

Dublin, March 1, 1801.

Your Excellency’s
Moft obedient humble fervant,
RICHARD MUSGRAVE.

CONTENTS.

Notice to the reader and bookbinder, relative to the plates, maps, and appendixes.

Plate I. A map of Ireland in the beginning of the work.

— II. A map of the north part of the county of Wexford is to face page 319.

— III. A map of the fouth part of Wexford to face page 321.

— IV. Ground plan of Ennifcorthy and Vinegar-hill, ferving to illuftrate the attack on the former, the twenty-eighth of May, and the retaking of it the twenty-firft of June, 1798, to face page 347.

— V. Elevation of it to face page 477.

— VI. Ground plan of Wexford to face page 381.

— VII. A ground plan of Rofs, and a map of the adjacent country, is to face page 407.

— VIII. Plan of the town and battle of Arklow is to face page 437.

— IX. Ground plan of the town of Antrim, to illuftrate the action that took place there, to face page 546.

— X. A map to fhew the movements of the army of the marquis Cornwallis, and general Lake, to face page 559.

There is annexed to every map, a lateral index, at each fide of it, divided into inches, and indicated by numbers from the top to the bottom of the page, which will facilitate the finding any particular place, by fhewing its latitude Thus, Wexford will be found in Plate III. No. 6. but when a place lies between two numbers, it will be fo ftated. Thus Gorey is in Plate II. 4, 5.

The general number of the appendixes is expreffed by Roman characters, with, fubordinate ones marked by figures.

A Map of Ireland to Elucidate the Irish Rebellion of 1798
[box “List of Counties”; all facing p.1]

MEMOIRS

OF THE

DIFFERENT REBELLIONS IN IRELAND, &c.

————

INTRODUCTORY DISCOURSE.

The antiquaries of the laft century contended, that the Chriftian religion was introduced into Ireland by Roman miffonaries, in the beginning of the fifth century; but a learned writer clearly proves, that it was eftablifhed there at a much earlier period, and by miffionaries of the Greek church.

It is moft certain, that the Irifh clergy had no connection with, and did not fubmit to, the jurifdiction of the Roman pontiff, till the year 1152, when pope Eugenius fent, by cardinal Paparon, four palls to the archbifhops of Armagh, Dublin, Cafhel, and Tuam, when the Romifh ritual was fubftituted in the place of the Greek, which was previoufly ufed in the Irifh church; an undoubted proof that it was perfectly independent of the pope till that period.

* Ledwich’s Antiquities of Ireland, page 358, et feq.

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Our excellent primate Ufher proves this in a moft unquestionable manner, in a learned treatife on the religion of the antient Irifh, well worth the perufal of the natives of Ireland. Archbifhop* Anfelm, in his letters to Muriardach an Irifh king, complained that bifhops were confecrated by bifhops alone, and often by one bifhop only, contrary to a canon of the Nicene council, which required two bifhops, at leaft, to attend the confecration of one; but the Irifh clergy were totally ignorant of the councils of the church, and derived their knowledge of Chriftianity, for near eight hundred years, from no other fource but the bible, the grand charter of Chriftians. Athanafius allowed the confecration of Siderius, bifhop of Palœbifca; and the church of Alexandria that of Evagrius, though performed but by one h. As to celibacy, we know, from W are, that the four archbifhops of Armagh who preceded Celfus, and Celfus himfelf, who died 1129, were married; and, not until popery was eftablifhed at Cafhel in 1172, was marriage interdicted.

In the end of the twelfth and the beginning of the thirteenth century, a feafon of midnight ignorance in Europe, the Roman pontiff, who was regarded with fuperftitious reverence, claimed and gradually acquired a fuperiority, not only of fpiritual, but of temporal power, over all the potentates of Europe, who confidered his fanftion as neceffary to expiate the guilt of any crime, how heinous foever, or to promote the fuccefs of any adventure.

For this reafon, Henry II. folicited pope Adrian for a bull to give him. the inveftiture of Ireland; and, in confideration of it, agreed to grant him a tax of one penny on each houfe in it, called Peter Pence.

When Phocas murdered his liege fovereign Mauritius, emperor of Conftantinople, in the year 602, he obtained the pope’s benediction, and by this varnifhed over the turpitude of that foul action; and Pepin, having depofed king Chilperic, and feized the throne of France in the year 751, prevailed on pope Zachary to abfolve the French from

* Anfelm. Epift. 1. 3. ep. 141, 147. Ufher, Epift. Hib. p.95. Lanfranc, archbifhop of Canterbury, complained of this practice above twenty years before. Ufher, fup. p.73.

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their allegiance to their lawful prince, whom hefhaved, and confined in a monaftery, “Tantum religio potuit fuadere malorum.”

In like manner, when Ethelred, king of the Northumbrians, was affaffinated in the year 796, Eardulph, who ufurped his throne, was anointed, and went through fome pompous ceremonies at his coronation, to hallow his ufurpation with the odour of sanctity.

Rebellion, ufurpation, and murder, are crimes that require extraordinary meafures to palliate them in the eyes of the people, and to procure fome veneration for the perfons who have been guilty of them.

Adrian, in his bull, empowered Henry II. “to* propagate in Ireland the righteous plantation of faith, and the branch moft acceptable to God;” which meant no more, than that he fhould subject that kingdom to the dominion of the pope, which it is remarkable was the laft country in Europe that fubmitted to the ambitious and rapacious defigns of his holinefs.

At this day the Roman Catholicks deprecate the grant of Ireland to a foreign and not a native prince. McGeoghegan, in his hiftory of Ireland, tom, i. p.440, exclaims thus againft it “A decree pronounced againft Ireland, by which the rights of nations, and the moft facred laws are violated, under the fpecious pretext of religion, and the reformation of manners! Could one fufpect the vicar of Chrift of fuch grofs injuftice? Could one believe him capable of iffuing a bull, by which an entire nation was overturned?”† If the aboriginal Irifh lament the fettlement of the Englifh in Ireland, all its loyal inhabitants have to deplore, that they introduced popery into it, as it has been a conftant fource of difaffection, and has produced unutterable calamities in it.

* Unde tanto in eis libentius plantationem fidelem, & germen gratum Deo inferimus. Ufher, fup. p.109.

† ‘Un arret prononcé centre l’Irelande, par lequel le droit des gens, & les loix les plus facrées font violées, fous le fpecieux pretexte de religion & de reformation des mœurs. Peut on foupfonner le vicaire de Jefus Crift d’une injuftice fi criante? Peut on le croire coupable d’avoir dicté une bulle qui a bouleverfé toute une nation?’ McGeoghegan was a Roman Catholick.

4]

It is not the object nor the wifh of the writer of the following pages to difparage Ireland, or its inhabitants; the former, in point of foil and climate, the latter, in their intelledual and corporeal powers, being defervedly efteemed among the fineft works of the creation; but to evince the truth of the maxim, that an imperium in imperio, or two feparate fovereign powers, civil and ecclefiaftical, cannot co-exift in the fame ftate, without perpetual collifion, producing difcord and rebellion; and that the only remedy for the calamities attendant on fuch a ftate is, either the extinftion of one power, or the milder procedure of incorporating it with the other. The latter mode has been adopted in Ireland: abftract reafoning muft approve, and experience will demonftrate, the meafure to be founded in the trueft wifdom.

Few of the writers on the Union of Ireland with England have calmly difcuffed the subject on the grounds here ftated; if they had, thofe who oppofed it would have received conviction, and thofe who fupported it, would have found invincible arguments in its favour, from the inftances now adduced.

As this great political question is finally fettled, why, it may be adced, bring it again before the publick? The anfwer is, that the publick mind is far as yet from being reconciled to it; that a plain llatement of facts, in an authenticated hiftorical detail of the various rebellions, and particularly of the occurrences of the laft which affticted this kingdom, and defolated a confiderable portion of it, muft bring conviction to the moft uninformed, of the inftability of their fafety or happincfs, while both are subjectl to the workings of bigotry, or the flagitious dfcfigns of the rebel and the plunderer. A mariner, who has been fhipwrecked on a funken rock, does not accurately defcribe its longitude and latitude for others to run on it, but carefully to avoid it; fo the writer, in recounting the former and the late rebellion, does not wifh to revive party diftinctions and animofities, which he ardently hopes will be for ever buried in oblivion, but to point out the neceffity of adopting radical remedies to prevent their recurrence, which have been neglected by former goveniments.

In fpeaking of the Roman catholick religion, the writer hopes he will not be mifinterpreted, when he declares, that, as far as it is agreeable

[5

to the Gofpel, he moft highly refpects it; but the fuperinduced doctrines, as the Pope’s infallibility and fupremacy, his difpenfing power, exclufive falvation, and other points, he knows, and the reader will perceive, are fubverfive of fociety; and if its pliability be fuch as Doctor Troy and Doctor Huffey affert in their paftoral letters, that it can accommodate itfelf to a monarchic, ariftocratic, or democratic form of government, it may be a dangerous engine in the hands of defigning men. After this explanation, I fhall proceed to sfetch the ftate of Ireland, on the arrival of the Englifh, in the year 1169.

The country was divided among clans or fepts, profeffing fubjection to a higher power; but, at the fame time, exercifing every independent right. Their numbers then, according to Sir William Petty, did not exceed three hundred thoufand fouls, difperfed over more than twelve millions of acres. The country, as defcribed by Giraldus Cambrenfis, in the twelfth century, an eye-witnefs of it, was overrun with forefts, or cankered with bogs, and in all the arts of civil life, the inhabitants were little fuperior to the Indians of North America. Their Brehon laws were calculated to make them favage, and to keep them fo; as they rendered the enjoyment of life and property infecure. Their kings or princes did not fucceed each other by hereditary defcent, or any fixed principles of fucceffion, but by force and arms. It was a peculiar favour from heaven to fend a civilized people among them, nor did the wifer part feem infenfible to it; for Matt. Paris tells us, that, at a council at Lifmore, they gratefully received the laws of England (gratanter receptæ) and fwore to obey them, (juratoria cautione prasftita) which included their allegiance to the crown of England. As foon as Henry II returned, they rejected the laws, violated their allegiance, and ran into rebellion: which excluded them from the benefit of them.

A few fepts, who adhered to their oaths, were confidered as English fubjects, and were protected by law. Attached to their barbarous manner of living, and indulged by their own municipal laws in hcentioufnefs of every kind, they found the wholefome reftraint of English regimen, fo irkfom.e and galling, that, by perpetual infurrections, they

6]

endeavoured to fhake it off; and in the reign of Henry III. 1230, they collected fuch a force, that they flattered their party with the hope of being able totally to expel the Englifh (omme genus Anglorum ab Hibernise finibus exturbare,) fays Matt. Paris. This has been the declared purpofe of the native Irifh for above fix hundred years. What alone they were unable to accomplifh, they endeavoured to effect by calling in the aid of the pope, and the king of Spain, as we fhall fee in the fequel. The kings of England tried various means to civilize the Irifh; but they were fo blinded by difaffection, and attached to their own barbarous cuftoms, as to oppofe every meafure for that purpofe. The ftatute of Kilkenny, 1367, is a decifive proof of this, for by it the Brehon law was abolifhed; and again by the tenth , Henry VII. and laftly by a judgment of the court of King’s Bench, fifth James I.

Speaking a different language, and obedient to different laws, it is not to be wondered at, that the Englifh and Irifh did not cordially unite, and coalefce into one people. Nothing was attempted which could materially conduce to effect this; for the operations of government were confined for centuries to pitiful expedients. The introduction of the reformed religion, by increafing the antipathy of the native Irifh to the English, was a new fource of calamities; for, as the Irifh ecclefiafticks, to whom the ignorant and bigoted people were bhndly devoted, received their education in foreign feminaries, particularly in thofe of France and Spain, they returned to their native country, bound folemnly to the pope, in an unlimited fubmiffion, without any bond of allegiance to the king, and full fraught with thofe abfurd and peftilent doctrines, which the moderate of their own communion, at leaft, profeffed to abominate; of the univerfal dominion of the pope, as well fpiritual as temporal; of his authority to excommunicate and depofe princes; to abfolve fubjects from their oaths of allegiance, and to difpenfe with every law of God and man; to fanftify rebellion and murder, and even to change the very nature and effential difference of vice and virtue. With fuch impious tenets, fabricated by their fchools and councils, they filled their fuperftitious votaries,

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contrary, fays Walfh the Irifh francifcan, to the letter, the fenfe, and defign of the Gofpel, the writings of the apoftles, and the commentaries of their fucceffors, to the belief of the Chrifhan church for ten ages, and to the cleareft dictates of nature.

I hope the reader will excufe the digreffion which I fhall now make, to fhew him the origin of the Papal power, which became, in procefs of time, from very flender beginnings, formidable to fovereign princes, and fatal to the peace of Europe; as he will be able to difcover in it, the real fource of the various rebellions which have difgraced and defolated the kingdom of Ireland; fo that I may fay with the Roman poet,

Hoc fonte derivata clades.
In patriam populumque fluxit.

Long after the death of the apoftles, the popes continued to be elected by the people and the clergy, and, when elected, they were confecrated by fome other prelates, which, as *Eufebius tells us, happened in the cafe of St. Fabian, bifhop of Rome, in the year 236. But the bifhop, after being elected, could not be confecrated, or confirmed in the See, without the confent of the emperor, which was as effential to the ratification of it, as that of our king to the election of a bifhop, by a dean and chapter. For this reafon, when pope Gregory I. was elected, about the year 600, he, not wifhing to fill the pontifical chair, wrote to the emperor Mauritius, not to confent to his election; but he refufed, and ratified it. The emperors thus continued to watch the elections and the conduct of the popes with a vigilant and jealous eye, till the year 896, when Charles the bald refigned to the pope all power and authority over the Roman See; and, on the extinction of the race of Charlemagne, Adrian III. made a decree, that in future the popes fhould be elected without the emperor’s confent.

Previous to this period, the emperors maintained and exercifed fupreme power in ecclefiaftical affairs: † they appointed judges for religious caufes, prefided at councils, and often, in ecclefiaftical courts,

they

* He was bifhop of Nicomedia, and died in the fourth century,
† Spanheim’s Ecclefiaftical Hiftory, p.1102.

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they depofed bifhops that were lapfed into herefy, and determined difputes and fchifms in the church. It is remarkable, that, till this era, the councils were denominated from the emperors, and not from the popes; becaufe their canons and ordinances were invalid, till confirmed by the former. Eufebius tells us therefore, that Conftantine the great was called the general bifhop, from his univerfal fupremacy over all prelates.

He alfo tells us, in his life of this emperor, (lib. 3. cap. 18.) that the fathers of the council of Nice obtained the confirmation of their decrees from Conftantine the great; and the fathers of the council of Conftantinople from Theodofius the great, in the year 381, as we are told by Socrates in his Ecclefiaftical Hiftory.

The emperors forefaw how neceffary it was, that the civil and ecclefiaftical powers fhould be united in the fupreme executive magiftrate, to promote and fecure the peace and profperity of the ftate; and the difcord, the ftrife, the bloodfhed, and the various calamities which their feparation afterwards occafioned, in every kingdom of Europe, proved the forefight, the prudence, and the policy of the imperial fovereigns. And yet the Irifh innovators, whofe ignorance can be equalled by nothing but their difaffection and audacity, have treated the union of the fpiritual and temporal power as abfurd and ridiculous.

So little idea had the Roman pontiff of fupremacy in the fifth century, that, when there was a rivalship between him and the patriarch of Conftantinople for precedence, it was refolved by the twenty-eighth canon of the council of Chalcedon,* 451, that the fame rights and honours which had been conferred on the bifhop of Rome, were due to the bifhop of Conftantinople, on account of the equal dignity and luftre of the two cities, in which they exercifed their authority. On the clofe of the fixth century, Gregory I. was poffeffed of immenfe territories, and was in fuch eftimation for his piety, that he ftands high as a faint in the Roman calendar; and yet he had fo little idea of being fupreme head of the church, that, when the bifhop of Conftantinople

* This was a general council.

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affumed that title, he declared in a letter to the emperor Mauritius, “that it was a blafphemous title, and that none of the Roman pontiffs had ever affumed fo fingular a one.”* And in a letter to the fame patriarch, he fays, “what wilt thou fay to Chrift, the head of the univerfal church, in the day of judgment, who thus endeavoured to fubjeft his members to thyfelf, by this title of univerfal? Who, I afk thee, doft thou imitate in this, but the devil?”† And in a letter to the emprefs Conftantia, he fays, his pride, in affuming this title, fhewed the days of Antichrift were at hand.‡ The fame pope faid, “I acknowledge that a prince, having his power from God, is fupreme over, not only the military, but the facerdotal power.”§

Rome continued the capital of the weftern empire, till the reign of Valentinian II who, about the year 390, transferred it to Ravenna, for the purpofe of being near the Alps, to oppofe the incurfions of the northern barbarians; and afterwards, Theodorick, king of the Goths, did the like for the fame reafon.

As the dignity and authority of the bifhop of Ravenna were augmented by the fplendor of the court, and the auguft prefence of the emperor, he difputed the primacy of Italy with the bifhop of Rome. ||

When this falutary reftraint of the emperors over the Roman pontiffs was removed, their eagle-winged ambition foared above the power of fovereign princes, and often was the means of their dethronement.

That arrogant pontiff, Gregory VII. raifed to the popedom in the year 1073, claimed and exercifed a right of excommunicating and depofing fovereigns, by invoking their fubjects to rife in rebellion

* Gregory’s Epiftles, lib. 4. Ind. 13, p.137. ‡ Gregory’s epift. 34.

† Ibid, epift. 38. § Lib. 2, epift. 94.

|| This rivalfhip reminds me of the following aneedote: An itinerant friar was preaching on a ftage in the ftreet of Florence, with a crucifix in his hand, to a numerous audience. A mountebank erected his ftage within a few yards of him, and, by his pleafantry and fallies of wit, attracted to him all the followers of the friar, who was foon deferted. A mountebank in Italy goes by the appellation of punchinello. The friar, having in vain exhaufted all the force of his eloquence to induce his auditory to return, cried out in a rage, pointing to the crucifix, Ecco, il vero punchinelio! Behold, the true punchipello!

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againft them. His ambitious efforts to gain an afcendancy over the emperors, on the clofe of the eleventh century, occafioned the faction of the Guelphs and Gibellines in Germany and Italy, which produced numberlefs affaffinations, tumults, and convulfions, and no lefs than fixty pitched battles in the reign of Henry IV. and eighteen in that of his fucceffor Henry V. when the claims of the Roman pontiff finally prevailed.

The emperor, Henry IV. with the emprefs, and his children, waited three days and three nights, barefooted, at the gates of the pope’s palace, for abfolution; and after all, his holinefs deprived him of his dominions, and gave them to Rodolphus, in the moft* infulting manner.

The following emperors experienced the effects of this fcourge from the popes, whofe names are annexed; and fome of them loft their thrones and their lives by it.

Gregory VII. excommunicated Henry III. 1076
Calixtus II. __ Henry IV. 1120
Adrian IV. __ Frederick 1160
Calixtus III. __ Henry V. 1195
Innocent III. __ Otho IV. about 1209
Gregory IX. __ Frederick II. 1228
Again, __ Frederick II. 1239
Innocent IV. __ Frederick II. and depofed him, 1245

Befides the above, a great many fovereign princes loft their lives and their dominions by this dreadful engine of fuperftition.

The popes, well knowing that they could not maintain the immenfe power, the great wealth, and the extenfive territories which they had acquired when Reafon re-affumed her empire, refolved to erect, in the bofom of every ftate, a fyftem of terror, by a device, the ingenuity of which could be equalled by nothing but its monftrous iniquity. Pope Innocent III. in the year 1215, procured the following

* He fent a crown to Rodolph with this Leonine verfe: “Petra dedit Petro, Petrus diadema Rodolpho.”

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ordinances to be paffed by the fourth council of Lateran; and the decree of a legitimate general council, fuch as this, has been always deemed infallible and irreverfible in the Romifh church: “Heretics of every kind againft the true orthodox faith fhall be condemned; and if they fhall not prove their innocence by a proper purgation, they fhall be excommunicated, and their effects fhall be confifcated. All fecular powers fnall be compelled, by ecclefiaftical cenfures, to take an oath to extirpate* within their refpective territories, fuch of their subjects as fhall be condemned as hereticks by the church. But if any temporal prince fhall refufe to purge his territories of heretical pravity, when required to do fo by the metropolitan and his fuffragant bifhops, let him be excommunicated: and if he fhall not make full fatisfaction in one year, let it be notified to the fovereign pontiff, that he may abfolve his fubjects from their oaths of allegiance, and transfer his territories to any other catholicks, who may enjoy them without contradiction, provided they exterminate all hereticks in them, and preferve the purity of the catholick faith.”

“All catholicks, who fhall take up arms for the purpofe of extirpating fuch hereticks, fhall enjoy the fame indulgence, and the like holy privilege, with thofe who vifited the holy land.” This means eternal falvation; and the reader will find, in the courfe of the late rebellion, that the fanguinary fanaticks who embarked in it were fure of enjoying happinefs in a future ftate, for having rifen in arms againft an heretical king; and that they regarded the extirpation of hereticks, as a facred duty which recommended them to the divine favour.

In confequence of the commentaries made on this council, the following doctrines have been inculcated: cardinal Tolet affirmed, “that the fubjects of an excommunicated prince are not abfolved from their oaths of allegiance, before denunciation; but, when he is denounced, they are completely fo, and are bound not to obey him, unlefs the fear of death, or the lofs of goods, excufe them”, which was the cafe with

* Bona fide pro viribus exterminare ftudebunt.

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the Englifh catholicks in the reign of Henry VIII; and father Bridgewater, an Englifh prieft, commended this faying of the cardinal.

Father Crefwell, an Englifh prieft, faid, “it is the fentence of all catholicks, that fubjects are bound to expel heretical princes, by the commandment of God, the moft ftrict tie of confcience, and the extreme danger of their fouls.”

Suarez, a moft learned divine, fays, “an excommunicated king may with impunity be depofed or killed by any one.” After the diabolical confpiracy of the gunpowder plot was difcovered and defeated, it became indifpenfably neceffary to provide as far as could be againit fuch horrible machinations, and therefore the oath of allegiance, fupremacy and abjuration was enacted in the year 1605. Burke, in his Hibernia Dominicana, page 613, obferves, that the Romifh divines and laymen were divided into two factions; one thought the oath reafonable and proper, the other rejected it. To fettle this matter, pope Paul V. iffued two bulls, in which, under pain of damnation, he orders the oath not to be taken. King James, in a very learned treatife, fupported the oath; and Suarez, in a very long and laboured work, in vain endeavoured to fubvert the arguments of the king.

Cardinal Bellarmine fays, “though it may be a fin to depofe or kill an excommunicated prince, it is no fin if the pope commands you to do fo; for if the pope fhould err, by commanding sin, or forbidding virtues, yet the church were bound to believe that the vices were good, and the virtues evil.”

Azorius, highly eminent in the Romifh church, fays, “a catholick wife is not tied to pay her duty to an heretical hufband. The fons of an heretical father are made fui juris, that is, free from their father’s power; and fervants are not bound to do fervice to fuch mafters.”

According to the decree of this council, and that of Conftance alfo, it has been held, and the doctrine has been conftantly carried into practice, that no faith is to be kept with hereticks; in confequence of which, no contrafts, leagues, promifes, vows, or oaths, are fufficient fecurity to a proteftant that deals with one of the church of Rome,

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if he fhall make ufe of the liberty, which may, and is often granted to him that folicits it. But it is certain, that many good and confcientious Roman catholicks fpurn at this infamous privilege offered by the pope, and adhere to the laws of God,

Becanus fays, there are two different tribunals, and the ecclefiaftical is the fuperior; and therefore, if a fecular prince gives his fubjects a fafe conduct, he cannot extend it to the fuperior tribunal.

In a council held at Vienna, Clement V. avowed and maintained, that the power of all kings depended on him: omne jus regum a fe pendere.

Purfuant to this doctrine, the whole council of bifhops at Conftance determined, 1415, that John Hufs fhould be burnt, though he had been fummoned by the emperor Sigifmund to appear and defend the reformed religion, and had obtained a fafe conduct from him; but the council determined that his power was fubordinate to theirs, and, as their concurrence had not been previoufly obtained, his grant of a fafe conduct was null and void.

It was ftrongly contended at Worms, by all the bifhops who attended there, that Luther fhould be burnt; but the emperor, who had given him a fafe conduct, would not allow his good faith to be violated. It is very remarkable, that the council of Lateran, which I have quoted, made tranfubftantiation an article of faith, and at the fame time, treafon and rebellion to be the duty of fubjects.

A council held at Toledo, contains provifions againft hereticks exactly fimilar to thofe of Lateran, “that if a temporal prince fhall neglect to purge his territories of heretical pravity, notice muft be given to the pope, that he may thenceforth pronounce his fubjects difcharged of their oaths of allegiance, and give his dominions to catholicks.”

The diffimulation and cruelty of queen Mary were the refult of thefe councils; for fhe gave her fubjects the ftrongeft affurance, by a declaration in council, that fhe would permit them to purfue any fuch religion as their confcience fhould dictate; but, when firmly eftablifhed

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on her throne, fhe promoted the burning of her proteftant subjects, merely on account of their religion.

Human ingenuity could not form a better device, to impofe the fhackles of fuperftition on the human mind, and that univerfal domination over fovereign princes, to which the pope afpired, than this council; but his holinefs, knowing that he could not enforce the execution of this dreadful engine, unlefs he had a number of perfons attached to him in every ftate, and that the battering ram, fo ingenioufly contrived by him, could not be worked without artificers of his own appointment, ftruggled hard to obtain the inveftiture of bifhops; and having fucceeded, he laid them all under a neceffity, at their inauguration, of taking an oath of allegiance to him, of which I give fome paragraphs.

“The rights, privileges, and authority, of the holy Roman church, and of our Lord the pope, and his fucceffors, I will be careful to preferve, defend, enlarge, and promote.”

“All hereticks, fchifmaticks, and rebels againft our faid Lord, and his fucceffors, I will, to the utmoft of my power, perfecute and impugn.”

From this time the bifhops became the fpies and centinels of the Roman pontiff; and, in order to infulate their affections, to detach them from the ftate to which they belonged, and to engage them in the intereft of the Holy See, he enjoined celibacy to the Popifh clergy.

The words in the bifhops’ oath of allegiance are, pro viribus perfequar et impugnabo. Some Romifh ecclefiafticks have contended, that the word perfequar fignifies to profecute by argument; but the futihty of that conftruction will appear very obvious. “When Pafchal II. excommunicated the emperor Henry IV. he ufed exactly fimilar words, in a bull directed to Robert count of Flanders: Henricum caput hæreticorum, et ejus fautores, pro viribus perfequaris et impugnes. Hoc tibi et militibus tuis precipimus. “We command you, and your foldiers, to perfecute and impugn Henry, the head of the hereticks.”

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It is not to be fuppofed that he would call upon foldiers to difpel and proftrate herefy by ratiocination. The logick of a foldier lies in his arms; befides, impugno fignifies to attack by argument, and is put in contradiftinction to perfecute.

The only herefy of which he could accufe this innocent prince was, that he oppofed the pope’s claim to the inveftiture of bifhopricks in his dominions.

We may conceive how obedient councils muft have been to the pope, when he procured this fentence to be firft voted and ratified by a council held 1102.

Cicero, in his fourth oration againft Catiline, ufes the word perfequar in the fenfe which I contend for. “Atque illo tempore, hujus avus Lentuli, clariffimus vir, armatus, Gracchum eft perfecutus: ille etiam grave tum vulnus accepit. Perfequor and perfecutio are words appropriated by ecclefiaftical writers to exprefs the bloody cruelties exercifed on chriftians by heathen princes. After enumerating thirty-four under the Roman emperors, they reckon ten under Antichrift, to which they might have added hundreds under the popes.

Raymond, count of Thouloufe, was the firft fovereign prince againft whom this dreadful engine was levelled. Part of his fubjects called the Albigenfes and Waldenfes, happened to obtain, about the clofe of the twelfth century, a tranflation of fome parts of the New Teftament; and becaufe they endeavoured to conform their tenets and practices to the light of the Gofpel, which was obvioufly repugnant to popery, they were excommunicated by the pope; and becaufe Raymond refufed to perfecute them, he was deprived of his dominions by the orders of his holinefs, who invoked his fubjects to rife in rebellion againft him, by a promife of eternal falvation; and Simon de Mountfort, whom he nominated general of the crufade, was invefted with the dominions of Raymond, by Innocent III. at the council of Lateran. It is univerfally allowed, that nearly one million of thefe innocent people were extirpated by the fword and the gibbet, in conformity to the decree of that council.

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It was on that occafion that the bloody court of inquifition was eftablifhed, and the fuperintendance of it was committed to the dominican friars, by Gregory IX. in the year 1233.

In confequence of the oath which bifhops were obliged to take at their inftallation, obvioufly repugnant to the fidelity which they owed their refpective fovereigns, William Rufus told archbifhop Anfelm, that he could not preferve his allegiance to the pope, and his temporal fovereign, at the fame time;* and cardinal De Retz tells us, in his Memoires, that the Parifians, for the fame reafon, objected to the miniftry of cardinal Mazarine.

In that favage fcene of butchery, the maffacre of St. Bartholomew, planned with all the coolnefs of deliberation, five hundred gentlemen, and ten thoufand perfons of inferior rank, were maffacred in one night at Paris alone, and great numbers in the provinces, becaufe they were proteftants.† The Roman pontiff, on hearing it, expreffed great joy announced that the cardinals fhould return thanks to the Almighty for fo fignal an advantage obtained for the Holy See, and that a jubilee fhould be obferved all over Chriftendom.‡ Sixtus V. excommunicated Henry III. of France, as a heretick, becaufe he, contrary to his Holinefs’s orders, fpared the blood of his proteftant fubjects; and he granted nine years indulgence to fuch of his fubjects, as would bear arms againft him; upon which Jacque Clement, a friar, affaffinated him with fingular treachery.

In a publick confiftory held at Rome, the pope, in a long premeditated fpeech, applauded the virtue and the firmnefs of the holy friar; declaring, that his fervent zeal towards God, furpaffed even that of Judith and Eleazer; and that this affaffination was brought about by divine providence. §

Henry III. left his kingdom by will to Henry IV. to whom alfo it devolved by hereditary right; but the Parifians, having confulted the doctors of the Sorbonne on his claim, they declared that his title was inadmifhble.

* Speed, 441, 442. † Thuanus, lib. 63, fee. 14. ‡ Ibid. §I bid, vol. 4. page 767, 768.

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inadmiffible, becaufe he had been excommunicated, and excluded from fucceeding to it by the Holy See. They pronounced that thofe who fhould affift him would be damned, and they promifed eternal happinefs to thofe who fhould oppofe him, even to the fhedding of blood, “ufque ad effufionem fanguinis.”*

The bull fulminated againft this amiable prince by Sixtus V. 1585, begins thus: “The authority given to St. Peter and his fucceffors, by the immenfe power of the eternal King, excels all the powers of earthly kings: it paffes uncontrolable fentence upon them all.”

Henry, though endued with the moft fhining virtues, was, after two attempts to murder him, affaffinated at Paris by Ravaillac. He was twice depofed by Gregory XIV. and once by Clement VIII. as a favourer of hereticks.†

In the year 1538, pope Paul III. iffued a bull of excommunication and depofition againft Henry VIII. becaufe he declared himfelf, and not the pope, to be head of the church of England: — A right which both the Saxon and Norman monarchs had always afferted, and which had been indifputably eftablifhed by various acts of parliament, from the time of Edward the Confeffor, to the reign of Henry VIII. for the laws of the latter do not contain ftronger provifions againft papal encroachments, than thofe of Edward I. and Richard II.

The bull of excommunication and depofition which Pius V. denounced againft queen Elizabeth begins thus:

“He that reigneth on high, to whom all power is given in heaven and earth, hath committed the one holy catholick and apoftolick church, out of which there is no falvation, to one alone on earth, namely, to Peter, prince of the apoftles, and to the Roman pontiff, fucceffor of St. Peter, to be governed with a plenitude of power. This one he hath conftituted prince over all nations, and all kingdoms, that he might pluck up, deftroy, diftipate, overturn, plant, and build.” For the many confpiracies to murder queen Elizabeth, as a heretick, and fome of them by the exprefs orders of the pope, I fhall refer the reader to Speed, Rapin, and Hume. I fhall mention but one.

* Thuanus, lib. 93, see. 19. † Spond. tom. a. p.868.

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Two priefts of the name of Parfons and Campion, who confpired to murder that princefs, obtained for themfelves, and all the papifts in England, a difpenfation from the rigorous obfervation of the bull fulminated by pope Pius V. againft her. They were allowed by it to appear obedient and refpectful to her, until their party was ftrong enough to rife againft her. It ends thus: “The higheft pontiff’ granted the forefaid graces to fathers Robert Parfons and Edward Campion, who are now to take their way to England, the fourteenth of April, 1586;* but thefe holy fathers, very fortunately for England, could not fucceed in their pious defign, for they were detected, arrefl;ed, and hanged.

The popes, well knowing that riches are the fmews of power, adopted the following expedient to fill their treafury, by a conftant and neverfailing revenue. Having firft efl;ablifhed the doctrine of purgatory, and the pains and torments attending it, the deluded feftaries of the Roman pontiff had recourfe to him to be relieved from their terrors.

Fifher, bifhop of Rochefter, an eminent Romifh divine, fays, that indulgences were not neceffary in the firft ages of the church; and that they were not devifed till the people were frightened with the torments of purgatory.

Moft of the fchoolmen confefs, that the ufe of indulgences began in the time of pope Alexander III. towards the end of the twelfth, or beginning of the thirteenth century; and from that period, till the folly and iniquity of them occafioned the reformation, the fale of them was a fruitful fource of wealth to the popes.

They alfo infticted penalties on the commiffion of sin, fuch as rigorous facts, bodily pains and mortifications, long and frequent prayers, and pilgrimages to the tombs of faints and martyrs; and as thefe penalties could be commuted or difpenfed with for money, thofe who chofe to lead voluptuous lives, and to continue in a courfe of licentious pleafure, embraced this new mode of expiation,†

At length the remiffion of fins became fo fyftematick, and fuch a conftant and regular fource of revenue to the Holy See, that they were reduced to a fchedule, in a book of rates, with the fums correfponding

* Speed, 871. † Muratori, de redemptione pcccatorum in antiqui. Italiæ medii feculi.

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for which they were to be remitted. Of this work, entitled, “The taxes of the Romifh Chancery,” different editions were publifhed for the ufe of Roman catholick ftates: one at Rome by Marcellus Silber in 1514: one at Cologne in 1515: three at Paris in 1520, 1545, 1625: one at Venice, in the fixth volume of the Oceanus Juris in 1523. The proteftant princes pubifhed one among their reafons for rejecting the council of Trent.*

The reader may judge of this extraordinary work by the following fhort extracts:

“A nun having committed fornication feveral times, fhall be abfolved, and enabled to hold the dignities of her order, even that of abbefs, on paying 39 livres tournois, and 9 ducats.”

“The abfolution of him who has defloured a virgin, gr. 6.”

“The abfolution of a clerk for all acts of fornication with a nun, within or without the limits of the nunnery, or with his relations in affinity or confanguinity, or with any woman whatfoever, 36 livres.”†

The Roman pontiff very wifely gave great latitude to the clergy, as they were prohibited from marrying.

When celibacy (a doctrine juftly reprobated in the fcriptures, and refuted by the practice of the apoftles, all of whom were married men, except Paul and John; a doctrine peculiarly unfit for the church of Rome to teach, their founder, as they term him, and prince of the apoftles, as they ridiculoufly call him, having exploded it by his example, ‡) was firft enforced in England, the bifhops conftantly granted licenfes to the parochial clergy to keep concubines, left they might run into licentioufnefs with the wives and daughters of their parifhioners.

Exclufive falvation, a doctrine invented by the artful policy of the Romanr pontiff, for the purpofe of encouraging profelytes to his church, and for fecuring thofe who were already within its pale, has been a fruitful fource of difcord and rebellion in many countries in Europe.

* Heideggeri myfter. Babyloniae, tom. i. p.350.
† Every crime that human depravity can commit, is inferted in this book.

‡ Peter’s wife’s mother was fick of a fever. Matt. viii. 14. And Simon’s wife’s mother was fick of a fever. Mark i. 30. And Simon’s wife’s mother, &c. Luke iv. 38. — See alfo, on this subject, St. Paul’s epiftle to Timothy iii. 2. and 8, 11, and Hebrews xiii. 4.

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It is not only contrary to the doctrine of the fcriptures, but repugnant to the moral and phyfical perfections of the Deity, fubverfive of his attributes of wifdom, juftice, and mercy, which are the main pillars of the divine adminiftration; and it is likely to end in atheifm, and has already produced all its baneful effects; for any perfon who can be brought to debafe and difparage the Almighty fo much, as to aflert that he is fo unwife, fo unjuft, and fo unmerciful, as to ordain, that a very fmall portion of his creatures fhall enjoy eternal happinefs, and that the remainder fhall be doomed to eternal punifhment, becaufe they differ from them in a few trifting ceremonies and tenets, will foon probably become atheifts.

This doctrine, which narrows the channels of infinite mercy, fets bounds to omnipotence, and teaches that there is but one road that leads to the heavenly city, engenders in the lower clafs of people, an uncharitable averfion, a cruel and unrelenting fpirit of perfecution, againft proteftants, which manifefted itfelf in a moft flagrant manner during the late rebellion. In fhort, nothing but fanaticifm, kindled by this doctrine, could have enabled the leaders of rebellion, and the Irifh priefts, to invoke the popifh multitude to rife againft their fovereign and their proteftant fellow fubjects, which they did with as much zeal as the Crufaders fhewed againft the Saracens. We fhall find the pope’s fupremacy, and exclufive falvation, with all the ramifications of new-fangled doctrines which have branched out from them, eminently confpicuous in the late rebellion.

Boniface VIII. in the year 1294, boldly afferts the latter. “We declare, fay, define, and pronounce it to be neceffary to falvation, for every human creature to be subject to the Roman pontiff.”*

Human vanity has been fuch in all ages, that ftatefmen, warriors, poets, hiftorians, and divines, have thought their own works and achievements the beft. Cicero in his epiftles to Atticus makes the following obfervation on this, [Greek phrase], nemo unquam, neque poeta neque orator fuit, qui quenquam meliorem quam fe arbitraretur. Epift. 14, 20. Adhuc neminem cognovi poetam, et mihi fuit cum Aquinio

* In extrava, v, com. lib. i. tit. 38.

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(id eft) deterrimo amicitia, qui fibi non optimo videretur. Tufcul. 5. 22.

Juvenal, the latin poet, mentions two towns in Arabia, near the Ifthmus of Suez, Ombos and Tentyra, between the inhabitants of which this ridiculous doftrine maintained mutual and implacable hatred.

“Dira quod exemplum feritas produxerit sevo,
Inter finitimas, vetus atque antiqua fimultas,
Immortale odium et nunquam fanabile vulnus,
Ardet hue Ombos et Tentyra. Summus utrinque,

Inde furor vulgo, quod numina vicinorum,
Odit uterque locus; cum folos credat habendos,
Effe deos, quos ipfe colit.”

Eternal hate, unmitigated rage,
And bigot fury, burn from age to age;
Each fcorns his neighbour’s god, afferts his own.
And thinks falvation works for him alone.

Mahomet inculcates the fame doftrine in the Koran, and it produces the moft intolerant and fanguinary principles between his votaries, and other religionifts.

Plutarch, in his life of Pericles, cenfures the poets for being guilty of the fame abfurdity; “for though, at times, they afcribe to the gods that degree of happinefs and ferenity which is agreeable to their divine and immortal nature, yet, on other occafions, they affert that they are subject to anger, enmity, and other paffions, which are unworthy even of men, who have any underftanding.”*

When thefe doctrines occafioned the dethronement, and the murder of fo many princes, the maffacre of the Albigenfes and Waldenfes in the thirteenth century, that of the proteftants at Paris in the fixteenth, the extermination of many thoufands of them in the Low Countries, the expulfion of the Moors from Spain, the perfecution of the Vaudois in the king of Sardinia’s dominions, we cannot be furprifed that they

* God’s partial, changeful, paffionate, unjuft,
Whofe attributes were rage, revenge, or luft. Pope.

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fhould have produced fo many rebellions in Ireland, as her inhabitants have been plunged in the moft abjecl ignorance, and have been blindly devoted to their priefts.

Accordingly we find that kingdom involved in one fcene of inteftine diforder during a period of forty-one years, from the year 1567, to the year 1603, occafioned by the interference of the Roman pontiff’, and the fermentation of popery. The rebellions of that period may be divided as follows:

ift. In 1567, Shane O’Neil raifed a notable one in Ulfter, merely in hatred to the Englifh; and he erected a caftle on Loughneagh, which he named Feogenall, which fignifies, in Irifh, the hatred of the English. His forces were routed and difperfed by Sir Henry Sidney.

2d. In 1569, the Fitz-Geralds of Munfter raifed one, in which the Byrnes, Tooles and Cavenaghs joined; but they were fubdued by Sir William Drury, and were all attainted the twenty-feventh and twenty-eighth of Elizabeth.

James Fitz-Gerald publifhed a manifefto in juftification of this rebellion, in which, he faid, it was for the glory of God, and of Chrift, whofe facraments the hereticks deny; for the glory of the catholick church, which the hereticks falfely aflert was not known for many ages.

3d. In 1595, Hugh O’Neil raifed a rebellion, which lafted till the end of Elizabeth’s reign.

It was called Tyrone’s rebellion, and branched out into three different civil wars, according to Borlafe.

4th. On the acceffion of James I. the citizens of Cork, Waterford, Limerick, Kilkenny, and Wexford, denied his title, and attacked fo furioufly the perfons who went to proclaim him, that they narrowly efcaped with their lives. They openly avowed, that they oppofed his acceffion for no other reafon, than that he was not a catholick; but they were foon brought to obedience by lord Mountjoy.

5th. Within four years after, Tyrone and O’Donnell confpired with Maguire, Cormack 0* Neil, lord Delvin, O’Cahan, and others, to raife a rebellion, but were prevented by the lord deplity Chichefter, in 1607, and an act of attainder paffed againft them.

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6th. In 1608, Sir Cahir O’Dogherty’s civil war, raifed principally by the priefts, lafted no longer than five months; but it was bloody and deftrudlive while it continued, and was accompanied with fhocking inftances of cruelty and treachery on his part.

Previous to the reign of queen Elizabeth, the aboriginal Irifh bore a moft unrelenting hatred againft thofe of Englifh blood; but on the Reformation, popery became a firm bond of union amongft them, and infpired them with inextinguiftiable rancour againft proteftants in general; and it is remarkable, that the natives of Englifh blood became more ftubborn and inveterate rebels after that period, than the primitive Irifh.

Francis I. defirous to embarrafs Henry VIII. refolved to raife fome commotions in Ireland; and for that purpofe he, in the year 1523, opened a negociation with the earl of Defmond, whom he found ready to co-operate with him againft his liege fovereign.

In 1539, the popifh clergy engaged O’Neil as their champion, and to this he was encouraged by pope Paul. This rebellion was fubdued by lord Grey. In 1545, O’Neil, O’Donnell, and the other Irifh chiefs, offered Ireland to the French king, provided the pope confented to it; and the propofal was fo flattering, that the king fent over John de Montluc, bifhop of Valence, to enquire more minutely into the bufinefs. In 1568, the confederate rebels of Munfter implored the aid of the pope and the king of Spain, through their ambaffadors, the titular bifhops of Cafhel and Emly; in 1570, they prevailed on pope Paul V. to iffue a bull, declaring queen Elizabeth deprived of her crown, and abfolving her fubjects from their oaths of allegiance; which bull was confirmed by the popes Gregory XIII. and Sixtus V.

But the fovereign pontiffs contributed fomething more fubftantial than bulls to feparate Ireland from England; for in 1579, the two jefuits, Allen and Saunders, difappointed in their application to the king of France, obtained large fums of money from the pope and the king of Spain, with which they excited a rebellion in Munfter. In 1595, O’Neil, otherwife Tyrone, made an offer of Ireland to the

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king of Spain, if he affifted him with men and money, and began an alarming rebellion. The lords juftices wrote to queen Elizabeth, that an univerfal Irifh rebellion was intended, to fhake off all English government.” To the fame purpofe the earl of Effex, in his letter to the queen declares, that, “in their rebellion they have no other end but to fhake off the yoke of obedience to her majefty, and to root out all remembrance of the English nation in this kingdom: I fay this, adds he, of the people in general.”

In her reign, a declaration of the divines of Salamanca and Valladolid was difperfed through Ireland by O’Sullivan, a Spanifh prieft; in which they maintained the pope’s fupremacy, both in temporals and fpirituals; and that no oath.could bind the faithful to hereticks. They approved of the former rebellions which were raifed in Ireland, and they encouraged the Irifh to oppofe the title of an heretical prince; and yet the Roman catholicks of England in the year 1789, obtained, and publifhed the opinions of thofe univerfities, and thofe of Paris, Doway, Louvain, and Alcala, that they did not admit fuch to be doftrines of the Roman catholick church.*

This was done with a defign of clearing themfelves from the odium of maintaining fuch infamous tenets; and it is moft certain, that they deferved the admiration and the applaufe of every Britifh fubjeft, for the bold and unequivocal manner in which they renounced them, and vindicated the purity of their principles, notwithftanding the inhibitions and menaces of their bifhops. In the reign of Charles I. 1626, pope Urban VIII. exhorted the Irifh, by a bull, to lofe their lives, fooner than fubmit to the wicked and peftilent oath of fupremacy, by which the fceptre of the Catholick church was wrefted from the vicar of God Almighty; and yet fuch blafphemy had the defired effect on the ignorant and fuperftitious multitude!

In the diftracted reign of Charles I. the popifh lords, prelates, and clergy, and popifh deputies, chofen by feveral counties and towns in the different provinces, affembled at Kilkenny, regulated all their proceedings with the forms and folemnity of parliament, and bound themfelves

* The Irifh Roman catholicks publifhed the opinions of thefe univerfities in Dublin ia I791.

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by oath, “that they would obey and ratify all the orders and decrees made, or to be made, by the fupreme council of the confederate catholicks of the kingdom; that they would not feek directly or indirectly any pardon or protection for any act to be done touching the general caufe; and that they would not accept or fubmit unto any peace, made or to be made, with the faid confederate catholicks, without the confent thereof and by the preamble to faid oath it appears, that if muft have been adminiftered univerfally.

“Whereas it is requifite, that there fhould be an unanimous confent, and real union, between all the catholicks of this realm.”*

Their prelates enjoined all the priefts to adminifter an oath of aiToclation to their parifhioners, and to raife fubfcriptions amongft them.

The chief object which they profeffed, was, to maintain inviolable the rights and immunities of the Roman catholick faith; and they fo far fucceeded in refloring popery, on the ruins of the proteftant church, that the confederates wrote to the pope in 1644, “that their religion was publickly practifed according to the Romifh ritual; that moft of the bifhops were in poffeffion of the cathedrals, the priefts of the parifhes; and that many of the convents were reftored to the monks.”†

After various negotiations they made peace with the duke of Ormond, but not until they had obtained the free exercife of their religion, and many other important privileges.

Rinuncini, the pope’s nuncio, a turbulent fanatic, who was then in Ireland, exclaimed loudly againft the peace, and denounced the terrors of excommunication againft fuch perfons as fhouId adhere to it, unlefs it was framed and approved of by the pope, and unlefs they obtained an immediate, a complete and fplendid eftablifhment of the Romifh worship and hierarchy.

But finding them determined not to comply with his very unreafonable wifhes, and that they were refolved to accept of the indulgent and conciliating offers of the duke, he, in a fpeech to the confederates

* Their combination cemented by an oath refembled that of the united Irifhmen.
†Burke Hibernica Dominicana, appendix, page 876.

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at Kilkenny, recommended fidelity, firft to God and their religion,* and next to the king, by which they meant the pope and their own clergy; and they were always taught, that their attachment to them fhould fuperfede and predominate over their allegiance to a proteftant ftate.

He fent a copy of his fpeech to Rome, and in return was feverely reprimanded by cardinal Pamfillo; and the following reafons were affigned for it: “That the Holy See never would, by any pofitive act, approve the civil allegiance which catholicks pay to an heretical prince; and the difpleafure of the court of Rome was the greater, as he had depofited a copy of his fpeech with the council of Kilkenny, which, if publifhed, would furnifh hereticks with arguments againft the papal authority over heretical princes, when the pope’s own minifter fhould exhort catholicks to be faithful to fuch a king.

Rinuncini, after he had feparated from, and excommunicated the confederates, put himfelf at the head of a body called the general affembly, confifting of fome of their bifhops, peers and commoners, and a number of the common herd of papifts, who were entirely at the devotion of this furious fanatick; and fuch was the religious rancour which he infufed into them, that they offered to treat with the members of Cromwell’s government, fooner than fubmit to the royal authority. Nicholas French, the titular bifhop of Ferns, a zealous partizan of the nuncio, and a virulent enemy of a proteftant government, was earneft for this treaty, which had been entered upon with fome of Ireton’s agents. How exactly do the circumftances of the prefent times refemble thofe of that period, when the Irifh Roman catholicks fhewed in earneft defire to renounce their allegiance to, and overturn the government of their prefent amiable fovereign, through whofe interceffion almoft the whole of the penal laws have been repealed, and a college has been erected for the education of their clergy; and this with

* By this doftrine the priefthood have made the temporal power fubfervient to the sacerdotal, and we find it ftrongly inculcated in the paftoral letters of doctors Troy and Huffey. According to this, John Hufs was burnt in 1415, contrary to the emperor’s wifhes; and James II. was induced to violate his coronation oath, in attempting to overturn the proteftant religion.

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a defign of connecting themfelves with a fet of blood-Rained monfters, who murdered their king, and would wifh to dethrone their God!

At laft, fuch was their enthufiaftick virulence againft the government of a proteftant king, that they fent Nicholas French to the duke of Lorraine, to invite him to accept of the fovereignty of the kingdom, and they figned a treaty with him, by which he was, in effect, completely invefted with it, as far as their power could extend.

Carte, in his life of the duke of Ormond, p.155, mentions another confpiracy for a general rifing in the year 1634. It was difcovered by Emer MacMahon, afterwards titular bifhop of Clogher, to Sir G. Radcliffe, on a general affurance of pardon; and he acknowledged, that the confpirators were to have received affiftance from abroad, and that he had been employed many years in foliciting affiftance from foreign courts to carry on the bufinefs for the good of religion.

The earl of Strafford, viceroy at that time, a great and wife minifter, without alarming the nation, or driving the party concerned in it by their fears into open rebellion, engaged the Englifh minifters abroad to watch the practices of the Irifh in foreign courts, and to baffle their fchemes.

Carte imputes the rebellions in Ireland to the Irifh priefts on the fcore of religion, and to the hopes of the old proprietors to recover the forfeited eftates;* and it muft be allowed, that while the latter have this in contemplation, and the mafs of the natives retain their hatred to England, no parallel can be drawn between the Roman catholicks of Ireland, and thofe of any other ftate.

When James II. arrived in Ireland, the popifh parliament which he affembled, propofed, by an act, to make it independent of England; but having a ftrong hope of remounting the Englifh throne, he hefitated to give his affent to it, on which they refolved to renounce him and his caufe; for they fent to him, Nagle, a rigid papift, whom he had made attorney general, to inform him, that they could do without him.

* Life of the duke of Ormond, b. 3.

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In fhort, fuch was their inextinguifhable hatred to a connexion with England, that, though he attempted a complete extirpation of proteftantifm, by attainting every proteftant landholder in Ireland, and by reftoring their property to the old proprietors, and promifed that the popifh religion fhould predominate there, they would not be fatisfied, without a total feparation from England. Mr. Macpherfon very properly obferves, “that James foon found, that he was not mafter of his own kingdom.”

Some perfons have endeavoured to palliate the horrors and atrocities committed during the rebellion of 1641, by imputing it to various caufes of provocation, without confidering that the pope’s interference was the chief caufe of inciting it. For, befides the bull iffued by pope Urban in 1628, the fame pontiff during the exiftence of that dreadful civil war, the better to inflame his votaries, fulminated another, containing the following paragraphs: “In imitation of their godly and worthy anceftors, to endeavour, by force, to deliver their thralled nation from the oppreffions and grievous injuries of the hereticks, wherewith this long time it hath been affticted and heavily burthened; and gallantly do in them what lieth, to extirpate, and totally root out thofe workers of iniquity, who, in this kingdom of Ireland, had infected, and were always ftriving to infect, the mafs of catholick purity, with the peftiferous leaven of heretical contagion.”

Mr. Edmund Burke ferioufly intended to have written a hiftory of that rebellion, for no other purpofe but to vindicate the Roman catholicks from the odium which they brought on themfelves by it.

Lord chief juftice Lowther, in his fpeech at the opening of the court, on the trial of Sir Phelim O’Neil, one of the leaders of rebellion in 1641, ftated that the following privileges were enjoyed by the Roman catholicks previous to its eruption. “That befides the licentious freedom of their Romifh fuperftition, they had their titular archbifhops for every province, their titular bifhop, with his dean and chapter, for every diocefe, and their fecular prieft for every parifh in the land; befides their abbots, priors, monks, nuns, jefuits, friars, monafteries, nunneries, and other religious houfes, and convents in the principal

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cities and towns of the land, even in the city of Dublin, the refidence of the ftate; fo that father Harris, a fecular prieft of their own, publifhed in print, that it was as hard to find what number of friars were in Dublin, as to count how many frogs there were in the fecond plague of Egypt.”

“Befides the exercife of their fuperfttious rites and ceremonies, they had alfo papal jurjfdiction, as by law they had vicars general, and kept their provincial courts and confiftories, and excommunicated the people, delivering them unto fatan. Their lawyers, fheriffs, and juftices of the peace were not required to take the oaths of allegiance and fupremacy, which were not difpenfed with as to proteftants; and all thefe popifh lawyers, priefts, jefuits, and friars, were the principal incendiaries and fire-brands in the rebellion; and the publick burthens and charges of the commonwealth were more borne by the proteftants than by them, in proportion to their numbers, and the quality of poffeffors of inheritance.”

“And of the fubfidy granted in the tenth Charles I. whereof the Roman catholicks raifed fo great a clamour, both in England and Ireland, the proteftants paid above one-third part of the whole, befides the clergy; though neither the quantity or quality of lands of inheritance, then holden of them in the land, did amount to more than a fifth part; and befides all this, the proteftants had contributed to the charge of their committees, towards the obtaining grace, in bounties, in fending commiffioners for them. They were made earls, vifcounts, lords, baronets, and knights; enjoying all this and much more, without any provocation to rife up fuddenly to this height of cruelty, and to murder many thoufand proteftants, that lived peaceably and friendly with them, before they could take up arms for their defence, made the fins of murder, violence, and cruelty, unmeafurably finful and deteftable.”

Borlafe adds, “that they were elected knights, citizens, and burgeffes, in parliament they enjoyed their religion without control, while proteftants, diffenting from the church of England, were often fummoned before the bifhop’s court juftice was equally adminiftered to the

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Britifh and Irifh; duties and taxes were levied without diftinction; all private animofities were fuppreffed; all antient grudges were removed; and, in all outward appearance, they lived fo affectionately intermixed together, that they could not be efteemed two nations in one kingdom.”

But we cannot be at a lofs for the real fource of the rebellion, when Walfh, the francifcan friar, tells us at large, of a printed book, written by MacMahon an Irifh jefuit, inculcating the lawfulnefs of killing, not only all the proteftants, but even fuch of the Roman catholick Irifh, as fhould ftand for the crown of England, and the rights of the king to Ireland.

There have been various opinions as to the number of proteftants maffacred in the rebellion of 1641. Mr. Carte, an able and judicicus hiftorian, after examining them with the utmoft candour, coincides with Sir William Petty, who makes them amount to thirty-feven thoufand, in his Political Anatomy; and as he was well fkilled in calculation, and had furveyed the whole kingdom, foon after that dreadful event happened, it is probable that his account was accurate.

In the year 1729, the popifh bifhops of Ireland applied for, and obtained, a bull from the pope, to raife money by the fale of indulgences, to be fpeedily applied to reftore James III. to his right, and to put his majefty George II. and all the royal family to the fword. The whole of this plot is to be found in the fixth volume of the journals of the houfe of commons, page 342.

It appears that a number of popifh prelates and other ecclefiafticks, being affembled at the houfe of Teigue McCarthy, alias Rabagh, titular bifhop of Cork, Conner Keefe, bifhop of Limerick, prefented a letter to the faid McCarthy, from doctor Butler, titular archbifhop of Cafhel, informing him, that his holinefs the pope, had at laft complied with the requeft of the Irifh archbifhops and bifhops, in granting them an indulgence for the above purpofe.

The purport of the bull was this: “That every communicant duly confeffing, and receiving the facrament on the patron days of every refpective parifh, and every Sunday, from the firft day of May to September, having repeated the Lord’s prayer five times, and once the

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apoftles creed, and upon paying two pence each time, was to have a plenary indulgence for his fins; and all approved confeffors had full power to abfolve in all cafes, with intent that God would fpeedily place James III. on the throne of England. Every parifh prieft was to pay £5 towards this fund, and was to account upon oath for the collection of it; and the pretender had an agent in each province to collect it.”

Some of the papers of thefe traitors were difcovered, and feized, by which the confpiracy was detected.*

* See the joumals before cited.

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ORIGIN OF THE WHITE BOYS.

In the year 1759, and under the adminiftration of the duke of Bedford, an alarming fpirit of infurgency appeared in the South of Ireland, which manifefted itfelf by the numerous and frequent rifings of the lower’ clafs of Roman catholicks, dreffed in white uniforms, whence they were denominated white boys; but they were encouraged, and often headed, by perfons of their own perfuafion of fome confideration. They were armed with guns, fwords, and piftols, of which they plundered proteftants, and they marched through the country, in military array, preceded by the mufick of bag-pipes, or the founding of horns. In their nocturnal perambulations, they enlifted, or preffed into their fervice every perfon of their own religion, who was capable of ferving them, and bound them by oaths of fecrecy, of fidelity and obedience to their officers; and thofe officers were bound by oaths of allegiance to the French king, and prince Charles the pretender to the crown of England, which appeared by the confeffion and the informations of feveral of the infurgents, fome of whom were convicted of high treafon, and various other crimes. The pretext they made ufe of for rifing and affembling was, to redrefs the following grievances: the illegal enclofure of commons, the extortion of tythe proftors, and the exorbitant fees exafted by their own clergy, though it appeared that they were deeply concerned in encouraging and fomenting them, in the commiffion of outrages.

They committed dreadful barbarities on fuch perfons as hefitated to obey their mandates, or refufed to join in their confederacy; they cut out their tongues, amputated their nofes or ears; they made them ride many miles in the night on horfeback, naked, or bare-backed; they buried them naked, in graves lined with furze, up to their chins; they plundered and often burned houfes; they houghed and maimed cattle; they feized arms, and horfes, which they rode about the country, and levied money, at times even in the day. I fhall refer the reader

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to Appendix, No. I. for their defigns and praftices. They refembled the modern defenders in every refpect, except in the title which they affumed; and their object was exactly the fame, that of fubverting the conftitution, and feparating Ireland from England, with the affiftance of France.

Thefe mifcreants became fo formidable in many parts of the provinces of Leinfter and Munfter, that many laws, which I fhall explain in the fequel, were enacted for their fuppreffion.

In the year 1762, the marquis of Drogheda was fent to command a large diftrict in the province of Munfter, and made Clogheen in the county of Tipperary his head-quarters, at that time much difturbed by the white boys, who ufed to affemble in bodies of from five hundred to two thoufand.

On the night of the day on which he arrived at Clegheen, a number of white boys, well armed and headed by father Nicholas Sheehy, affembled clofe to that town, and were on the point of attacking ir, which induced his lordfhip to double the guard. From this, the inhabitants of it, having a fufpicion that he was going to march out againft the infurgents, father Doyle, parifh prieft of Ardfinnan, (alluded to in the information of David Landregin, Appendix, No. 1. 2.) after having expoftulated with them on the danger of affaulting the town, went to lord Drogheda, pale and trembling with fear, allured his lordfhip that his garrifon was in no danger, and befought him not to march out againft the infurgents. I received this information from the marquis himfelf, and it correfponds exactly with the depofition of Landregin.

His lordfhip’s regiment killed great numbers of them in that and the adjacent country; and he affured me, that French money was found in the pockets of fome of them.

His lordfhip, during his refidence there, took the famous father Nicholas Sheehy, who was afterwards hanged at Clonniel. He had been a noted leader of the white boys, and incited them to commit jnurder, and various outrages; and yet his memory is held in fuch veneration by the popifh multitude, and the clay of his tomb is fuppofed to be endued with fuch fupernatural powers, that various miraculous

* There is a grofs misrepreprefention of these infurgents in the Encyclopedia Britannic, under the title of Ireland, printed by James Moore in Cullege-green, in the year 1794.

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cures are imputed to it; in confequence of which, it is in fuch requeft among the popifh rabble, that the fexton of the church, where his body is interred, is obliged very often to renew it.

The marquis of Drogheda took, in the caftle of Cahir, the domeftick chaplain of the then lord Cahir, who conftantly refided with his lordfhip, on ferious charges againft him for high treafon.

It is moft certain, that the white boy fyftem was at firtft formed to co-operate with the French, who meditated an invafion of Ireland under Conflans; but when that was defeated, and even during a time of profound peace, the barbarous rabble, free from all moral reftraint, elate with the hope of plunder, and fraught with difaffection to a proteftant ftate, continued to commit the moft horrid enormities in many parts of Leinfter and Munfter, for above twenty-five years after.

John Twohy ftates in his information, that they began to enlift men for the French fo early as the year 1756. See Appendix, No. I. 7.

At firft they were headed, marfhalled, and difciplined, by officers who had ferved in the Irifh brigades, in the French fervice; but when peace was concluded, their leaders confifted of popifh farmers and perfons in a mean fituation.

Mr. Conway, an Irifh Roman catholick gentleman refident at Paris, ufed to remit money to them, on the part and by orders of the French government; and fome popifh merchants of the province of Munfler, who received and diftributed it among the infurgents, were afterwards members of the Catholick committee in 1792.

In the year 1762, they committed fuch dreadful exceffes in the South of Ireland, that Sir Richard Afton, lord chief juftce of the common pleas, was fent down with a fpecial commiffion to try them; and the miftaken lenity which he fhewed them in the courfe of his circuit was fuch, that it encouraged them to perfevere in the commiffion of enormities for fome years after.

The late earl of Carrick and the reverend Mr. Hewetfon in the county of Kilkenny, Sir Thomas Maude, baronet, afterwards lord De Montalt, William Bagwell and John Bagenall, efquires, of the county of Tipperary, took a very active part in fuppreffing the white boys, for which they were as much traduced and vilifi.ed, as the orangemen,

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yeomen, and all loyal fubjeds who endeavoured to put down the defenders.

The grand jury of the county of Dublin were fo much incenfed at this, that they voted an addrefs of thanks. Appendix I. 6. to the earl of Carrick and thofe gentlemen, for their fpirited and laudable exertions. It appears by the examination of David Landregin, (Appendix, No. I. 2.) that a party of white boys took a folemn oath, in the town of Clonmel, to affaffinate the earl of Carrick and the other gentlemen.

As Mr. Edmund Burke, who always fhewed a decided attachment to popery, manifefted it for the firft time on this occafion, I fhall, in touching on it, relate a few of the early circumftances of his life.

In doing fo, I muft premife, that I do not mean to difparage him. I had the honour of being acquainted with him; and I was fo fenfible of his exalted moral and intelledual excellence, that I gave the following character of him in a pamphlet publifhed by J. Stockdale in 1794, which was noticed in the Monthly Review of April, 1795:

“His book on French affairs contains more political wifdom, and more profound knowledge of practical government, than any that ever appeared; and in future ages will tend to endear the Britifh conftitution to its subjects.

“The bright effulgence of his genius, like the fun, raifed up fome buzzing infects, who cavilled at the doctrines which he advanced; but the ftate of France proves the futility of their affertions, and that he fpoke prophetic truth.

“His long and luminous life, devoted to the caufe of wifdom and virtue, was more bright in its fetting, than the meridian blaze of moft other genuifes.”

He was the fon of a popifh folicitor in Dublin, at the univerfity of which he received his education; but I have been affured by his contemporaries, that he did not, in the courfe of it, difplay any fymptoms of thofe fhining abilities, which afterwards made the progrefs of his life fo brilliant.

Soon after he went to the Temple to ftudy the law, he married a daughter of doctor Nugent, who had been bred at Doway in Flanders, and was a moft bigoted Romanift. A year after he had gone to the

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Temple, a perfon, who was at that time ferving his apprenticefhip to Mr. Burke’s father, informed me, that his mafter fent him to London, relative to fome law bufinefs, and that Mr. Edmund Burke detained him many days longer than he had permiffion to remain there: that during his ftay, he feemed much agitated in his mind, and that, when they were alone, he frequently introduced religion as a topick of converfation, and faid, that he had ftrong reafons for thinking more favourably of the Romifh perfuafion than he formerly did. For thefe reafons, this gentleman affured me, he verily believed, that he was become a convert to popery.

Soon after this gentleman’s return, Mr. Burke, fenior, having heard a report that his fon had really changed his religion, was much concerned at it; becaufe he had entertained the moft fanguine hopes that he would acquire great wealth and fame at the Irifh bar, from practifing at which Romanifts were excluded by law.

He therefore employed Mr. Bowen, his brother-in-law, who, as a linen merchant, had a very extenfive correfpondence in London, to make ftrict enquiry about the converfion of his fon.

Some days after, Mr. Bowen entered his office, and in the prefence of the gentleman who gave me this information, threw him a letter, faying. There, your fon is moft certainly become a Roman catholick. On reading the letter, Mr. Burke became furious, lamenting that the rifing hope of his family was blafted, and that the expence he had been at in his fon’s education was now thrown away.

As fome of the greateft men, even at an advanced period of life, have become flaves to the paffion of love, it is very poffible that Mr. Burke, in the fpring of life, when its influence is irrefiftible, and endued with a lively imagination, and all the tendernefs of fenfibility, might have conformed to the exterior ceremonies of popery, to obtain mifs Nugent, of whom he was very much enamoured; but it is not to be fuppofed, that a perfon of fo vigorous and highly cultivated an underftanding, could have continued under the fhackles of that abfurd fuperftition.

At laft, when he had ferved a fufficient number of terms to be called to the bar, he refufed to return to his native country, declaring, that

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the climate of it difagreed with him; and that he expected to get fome employment in the line of his profeffion in America, through one of the Grenville family. He therefore remained in London, where he fubfifted chiefly by his pen; and he foon acquired a confiderable degree of celebrity, as a writer, and a man of genius, by the publication of his Treatife on the Sublime and Beautiful, and by his Vindication of Natural Society, in imitation of lord Bolingbroke, which introduced him to the notice and acquaintance of Mr. Hamilton. When that gentleman came to Ireland, as fecretary to the earl of Halifax, he, wifhing to avail himfelf of Mr. Burke’s talents, folicited him to attend him, but in no official capacity; and he accordingly complied.

He accompanied him a fecond time to Dublin, when Mr. Hamilton was fecretary to the earl of Northumberland, and was rewarded with a penfion of £300 a year.

When they returned to England, Mr. Hamilton intended to have fpoken a fpeech on the peace in the year 1763, which he had prevailed on Mr. Burke to compofe.

It unfortunately happened, that as he was about to rife, Mr. Charles Townfhend entered the houfe; and as his wit and eloquence had been always terrifick to him, his appearance palfied his exertions and ftruck him dumb. Mr. Burke, enraged at this, (as they had united their talents in a kind of partnerfhip) faid, with fome warmth. What fignifies my making fpeeches for you, when you cannot fpeak them?

A warm altercation enfued, in the courfe of which Mr. Hamilton informed Mr. Burke, that he had been overpaid; on which Mr. Burke, with becoming fpirit, refigned his penfion, which was afterwards given to a gentleman who enjoys it at this time. Mr. McCormick in his life of Mr. Burke is miftaken in this circumftance. Their quarrel became a matter of curiofity and debate in the fuperior circles of fociety, in which the partizans on each fide were very warm.

The difcuffion of this affair introduced Mr, Burke to the notice of lord Rockingham, who having formed a friendfhip for him, made him an under-fecretary in the treafury; but having loft that employment in fix months, the period of his lordfhip’s adminiftration, he brought him into parliament, where the eloquence and the great intelleclual powers

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difplayed in his fpeeches, will remain a ftriking and an eternal monument of his genius.

When the enormities committed by the white boys were about to draw on them the vengeance of the law, and fome time before fr Richard Afton proceeded on his commiffion to try them, Mr. Edmund Burke fent his brother Richard, who died recorder of Briftol, and Mr. Nagle, a relation, on a miffion to Munfter, to levy money on the popifh body, for the ufe of the white boys, who were exclufively papifts.

Some Roman catholicks complained bitterly of the fums of money which they extorted from them.* The defpotifm which the Romifh prelates have over their own body is fuch, that they can at any time levy large fums of money on them, to promote the intereft of their church, which is a moft dangerous engine in a well-governed ftate. The open and general exercife of it in the years 1792 and 1793, and again in 1794 and 1795, was fufficient to create an alarm in the government. At thofe periods fome of the lower claffes of people in Munfter complained loudly of the exactions practifed on them; and on being afked, for what purpofe they were? they anfwered, that they had made that enquiry, and were informed, at one time, that it was to obtain for them the elective franchife; at another, to procure the privilege of fitting in parliament for perfons of their own perfuafion. It is well known that Mr. William Todd Jones was their warm partizan while in the houfe of commons;† and, from the intemperate zeal which fome members of that body shewed in promoting their defigns, it was univerfally believed that they were actuated by finifter motives.

It was ftrongly fufpected, that a perfon in an elevated fituation in England, from his fingular pertinacity in adhering to their caufe, when in actual and open rebellion, had received fome of their contributions;

* I have no other proof that thefe gentlemen were employed by Mr. Burke, than that they declared fo without referve to the perfons from whom they obtained money. In doing fo, he might have been actuated by motives of charity and humanity, as numbers of the white boys were to be tried in different counties, and they had no other means than eleemofynary contributions to prepare for their defence.

† It is well known that Mr. Jones afterwards accufed, in the publicly prints, the Catholick committee, of not giving him the whole of the money which they had promifed to pay him.

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and the debates which took place in the Romifh convention in the year 1792, and which the reader will fee in the fequel, and the fudden, fuccefsful, and unexpected turn which their affairs took in the year 1793, left very little room to doubt, but that fome extraordinary fecret influence was exerted in England.*

In the year 1757, there appeared a very fingular and unquestionable proof that thofe doctrines of the Romifh church, which had difturbed the peace of all proteftant countries ever since the Reformation took place, exifted in full force in Ireland.

In that year, a bill was introduced into the houfe of lords, to fecure the proteftant fucceffion, in which there was an oath of allegiance.

Thomas Burke, titular bifhop of Offory, and publick hiftoriographer to the dominican order in Ireland, made the following obfervations on that oath. After animadverting on the feverity of fetting afide the different foreign branches of the Stuart family, he fays, “would it not exceed the greateft imaginable abfurdity, that a Catholick prieft, who inftructs his Catholick people in the will of God, from fcripture and tradition, by his difcourfe and actions, and nourifheth them with the facrament of the church, fhould fwear fidelity to king George, as long as he profeffeth a heterodox religion, or has a wife of that religion? that then, and in that cafe, the fame Catholick prieft ought inftantly to abjure the very king to whom he had before fworn allegiance.” Impiety moft horrible’†

Thomas Burke was made titular bifhop of Oflbry in 1759, and died at Kilkenny in September, 1776. He was, as he frequently tells us, a favourite of pope Benedict XIV. was a man of refpectable learning, and perfectly well acquainted with the doctrines of the Romifh church, the bulls and epiftles of the popes, and the fentiments of the Irifh Roman catholicks; and yet fome of the heads of the Irifh clergy have had the effrontery and duplicity to vilify the talents and information of this writer, and to reprefent him as a dotard, haunted with dreams of pontifical omnipotence; but fuch perverfion of truth, and fuch varnifhing of odious doctrines are only calculated to deceive, and can

* It cannot be fuppofed that I allude to any of his Majefty’s minifters, whofe honour and integrity are far above my praife.
†Hibernia Dominicana, page 723.

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impofe on no rational man; for all the tenets contained in his book were carried into practice during the late rebellion.

Burke, after reciting part of pope Paul V.’s bull, encouraging the Irifh in their rebellion, exclaims, Quid celebrius? Quid infignius?*

On the flight of king James II. he fays, that he feafonably left the Britifh nation, whom he brands as perjurers and traitors, who confpired againft his life, fubject to the flavery of this new Cromwell (meaning king William,) viliffimi novi hujus Cromwelli fervitute.

The firft part of his Hibernia Dominicana was printed at Kilkenny in the year 1762, the fecond in 1772, both by Edmund Finn; but it was ftated to have been publifhed at Cologne, Colonæ: Agrippinæ.

In fpeaking of the gun powder plot, he fays, it was an invention, and that the gun powder was fecretly put under the parliament houfe, by the order of William Cecil, to afford a fpecious pretext for extirpating all the catholicks of England.

Again, in the year 1768, when an oath of allegiance, to be taken by the Roman catholicks of Ireland, was in the contemplation of parliament, Thomas Maria Ghillini, the pope’s legate at Bruffels, who had a complete control and fuperintendance over all the northern churches, and fpoke ex cathedra, made the following animadverfions on that oath, in four letters to the titular archbifhops of Ireland; and thefe letters are ftyled by Thomas Burke, who publifhed them in his Hibernia Dominicana, literæ vere aureæ, cedroque dignæ.

The legate treats the claufes in the propofed oath, containing a declaration of abhorrence and deteftation of the doftrines, “that faith is not to be kept with hereticks; and that princes, deprived by the pope, may be depofed or murdered by their fubjects, as abfolutely intolerable; becaufe, he fays, thofe doctrines are defended, and contended for by moft Catholick nations, and the Holy See has frequently followed them in practice. On the whole he decides, that, as the oath is in its whole extent unlawful, fo in its nature it is invalid, null, and of no effect, infomuch that it can by no means bind or oblige confciences.”†

It is well known, that fimilar decifions have been uniformly made by the Roman pontiffs, on the validity of oaths any way detrimental

* What can be move famous? What more illustrious?
† Page 925 This was in the fupplement of that work published in the year 1771.

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to the Holy See. In the late rebellion, the popifh multitude, and many of the Romifh clergy and gentlemen, paid no regard whatever to an oath of allegiance.

When the emperor and the Roman catholick princes of Germany concluded a peace called the treaty of Weftphalia, in the year 1648, with the proteftant princes, they mutually bound each other by a folemn oath, to the obfervance of it; on which the pope publifhed a flaming bull, in which he pronounced the oath to be null and void, as no oath could bind them to hereticks. This bull was expofed by Hornbeck, a famous German divine, in a work entitled, “Examen bullæ papalis, qua Innocentius X. abrogare nititur pacem Germaniæ.”

The conduct of the parliament of Ireland, from the beginning of his prefent majefty’s reign till the end of the year 1793, prefents the reader with an uninterrupted feries of blunders in politicks.

All our difgraces and misfortunes are to be found in the hiftory of our penal laws, and in the feeble execution of them, beginning with the third of Geo. III. cap. 19. for indemnifying all fuch perfons as have been, or fhall be aiding in the difperfing of riots, and apprehending the rioters, which was enacted for the fuppreffion of the white boys. As the boldnefs and temerity of thefe infurgents continued to encreafe, the fifth of Geo. III. cap. 8. paffed, and was entitled, “An act to prevent the future tumultuous rifings of perfons within this kingdom.” The want of enforcing the falutary provifions of thefe laws tended to encourage the white boys in the commiffion of atrocities for above twenty years after. About the year 1773, that fyftem of conciliation and conceffion, which laid the foundation of the late rebellion began; for, while this popifh banditti, encouraged by their clergy, were committing the moft dreadful enormities, the thirteenth and fourteenth of Geo. III. cap. 35, to enable Roman catholicks to teftify their allegiance to his majefty by oath, was enacted; but the folly and abfurdity of that law were fully proved by the neceffity of paffing, foon after, the thirteenth and fourteenth of Geo. III. cap. 45. to prevent malicious cutting and wounding, and to punifh offenders, called chalkers; for the affaffin in the morning teftified his allegiance to his king, and at night, with his chalking knife, renounced his allegiance to

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his God, by mangling and maiming his fellow creature, and houghing his cattle.

As the barbarous exceffes committed by the white boys continued to encreafe, the fifteenth and fixteenth of Geo. III. cap. 21. was enacted againft them. It recites that the fifth of Geo. III. cap. 8. was infufficient for fuppreffing them; and it ftates, “That they affembled riotoufly, injured perfons and property, compelled perfons to quit their abode, impofed oaths and declarations by menaces, fent threatening and incendiary letters, obftrufted the export of corn, and deftroyed the fame.” This is an exact defcription of the defenders.

As their turbulence and ferocity continued to encreafe, and as they made a conftant praftice of houghing foldiers in a wanton and unprovoked manner, the chalking act was extended, and amended by the feventeenth and eighteenth of Geo. III. cap. 49.

Conceffion and conciliation holding pace with an encreafe of the enormities committed by thofe favages, a law paffed foon after the feventeenth and eighteenth of Geo. III. cap. 49. to enable Roman catholicks to take leafes for nine hundred and ninety-nine years, or five lives, at any rent; and by it, all lands of which a Roman catholick was at that time feized, were made defcendible, devifable, and transferable, as fully as if the fame were in the feifin of any other perfon.

The preamble of this act recites, “That for their uniform peaceable behaviour, for a long feries of years, it appears reafonable and expedient to relax feveral of their incapacities and difabilities.” The falfity and inconfiftency of this affertion will be an eternal ftain on the parliament of Ireland.

There is not a doubt, but that the Romanifts had fome hired agents in that affembly at this period. A ftrong argument in favour of an Union!

As a mark of gratitude for thefe indulgences, this infamous banditti proceeded to commit greater enormities than they had practifed before, in confequence of which the legiftature were obliged to pafs the eighteenth and nineteenth of Geo. III. cap. 37. and the title of it will fhew how neceffary it was: “An act to prevent the deteftable praftice of houghing cattle, burning houfes, barns, haggards, and corn; and for other purpofes.”

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Though they continued to commit their ufual exceffes, the legiftature, actuated by what was called liberality of fentiment, put the Roman catholicks on the fame footing with proteftants, as to property, in the year 1782; and almoft the whole of the reftrictive laws were repealed. The volunteers checked, in fome degree, the barbarous outrages committed by the white boys from the year 1780 to the year 1784, when the inftitution began to languifh, and then we find them as furious as ever in the province of Leinfter. This proves how neceffary a numerous and well-armed police, confifting of proteftants, is to the profperity of Ireland.

In December, 1784, a body of white boys broke into the houfe of John Mafon a proteftant, in the county of Kilkenny, in the night, placed him naked on horfeback, and having carried him in this manner five or fix miles from his houfe, they cut off his ears, and in that ftate buried him up to his chin; they alfo robbed him of his fire arms.*

This year they were fo outrageous in the province of Leinfter, particularly in the county of Kilkenny, that a denunciation was read againft them in all the popifh chapels in the diocefe of Offory, on the feventeenth of November, 1784.

This was a ftrong proof of the returning loyalty and obedience to the laws of the popifh clergy of that diocefe; or, if they were infincere and fecretly encouraged the white boys as much as formerly, of their extreme duplicity.

As doctor Butler, brother of Mr. Butler of Ballyragget, and of the noble houfe of Ormond, was at that time titular archbifhop of Cafhel, a gentleman who was fincerely loyal, it is very likely that he prevailed on his clergy to adopt this procedure. He fhould not be confounded with doctor Butler who was in that See when the white boys began their exceffes.

All thefe privileges were granted with a good grace by parliament, and they met with no oppofition from the conftituent body, who were at that time exclufively proteftants.

Notwithftanding fuch liberality on the part of the proteftant ftate, the white boys ftill continued to commit nocturnal depredations in different parts of Leinfter and Munfter; but in the latter they were

* See Appendix, No. I. 8. for a few fpecimens of white boy atrocity.

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fucceeded by a fet of infurgents called right boys in 1786, who refembled them in every refpect, except in the title which they affumed. Their proceedings, chiefly directed againft the proteftant clergy, were not the wild and extravagant efforts of rafh and ignorant peafants, but a dark and deep-laid fcheme, planned by men fkilled in the law and the artifices by which it may be evaded. Such men fuggefted to the farmers, to enter into a combination under the fanction of an oath, not to take their tythes, or to affift any clergyman in drawing them.

Some of the proteftant gentlemen, hoping to exonerate their eftates of tythes, by the machinations and enormities of thefe traitors, fecretly encouraged them; and others connived at their exceffes, till they began to oppofe the payment of rent, and the recovery of money by legal procefs, and then they came forward in fupport of the law.

A form of a fummons to the clergy to draw their tythe, penned with legal accuracy, was printed at Cork, and circulated with great diligence through many parts of Munfler. In order to make the combination univerfal, fome of the moft active and intelligent members of it adminiftered oaths to all the lower clafs of people, at the Romifh chapels and market towns.

To varnifh over the knavery and turpitude of their defigns, they publifhed a tything table, according to which they pretended that they would pay the clergy, but to which they did not adhere, and, if they had done fo, it would not have afforded them a fubfiftence; befides, by fwearing not to hire horfes to them, and by a great number of them combining to fever the tythe, and draw their corn, on the fame day, they completely robbed them of their property; and the proteftant clergy would actually have ftarved, but that an act of parliament paffed in the year 1787, to enable them to recover the tythes of which they had been defrauded in this manner.

At laft, the proteftant clergy in the county of Cork were fo much intimidated by the menaces and infults which they received from them, that many were obliged to fly to the city of Cork for protection. They foon proceeded from one act of violence to another, and eftablifhed fuch a fyftem of terror, that landlords were afraid to diftrain for rent, or to fue by civil procefs for money due by note. They took arms from proteftants, and levied money to buy ammunition.

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They broke open gaols, fet fire to hay and corn, and even to houfes, efpecially to thofe occupied by the army. At laft they had the audacity to threaten the cities of Limerick and Cork, and the town of Ennis, the capital of Clare, with famine; and took meafures to prevent farmers and fifhermen from conveying fupplies of provifions to them. They proceeded by fuch a regular fyftem, that they eftablifhed a kind of poft-office, for communication, by which they conveyed their notices with celerity for the purpofe of forming their meetings, which were frequent and numerous.

This fpirit of riot and infurrection occafioned the paffing of a law in the year 1787, drawn by the prefent lord Clare, entitled, “An act to prevent tumultuous rifings and affemblies, and for the more efffectual punifhment of perfons guilty of outrage, riot, and illegal combination, and of adminiftering and taking unlawful oaths and in the formation of that law, he fhewed the fame political wifdom, and firmnefs of mind, which he evinced on all fubfequent occafions. By that law government were empowered to raife an armed police in any county they chofe, and the introduction of it into the counties of Kilkenny, Tipperary, Cork, and Kerry, occafioned fuch a revolution in the morals and manners of their inhabitants, and was fo efficient in preferving focial order, that fome of the principal landholders in them declared openly in parliament, that their eftates were encreafed two years purchase in value by that falutary inftitution.

An ingenious foreigner obferved to me, that he never faw a country in which fo many proclamations were iffued againft malefactors, and the commiffion of crimes, as in Ireland; a fure proof of the feeble execution of the laws!

At laft, doctor Woodward, bifhop of Cloyne, fhocked and alarmed at feeing his clergy driven from their houfes to the city of Cork, whither they went for an asylum, and that a confpiracy was formed for the deftruction of the proteftant church, wrote a very able pamphlet, ftating the origin and progrefs of the infurrections in Munfter, hoping thereby to roufe government to take meafures for its defence.

Nothing marked fo ftrongly the depravity of the times, as the malignant attacks, attended with fcurrility and abufe, which were made

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on this amiable prelate, for this feafonable and fpirited difcharge of his paftoral duty. I had the honour of being well acquainted with him, and I never knew a perfon more profoundly and elegantly learned, or fo well verfed, not only in every thing that concerned the ecclefiaftical department, but in the various duties of every line of focial life. Having vifited every part of the Continent, he fpoke the modern languages with great fluency and purity, and had uncommon eafe and affability of manner.

He had the moft exalted piety, and was not only very charitable himfelf, but an active promoter of publick charities. His eloquence in the pulpit was irrefiftible, as his ftyle was nervous and elegant; his voice was loud and harmonious, and he had great dignity of manner.

With all thefe exalted qualities and endowments, he poffeffed the moft brilliant wit, and fuch a happy vein of humour, as enlivened fociety wherever he happened to be.

This neceffary and important duty, the neglect of which would have been criminal, drew on him a hoft of foes, confifting of popifh bifhops, priefts, friars, and prefbyterian minifters, who abufed and vilified him with fingular malignity; and even fome members of parliament had the hardened audacity to arraign him with much feverity.

This amiable prelate made a moft eloquent fpeech in fupport of the privileges granted to the Roman catholicks in the year 1782.

This fpirit of infurrection fpread over moft parts of Munfter. The confpirators bound each other by oath to refift the laws of the land, and to obey none but thofe of captain Right; and fo ftrictly did they adhere to them, that the high fheriff of the county of Waterford,* could not procure a perfon to execute the fentence of the law on one of thefe mifcreants who was condemned to be whipped at Carrick-on-Suir, though he offered a large fum of money for that purpofe. He was therefore under the neceffity of performing that duty himfelf, in the face of an enraged mob.

* The writer of thefe pages was high fheriff at that time.

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ORIGIN OF THE VOLUNTEERS.

In the year 1779, when England was involved in a war with the French, Spaniards, and Americans; when the combined naval armaments of the enemy were fuperior in point of number to the channel fleet; when conftant and well-grounded apprehenfions were entertained that Ireland would be invaded, the loyalty of her parliament, trembling for the fate of the empire, left the kingdom almoft deftitute of any military force for its defence. At the fame time what little commerce fhe then enjoyed, was completely ftagnated by privateers, which conftantly hovered on her coaft. In this critical juncture, fome maritime towns, dreading that they might be plundered by the latter, applied to government for a military force for their defence; but received in anfwer, that they muft arm and defend themfelves.

This gave rife to the volunteers, of which numerous bodies were immediately raifed, who fupplied themfelves with arms; and government, wifhing to encourage the laudable fpirit which the Irifh nation fhewed, diftributed immenfe quantities among them.

It is moft certain, that thefe military affociations deterred the French from attempting an invafion of the kingdom, which they meditated at that time; and they completely preferved the police of the country.

To their immortal honour be it fpoken, that, though felf-embodied, armed, and difciplined, they not only fhewed the greateft refpect for the laws, but the utmoft zeal in enforcing the execution of them.

Without attempting to detract from the inftitution, or questioning the important advantages derived from it, every perfon acquainted with the fcience of civil polity muft acknowledge, that no power fhould be allowed to exift within a ftate, capable of overawing or of overturning it.

Government were foon fo much intimidated by the volunteers, that they fhewed a degree of obeifance and deference for their officers, bordering upon pufillanimity; and popularity among that order became a certain ftep to preferment.

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It was a common praftice to obtain adulatory addreffes from the Volunteers, of which great numbers conftantly appeared in the publick prints; and he who could procure the greateft number of them, was fure to fucceed in his ambitious defigns. It was to be lamented, that they foon began to deviate from the end of their inftitution, and to form provincial meetings, for the purpofe of new modelling the ftate; of which a notable inftance occurred on the fifteenth of February, 1782; when delegates from one hundred and forty-three corps of the province of Ulfter affembled at Dungannon, and entered into refolutions of that tendency, which were foon adopted by all the volunteer corps and grand juries of the kingdom.

It is far from my intention to cenfure that affembly, who were actuated by the generous defign of improving the conftitution, and of diffufing the bleffings of civil liberty as extenfively as poffible; but every moderate and rational perfon muft allow, that it was incompatible with the principles of found policy, that an armed body fhould take upon them to dictate to the government. It is to be lamented that fuch affemblies and their difcuffions taught the mafs of the people to fpeculate upon politicks, and as they cannot diftinguifh fophiftry from truth, prepared their minds for the reception of thofe deleterious doctrines which produced the rebellion.

On the ninth of October, 1783, delegates from all the corps of the province of Leinfter affembled at the Royal Exchange of Dublin, when reform of parliament, and the admiffion of Roman catholicks to the elective franchife were propounded.

On Monday the tenth of November, 1783, the grand national convention of volunteers, confifting of delegates from every county in the kingdom, met at the Royal Exchange in Dublin, marched in regular proceffion to the Rotunda, where they opened their feffion, and entered into deliberation, on new modelling the conftitution. Some men, diftinguifhed in parliament for wifdom, virtue, and eloquence, were fo much heated with the frenzy of innovation which then prevailed, that they took the lead in that fingular affembly, which was faid in moft of the publick prints to confift of the real reprefentatives of the people.

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On the twelfth of that month, father O’Leary, an Irifh friar, and chaplain to the Irifh brigade, a popifh corps of volunteers, entered the convention; and fuch was the folly of the times, that the volunteer guard at the gate received him with a full falute of refted arms; and many members of the convention paid him the moft flattering compliments.

On the twenty-fifth of November, the committee of the convention reported their plan of reforming the conftitution; and one of its members, the right honourable Henry Flood, attempted, on the twenty-ninth, to introduce it into the houfe of commons, in the fhape of a bill; but it was fcouted with a degree of indignation which did honour to that affembly.

On the firft inftitution of the volunteers, fome low perfons, who turned out notorious traitors in the late rebellion, affumed the rank of officers; and many gentlemen of rank and fortune, who headed them at firft, having retired, were fucceeded by men defttute of both, and well known to be difaffected.

Of this defcription were Napper Tandy, Bacon the tailor, Matthew Dowling, and many others concerned in the late rebellion, whom the lenity of government has faved from the vengeance of the law.

Such men having acquired popularity and influence among the volunteers, fome of the firft of our nobility and gentry, who olFered themfelves candidates for a fuperior command among them, courted thefe mifcreants for their intereft, with all the meannefs of fervility; for they elefted their own officers.

There is not a doubt, but that numbers of unprincipled men, enrolled -among the volunteers, formed fchemes for fubverting the conftitution; and their invitation to the Roman catholicks to take up arms, and their earneft defire that they fhould be admitted to a participation of the elective franchife, were m.ade with the hope of procuring their co-operation for that purpofe.

That amiable nobleman the earl of Charlemont, who had very great influence among the volunteers, well knowing that fuch propofitions flowed from finifter defigns, fuccefsfully oppofed them in the year 1784.

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There is not a doubt, but that the ftirtation between John and Peter was formed during the exiftence of the volunteer inftitution.*

Mr. Edmund Burke alluded to this heterogeneous coalition between Roman catholicks and prefbyterians, in the following pastage of his letter to Sir Hercules Langriihe in the year 1792, on the claims of the former to the eleftive franchife: “As to the low, thoughtlefs, wild and proftigate, who have joined themfelves with thofe of other profeffions, (meaning the prefbyterians) but of the fame character; you are not to imagine, that, for a moment, I can fuppofe them to be met with any thing elfe than the manly and enlightened energy of a firm government, fupported by the united efforts of all virtuous men; if ever their proceedings fhould become fo confiderable as to demand its notice, I really think that fuch affociations fhould be crulhed in their very commencement.”

Mr. Burke did not know that the mafs of the Roman catholicks were infected with revolutionary defigns at fo early a period, not only in Dublin but in many other parts of the kingdom, as we fhall find in the fequel. A corps called the Irifh brigade was raifed in the city of Dublin, of which nineteen out of twenty were Roman catholicks, and they appointed father O’Leary, an obfcure itinerant friar, their chaplain. I have been affured, that they exceeded in number all the other volunteer corps in the city. From the principles which fome of its members difplayed during the late rebellion, we may infer that they harboured treafonable defigns even at that early period.

On the fifteenth of May, 1784, the Belfaft firft volunteer company refolved and agreed to inftruft, in the ufe of arms, perfons of all ranks and religious perfuafions, who fhould prefent themfelves for that purpofe; and they offered them the ufe of their own arms.

On the fixteenth of May, 1784, the builders corps in Dublin refolved, that their drill ferjeant fhould attend at Marlborough-green, three days in the week, to teach perfons of all ranks and religious perfuafions the ufe of arms.

They refolved alfo, to have annual parliaments, and to impart the eleftive franchife equally to perfons of every mode of religious worfhip.

* This alludes to St. Peter and John Calvin.

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On the twentieth of May, 1784, delegates from all the volunteer corps in the city and county of Dublin refolved unanimoufly, that the training to the ufe of arms every honeft and induftrious Irifhman, however moderate his property, or depreffed his fituation, was a meafure of the utmoft utility to this kingdom, and would produce a valuable acquifition to the volunteer arms and intereft. Similar refolutions were entered into in different parts of the kingdom.

In the fummer of the year 1783, the Irifh brigade, and the Dublin independent volunteers, commanded by James Napper Tandy, Matthew Dowling, and Bacon the tailor, formed an encampment between Roebuck and Dublin, under the pretext of ftudying tactics, and learning camp duty; though it was well known, that they were hatching revolutionary projefts. It is to be obferved, that the war, the only pretext for their arming, was now at an end; and yet many corps in different parts of the kingdom refolved not to lay down their arms, but with their lives.

The volunteer inftitution occafioned much idlenefs and difhpation among the induftrious part of the community, and deftroyed fubordination, fo effential to the exiftence of focial order; for perfons of low rank, affociating with their fuperiors, loft that refpect which they had entertained for them, and were infpired with levelling principles.

The immenfe quantity of arms, which government diftributed among the volunteers, fell into the hands of traitors in the late rebellion, and made it more terrifick.

It is ftated in the report of the fecreT committee, and it is ftricty true, that the national guards, who, in the year 1792, meditated the fubverfion of the conftitution, fprung from the volunteers.

The principal argument ufed againft the Union by the gentlemen who oppofed it was, that the conftitution, as fettled in the year 1782, was perfect and therefore conclufive: how came it then, that a reprefent-ative body of the whole nation in arms, and many of them confifting of the very firft of our nobility and gentry, affembled for the exprefs purpofe of remedying the defeds of that very conftitution, the year after it was eftablifhed? and it is very remarkable, that many members of both houfes of parliament, who were conftituent members of that mock parliament, were the moft fangiune oppofers of the Union.

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In fhort, it will appear, that, from the year 1782, when our conftitution was fuppofed to arrive at the fummit of perfection, that an immoderate and alarming fpirit of innovation, which ultimately produced the rebellion, never ceafed to break forth in and out of parliament; and that Mr. Grattan and his adherents, who piqued themfelves on being the chief authors of the conftitution of 1782, were the principal promoters of that very fpirit of innovation, which fhook the pillars of the throne in 1798, defolated fome of the moft fertile portions of Ireland, and aimed at its feparation from England.

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ORIGIN OF THE DEFENDERS.

AS a great conflagration is often kindled by a fmall fpark, fo the feuds and altercations between the peep-of-day boys and defenders, the former prefbyterians, the latter Romanifts, which occafioned much ftrife and bloodfhed, has been afcribed to a trifting difpute between two individuals.

On the fourth of July, 1784, two men of the former perfuafion had a quarrel and fought near Market-hill, a fmall town in the county of Armagh, when one of the combatants became victorious by the advice and affiftance of a Roman catholick peafant and his brother, who happened to be prefent, for which the vanquifhed hero vowed vengeance againft the latter.

A fecond challenge took place, but the two Romanifts would not attend the combat, having been informed, that the prefbyterians, who had been defeated, refolved to be revenged of him and his party.

At laft the vanquifhed prefbyterian publifhed, that a horfe-race would take place on a certain day at Hamilton’s-bawn, where the combatants met and fought a fecond time; when the conqueror became victorious by the affiftance of fome Romanifts who fought on his fide. Both parties began to raife recruits, and to collect arms; but prefbyterians and papifts mixed indifcriminately, and were marked for fome time by the diftrict; to which they belonged, and not by any religious diftindion. Each body affumed the fingular appellation of fleet, and was denominated from the parifh or town-land where the perfons who conipofed it refided.

The Nappack fleet was at firft headed by a Roman catholick; and the people in the neighbourhood of Bunker’s-hill, (in the road from Newry to Armagh,) entered into an affociation to defend themfelves againft the Nappack fleet, chofe a difsenting minifter for their leader, affumed, for the firft time, the title of defenders, and were joined foon after by the Bawn fleet, in order to protect themfelves againft the Nappack fleet. On Whitfunmonday, in the year 1785, the two parties met, and were to have had a defperate engagement.

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The Nappack fleet, 700 in number, were all armed with guns, fwords, and piftols. The Bunker’s-hill defenders, and the Bawn fleet, though much more numerous, were not fo well armed. When they were on the point of engaging, Mr. Richardfon, of Richhill, member for the county of Armagh, and two more gentlemen, interpofed, and induced them to feparate, which prevented a great effufion of blood.

From the inveterate hatred which has ever exifted between the two sects, they foon began to feparate, and to enlift under the banners of religion; and as the Roman catholicks shewed uncommon eagernefs to collect arms, the prefbyterians began to difarm them.

The former affumed the appellation of defenders, the latter that of peep-of-day boys, becaufe they vifited the houfes of their antagonifts at a very early hour in the morning, to fearch for arms; and it is moft certain, that in doing fo, they often committed the moft wanton outrages, infulting their perfons, and breaking their furniture.

The paffions of both parties being very much inflamed, they never miffed an opportunity of exercifing hoftilities againft each other, which .frequently terminated in the commiffion of murder.

A detail of their battles would be as uninterefting as that of the kites and crows.

To exafperate the defenders, and to induce them to embody themfelves from motives of fear, prophecies were frequently made, that the Scotch (meaning the prefbyterians) would rife on a certain night, and maffacre the Romanifts, who, being credulous and timorous, pofted watches all night to give the alarm. As fuch reports were conftantly made, fome time previous to, and during the rebellion, as devices to inflame the popifh multitude againft the proteftants, we may reafonably conclude, that the authors of them, at this early period, had the fame fmifher defigns.

By a feafonable exertion of government, this fpirit of combination and outtrage might have been eafily extinguifhed; but I have been affured, that it was fomented by the improper interference of country gentlemen, who efpoufed one party or the other, for electioneering purpofes; and it happened, that one perfon, who had popifh tenants, was partial to the defenders, and another, whofe eftate was chiefly occupied by prefbyterians, protected the peep-of-day boys.

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In the year 1785, fome prefbyterians, profecuted by one Keegan, a papift, whom they had beaten in a moft cruel manner, were fentenced to be imprifoned for a certain time; but they were immediately liberated at the inftance of a gentleman of influence. In the fame manner, one McQuone, a defender, who was fentenced to die at Armagh, in the year 1787, for the murder of one Donaldfon, a prefbyterian, obtained his pardon by the interference of an individual of confiderable weight.

In the year 1787, the difturbances rofe to fuch an alarming pitch, in the county of Armagh, that two troops of dragoons were fent to the city of Armagh to quell them, as infantry were found inadequate for that purpofe.

At laft it became a downright religious war, and the fanaticks of one sect exercifed the moft barbarous revenge on the innocent members of the other, for the crimes of the guilty.

On the trials of fome of the infurgents, at the fummer affizes of 1786, it was proved by fome refpectable witneffes, that, in a riot at Tanderagee, the defenders, who were then arraigned, had offered 5I. for the head of a proteftant.

In the year 1788, the defenders combined among themfelves, not to purchafe any goods from a proteftant, which turned many perfons of the eftablifhed church againft them^ who had formerly been rather friendly to them,and induced them to retaliate.

The people of Lurgan, and its vicinity, were remarkably quiet during the heat and frenzy of the infurgents, becaufe it abounds with proteftants of the eftablifhed. church; the only feft uniformly attached to the conftitution.

In the year 1788, fome volunteer corps were raifed, for the purpofe of checking the fpirit of turbulence and outrage that prevailed, by ftrengthening the arm of the civil magiftrate.* They completely put an end to the perambulations, and the domiciliary vifits of the peep-of-day boys, and very wifely entered into refolutions, that they would not fhew favour or affection to any defcription of men who fhould difturb the publick tranquillity; and yet the defenders shewed the moft decided averfion

* In the fame manner affociations of armed men were ncceflary to put down the white boys.

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to this inftitution, began to collect arms with more zeal than ever, and even to learn the manual exercire.

Thefe volunteer corps were very ufeful in preventing tumultuous meetings, riots, and difturbances. In confequence of a challenge given by the defenders and peep-of-day boys, there was a numerous meeting within two miles of Lifmadil, in the county of Armagh, in the year 1788; and the confequences might have been very fatal, had not eighteen of the firft volunteer Armagh company repaired there, and declared that they would fire on the firft perfon who would refift the lawful commands of the magiftrate, and they took fome arms from both parties.

In the fame year, the defenders, emboldened by their numbers and the arms they had procured, fcnt fome challenges to the volunteers, of which a notable inftance occurred at Granemore in the fame county, when they fent a challenge to a party of the latter, after they had fired their laft cartridge in their evolutions, preparatory to a general review. The volunteers, thus circumftanced, being unable to defend themfelves, were obliged to retire to a place of fafety, till they procured a reinforcement for their protection; and then they proceeded to their refpective homes.

The Benburb corps of volunteers, in the county of Tyrone, having proceeded, without arms, to hear divine fervice at the church of Armagh on a Sunday, headed by Mr. Young, one of their officers, paffed by a Romifh chapel, the congregation of which abufed, and threw ftones at them. The volunteers, having procured fome fire arms at Armagh, the altercation was renewed at their return, and ended in a conflict, in which two of the popifh congregation were killed, and fome perfons were wounded on both fides. It was conjectured that the former were prepared for the combat, as they had five mufkets.

The volunteers were very much cenfured for having returned by the fame road, when they might have taken another.

The open hoftility which the defenders difplayed againft the volunteers, raifed for no other purpofe but to maintain focial order, and their intemperate zeal to furnifh themfelves with fire arms, alarmed all loyal and peaceable fubjects; in confequence of which the earl of Charlemont, governor of the county, and the grand jury, publifhed a manifefto in the

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year 1788, againft all papifts who fhould anemble in arms, and againft any perfons who fhould attempt to difarm them without legal authority.

It appears then, that the fears of the prefbyterians were not groundlefs; and as they were prevented from difpoffeffing them of arms, which they were collecting in great numbers, they fought for legal redrefs, and indidted fome of the defenders in the year 1788; but baron Hamilton quafhed the indictments, and difmiffed both parties, with a warm and impreffive exhortation to live in peace and brotherly love.

The following difcovery, made in the year 1789, clearly proved that the defenders were fyftematically organized, and that their uncommon eagernefs to procure arms and ammunition, arofe not from defenfive, but offenfive defigns. One of their plans or confttutions was found in the year 1789, by a magiftrate of the county of Armagh, on one of their leaders of the name of Sharky, and dated the 24th of April of that year, at Drumbanagher.* It is very evident that their views muft have been hoftile, as one effential required in a member of the order was, to be poffeffed of a mufket, and a bayonet. It prevailed alfo in the county of Louth, and they could not plead in excufe for introducing it there, that it was done for protection againft the prefbyterians, as none of that perfuafion, and but few proteftants of the eftablifhed church, exifted there. It muft have taken up fome time to bring this fyftem to maturity, and they were probably numerous in the county of Armagh, as Sharky’s lodge is number 18. There muft have been an intercourfe, and a communication between the lodges of different counties; for, in this plan, there appears a certificate, that Michael Moore was a brother defender, and he is recommended to the committee of Carrickarnan, number 1, in the county of Louth. Sobriety, fecrefy, the accumulation of arms, and the giving affiftance to each other on all occafions, feem to have been leading objects with them. They were exclufively of the Roman catholick religion. They knew each other by fecret figns: they had a grand mafter in each county, who was elected at a general annual meeting, and they had alfo m.onthly meetings.

For the following reafons, it unquestionably appears, that they had treafonable defigns:

* See Appendix, No. it.

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The defenders oath found in every other part of the kingdom, correfponds in general with this;* and it has one peculiarity which is worth obfervation. They are required to take an oath of allegiance, which ends thus, While we live under the fame government.

Weldon, a noted defender, who was tried in the year 1795, in Dublin, and afterwards hanged, for various treafonable practices, but particularly for having administered this oath, obferved, on the laft paragraph of it, “If the king’s head were off to-morrow, you would not be under the fame government.”! Weldon dated the origin of the order in 1790, but I fuppofe he alluded to the introduction of it into Dublin. It appeared afterwards, on the trials of all the noted defenders, particularly on thofe of Weldon, Hunt, and Brady, in Dublin, that the extirpation of proteftants was one of the chief objects of the inftitution. Some intelligent tnagiftrates in the county of Armagh have affured me, that they were organized at an early period, with fuch a degree of art and ingenuity, as the low people of which they were compofed, could not have poffeffed; and the fame obfervation is made in the report of the fecret committee of the houfe of lords of 1793.

We cannot be furprifed at this, when it is very well known, that the famous father Quigley| was very active among the defenders. As he interefted himfelf very much in their concerns, it is not improbable that their organization was on the French plan, as it has been difcovered, that he made a practice of going often to France.

They had parochial and baronial committees, and a fuperior one to which they appealed; and from a connexion which appeared afterwards to have fubfifted between them and the Catholick committee in Dublin, we may infer that they were much influenced by it.

The difturbances excited by them in the counties of Armagh, Antrim, Down, Louth, and Monaghan, were fuch, in the year 1789, that general Euflace received orders to repair to thefe counties, and to take the command of a body of troops for fuppreffing them.

At Rathfriland, in the county of Down, and its vicinity, he found that the papifts and prefbyterians harboured fuch mutual enmity and fufpicion,

* But after the war broke out, they were univerfally bound to join and affift the French.
† I give this man’s trial in the year 1795.
| He was afterwards hanged at Maidftone, in Kent, in 1798.

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that a body of each under arms, conftantly kept watch and ward. On being afked their reafons for fo doing, each faid they were afraid of being murdered by the other.

At Loughbrickland, their animofity was fo great, that the general recommended to a Mr. White to quit it, as it would be unfafe for a proteftant to refide there; and he followed his advice.

Many gentlemen of the North have affured me, that the origin of the defenders, and the exceffes which they committed, may properly be imputed to the favage and fanguinary fpirit of the lower clafs of Romanifts in the county of Armagh, where they are peculiarly barbarous.

The following tranfaction will fully prove this, and that fanaticifm was one of the principal fources of defenderifm:

Richard Jackfon, of Forkin, in the county of Armagh, efquire, who died on the 11th of January, 1787, devifed an eftate of about £4,000 a year to the following charitable purpofes: That his demefne, confifting of 3,000 acres, fhould be colonized by proteftants;* and that four fchoolmafters fhould be eftablifhed on it, to inftruft, gratis, children of every religious perfuafion.

In the year 1789, the truftees obtained an act of parliament, to carry the provifions of the will into execution; and they appointed the reverend Edward Hudfon, rector of Forkill, who was alfo one of the truftees, agent to tranfact the bufinefs of the charity. The papifts, who lived in the neighbouring country, a favage race, the defcendants of the rapparees, declared, without referve, that they would not fuffer the eftablifhment to take place; and they foon put their menaces into execution. They fired twice at Mr. Hudfon. On one occafion, an affaffin was fent from a popifh chapel, when the congregation was affembled, to the road fide, where Mr. Hudfon was paffing by, and he deliberately fired at him with a mufket, from behind a bufh, and killed his horfe. The new colonifts were hunted like wild beafts, and treated with favage cruelty: their houfes were demolifhed, and their property was deftroyed.

The treatment of Alexander Barclay, one of the fchool-mafters, in February, 1791, will fhew the reader the ferocious difpofition of thefe favages; and he muft fhudder with horror at hearing, that they openly exulted in the perpetration of thefe enormities, many of which they

* It had no tenants on it, as it was his demefne.

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committed by torch light. They burned the manor mill, and would have murdered the miller, but that he made his efcape, naked, acrofs a river, in the night.

A REPORT of fome of the TRUSTEES of the charity at Forkill, devifed by RICHARD JACKSON, efquire, of the maffacre of the Barclay family, to the bifhop of DROMORE.

My lord,

Forkill Lodge, 1ft Feb. 1791.

“We whofe names are hereunto fubfcribed, having affembled at Forkill, purfuant to act of parliament, to fuperintend the execution of the charities of the late Mr. Jackfon, are much concerned to acquaint your lordfhip, that a moft horrid outrage was committed on Friday laft, on the perfon of one Barclay, one of the fchool-mafters appointed by us, in this parifh, (the particulars of which we enclofe to your lordfhip,) in confequence of which, we think it abfolutely neceffary to fufpend all operations of the charity, until the opinion of a general board can be had, which we requeft your lordfhip will fummon with all convenient fpeed, and take fuch further fleps as the circumftances may require. We beg leave to remind your lordfhip, that at the laft general board, it was unanimoufly refolved, that the eftablifhment of a barrack* at Forkill, for a company of foot, would be of general utility, and that your lordfhip agreed to recommend it to the lord lieutenant. The late event fhews the expediency of fuch an eftablifhment; and we greatly fear, that if fome means are not immediately ufed to reftore the peace of the country, the objects of the charity can never be fulfilled.

PERCY JOCELYN.
RICHARD ALLOTT.
E. HUDSON.

“On Friday evening at feven o’clock, a number of villains affembled at -the houfe of Alexander Barclay, one of the fchool-mafters in the parifh of Forkill, near Dundalk, appointed by the truftees of the late Richard Jackfon’s charities, to inftruft indifcriminately the children of the poor of faid parifh. They rapped at the door, he enquired who was there,

* From the time of the laft rebellion in Ireland, in 1689, there had been a fmall barrack there, in which troops were cantoned, till within 30 or 40 years before this period, to reprefs the ferocious fpirit of the rapparees.

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and one man of the name of Terence Byrne, his near neighbour, (whofe voice he well knew, and had before at different times admitted upon knowing his voice,) told him it was he was there; he opened the door, and a number of men rufhed in, threw him on his face, and three of them flood on him, and flabbed him repeatedly. They then put a cord round his neck, which they tightened fo, as to force out his tongue; part of which, as far as they could reach, they cut off. They then cut off the four fingers and thumb of his right hand, and left him on the floor, and proceeded to ufe his wife in the fame manner. To add to their barbarity, they cut out her tongue, and cut off her four fingers and thumb, with a blunt weapon, which operation took them up above ten minutes, one or two of them holding up her arm, while they committed this inhuman action. They then battered, and beat her in a dreadful manner. Her brother, a boy of 13 years of age, had come from Armagh that morning to fee her. They cut out his tongue, and cut off the calf of his leg, and left them all three in that fituation.

“No reafon can be affigned for this moft inhuman tranfaction. The man was a proteftant, a peaceable decent man; he taught above 30 of their children gratis, being allowed a falary by the truftees for 40 more. He afked them, whether he had ever offended them? They faid not; but that was the beginning of what he and thofe like him* fhould fuffer.

“Shocking as this account is to human nature, it is publickly exulted at in the parifh; and no perfon feems to think, that any punifhment will follow the commiffion of this moft atrocious wickednefs. So far were they from wifhing to conceal it, that they proceeded on the road with torches, publickly, and in defiance of every body.

“There is every reafon to dread the moft alarming confequences from the effects of this tranfaction. The proteftants are every where in the greateft terror; and unlefs government affords them affiftance, muft leave the country; as this recent inflance of inhumanity, and the threatenings thrown out againft them, leave no doubt upon their minds of what the intentions muft be againft them.

“The man and the boy can fpeak a little, the woman f cannot, and

* Meaning proteftants.
† She was a handfome young woman; they cut off one of her breafts, and fhe foon after died.

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fortunately they are all likely to die; as, if they live, they are incapable of earning their fubfiftence. Terence Byrne is fince fled.”

One Devitt, who was privy to it, turned approver, and charged a man of the name of Murphy, with being concerned in it. The watch of Alexander Barclay was found in his houfe; and all the family having identified him, he was convicted at Armagh, and hanged at Forkill. In his way thither, he shewed ftrong figns of defpondency, fobbing, fighing, and bewailing his fate. But when near Forkill, he met a prieft, who whifpered a fhort time in his ear, after which his countenance brightened up, he advanced to the place of execution with firmnefs, and was launched into eternity with fingular refignation. The barbarous treatment of this colony by the Romanifts, and their favage cruelty towards the Barclays, convinced the prefbyterians that the extirpation of proteftants of every denomination was the main defign of the defenders.

As their zeal to collect arms ftill increafed, and as a large quantity of them was imported into Newry for their ufe, which occafioned a general alarm, the grand jury and high fheriff of the county of Armagh entered into the following refolution, at the fpring affizes of 1791:

Refolved, “That a rage among the Roman catholicks, for illegally arming themfelves, has of late taken place, and is truly alarming: In order then to put a ftop to fuch proceedings, and to reflore tranquillity, we do pledge ourfelves to each other, as magiftrates and individuals; and do hereby offer a reward of five guineas, for the conviction of each of the firft twenty perfons, illegally armed and affembled as aforefaid.”

Though the origin of the defenders has been imputed to a particular quarrel, and dated from a certain period, we may fairly conclude, that they had treafonable and revolutionary fchemes, which were infpired by miffionaries from France; probably fome of their own clergy; and what corroborates this opinion is, that the fermentation among them increafed, and kept pace with the difturbances of that kingdom.

When Spain was the moft potent ftate in Europe, the Irifh maintained a connection with her, and fought her affiftance to make war againft their liege fovereign, and to fepara’te their native country from England; for which purpofe they brought two Spanifh armies into Ireland, in the reign of queen Elizabeth, which produced two dreadful civil wars.

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When France rofe to unrivalled wealth and power, on the declenfion of the Spanifh monarchy, under the aufpices of Richlieu and Mazarine his eleve, the Irifh began, and have never ceafed, to attach themfelves to her, hoping, through her aid, to accomplifh their treafonable defigns; and the popifh clergy, many of whom have been bred in France, never fail to infpire their flock with admiration of the Gallic nation, and with the moft inveterate hatred towards the Englifh, whom they brand with the odious appellation of hereticks. For this reafon, we find father Quigley, an active agitator among the defenders, and afterwards among the united Irifhmen.

In the years 1792 and 1793, they broke out into open rebellion, and attacked, with deftructive rage, proteftants of every denomination, in the counties of Dublin, Louth, Meath, Cavan, Monaghan, Rofcommon, Weftmeath, Donegal, Leitrim, Down, Mayo, Sligo and Derry, Limerick, Wexford, and even in the county of Kerry. In fhort, we may venture to aflert, that before the end of the year 1793, they had fpread the feeds of combuftion over moft parts of Ireland. Not to interrupt the courfe of the narrative, I have annexed, in an Appendix, fome of the principal outrages committed by them.

In the year 1792, they plundered one hundred and eighty proteftant houfes in the county of Louth, though the proteftants in it are not numerous; and they never experienced any enmity or oppofition from them, till they were rouzed to come forward in defence of their lives and properties. The depriving proteftants of their arms and ammunition feemed to have been one of their principal defigns.

In fome places, landlords were obliged to reduce their rents, and the clergy to rehnquifh their tithes, to calm the florm of licentious turbulence, but without effect. Many proteftant families abandoned their houfes, and fled to the capital for protection.

In the autumn and winter of 1792, fo many barbarous outrages were committed by them, in the county of Louth, that at the fpring affizes following, held at Dundalk, twenty-one defenders were fentenced to die, twenty-five to be tranfported, twelve to be imprifoned a certain time, for having confpired to murder diftferent perfons, thirteen indifted for murder put off their trials, and bench warrants iffued againft eighty perfons who abfconded.*

* In the reign of queen Elizabeth, before England had completely experienced the bleffings of the Reformation, we find frequently as many, nay more delinquents, at an affizes.

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They would have completely defolated the county of Louth in the year 1792, but that the right honourable John Fofter, fpeaker of the houfe of commons, whofe activity as a ufeful country gentleman, can be equalled by nothing, but the zeal and wifdom which he has difplayed in parliament for the profperity of his country, gave them a complete overthrow, by the moft vigorous and unabated exertions, in the courfe of which his life was often endangered.

In the county of Louth, they marched in great numbers, and in regular array, to their mafs houfes, to fairs and patrons, and were at times heard to declare, that they would not fuffer any proteftant to live in the country.

In the year 1788, Mr. Camac employed a number of mafons to build an inn between Dundalk and Drogheda. Some carriers, who were conveying linen from Dromore to Dublin, were stopped by the mafons, who required them to crofs themfelves, and fay their Ave Maria. Such of them as were papifts, of courfe complied; and one prefbyterian, who living much with Romanifts, knew all their tricks and manoeuvres, was permitted to pafs unmolefted; but a proteftant, who unfortunately happened to be ignorant of them, was moft grievoully beaten by them.

Some people have been led into the following error, as to the origin and the title of the defenders:

That they often, and particularly in the year 1786, indicted fome of the peep-of-day boys, who were acquitted, though their guilt was evident That finding no redrefs from the laws of their country, they united, collected arms for their defence, and affumed the name of defenders.

Some perfons of both parties were frequently convicted and punifhed. Two peep-of-day boys at the fpring affizes of 1788, at Armagh, were fentenced to be fined and imprifoned for ill treating a Roman catholick. Baron Power, in the year 1795, hanged three defenders, and two peep-of-day boys. In the year 1797, government fent the attorney general to Armagh, to difpenfe juftice equally to both parties. He tried alternately two of each party, and fome of both were found guilty, and punifhed.

As the defenders were committing the moft dreadful outrages in the county of Louth, in the year 1792, and the Roman catholick gentlemen did not fhew any inclination to affift in fuppreffing them, the following query appeared in the Dublin Journal of the third of January, 1793:

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Have the Roman catholick gentlemen and landholders of the county of Louth, ftepped fairly forward, in conjunction with the proteftant gentry and landholders, in reprefilng the outrages of the banditti, called defenders? Or do they keep back, filent and inactive, pretending to difapprove, yet really acquiefcing in their conduct? This query demands an anfwer.

On the third of January, 1793, few perfons, who called themfelves the Roman catholick inhabitants of the county of Louth, affembled at Greenmount, near Caftle Bellingham, entered into ftrong refolutions againft the defenders, and exhorted all perfons of their perfuafion, to abftain from their combinations, and their unwarrantable practices; and they publifhed them in the Dublin Journal. It was figned by fixty laymen, moft of them in very low fituations, and by eighteen popifh priefts, and doctor Reilly, the titular primate of Ireland.

The following perfons were among the laymen who figned it One Coleman, of Dundalk, with whom Sweetman, fecretary of the Catholick committee, correfponded in the month of Auguft, 1792, relative to protefting the defenders then in prifon, and for whom he employed counfel in their defence, as ftated in the report of the fecret committee of the houfe of lords:*

Another man of the fame name, convicted of lying in wait, and confpiring with others, to murder Parker M’Neil, efquire, a magiftrate, becaufe he had taken an active part againft the defenders:

Patrick Byrne, of Caftletown, efquire, a man of fortune but very feditious, who was fined £1,000 and imprifoned two years, for having publifhed an inflammatory pamphlet, and who has fince abfconded, having been deeply engaged with the defenders:

John Hoey and Anthony Marmion, convicted of treafonable practices, as defenders, and hanged at Dundalk, in the fummer of 1798:

Thomas Marky, condemned to die, but his fentence was mitigated to tranfportation: Bartholomew McGawley, tranfported for defenderifm:

One McAllifter, deeply concerned with the defenders: John Conlon, a noted defender, who afterwards became an approver; and it is moft certain, that the majority of thofe who figned that paper were defenders,

*This is given at large in the origin of the Catholick committee.

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On the feventh of November, 1792, Mr. McNeil was fired at in the night, when at a window in his houfe, on account of the active part which he had taken againft the defenders.

In the year 1793, the grand jury and high fheriff of the county of Cavan, entered into ftrong refolutions againft them, at the fpring affizes.

The magiftrates, gentlemen, and landholders of the county of Meath, vifcount Headfort in the chair, did the like.

The landholders in the Queen’s County, duly affembled by the fheriff on the twenty-ninth of June, 1793, alarmed at the outrages committed by them, refolved to unite and exert themfelves for their fuppreffion.

The inhabitants of the barony of Demifore, in the county of Weftmeath, adopted fimilar refolutions on the twenty-feventh of January, 1793.

At laft, they became fo furious and alarming, that the lord lieutenant and council iffued a proclamation, on the thirteenth of February, 1793, offering a reward of £100 to any perfon, who would profecute them, in the counties of Louth, Meath, Monaghan, Cavan, Dublin, and the county of the town of Drogheda, where they affembled in large bodies, with arms and other offenfive weapons, adminiftered illegal oaths, fent threatening letters, plundered houfes of arms and other things, and burned both houfes and offices.

It has been faid, in their excufe, that they acted in their own defence, in the counties of Armagh and Down, having been attacked by the prefbyterians; but in the other counties, which I have mentioned, their aggreffion on the proteftants was wanton, fpontaneous, and offenfive; as there were but few, if any, prefbyterians in them, and they met with no provocation whatfoever. Some gentlemen, in the North, of great fagacity and folid judgment, have afcribed the origin of the defenders to the following caufe:

During the American war, when volunteering was in its meridian, fome prefbyterians, who had revolutionary projects, invited the Roman catholicks to join them in arms, from the ufe of which they were prohibited by law.

They meant to avail themfelves of their affiftance to fubvert the conftitution, knowing that they, on all occafions, had evinced a decided hoftility to the proteftant ftate.

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When the reftoration of peace had defeated the hopes of the prefbyterlans, they refolved to difarm the Roman catholicks, who, animated by the poffeffion of arms and a knowledge of difcipline, not only refufed to furrender them, but proceeded to collect large quantities of them, and even boafted that they would not lay them down, until they obtained a further extenfion of their privileges, in addition to thofe which were recently conceded. Such boafting alarmed the fears, and roufed the indignation of the prefbyterians, who proceeded in large bodies to difarm them, which produced mutual hoftility.

From the envenomed hatred with which the popifh multitude are infpired from their earlieft age by their clergy to a proteftant ftate, their proteftant fellow-subjects, and to a connection with England, and which has appeared in various fhapes, fuch as levellers, white boys, right boys, united Irifhmen, and defenders, we cannot be at a lofs to account for the origin of the latter; they are but a link of the fame chain; they, like the white boys, cement their union by oaths, plunder or burn houfes, put out the tongues, and cut off the ears of their fellow creatures, mangle, maim, or murder them, and hough cattle; — a barbarous practice, which is peculiar to the favages of Ireland!

In the year 1795, the Romanifts, who affumed the name of mafons, ufed frequently to affemble in the neighbourhood of Loughgall, Charlemont, Richhill, Portadown, Lurgan, the Ban foot and Black-water foot, and robbed proteftants of their arms.

In the month of September of that year, they affembled in arms, in;the day time, marched into the parifh of Tentaraghan, in the county of Armagh, and fired into the houfes of proteftants.

Next day the latter affembled in arms for their defence, and a conftant difcharge of mufketry was kept up at each other from diftant hills, but no lives were loft.

On the eighteenth of September, fome magiftrates of the neighbouring country, prevailed on the leaders of the proteftants and the defenders, to repair to the houfe of one Winter, near Portadown, where articles of amnefty and mutual reconcilement were drawn up, and figned by both parties; who alfo entered into recognifances of £50 on each fide, to keep the peace, which were alfo figned by two popifh priefts on the .part of the defenders.

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Mr. Atkinfon was one of the gentlemen who figned the articles on the part of the proteftants; yet the defenders way-laid and fired at him, as he was returning to his houfe, at Crowhill, on the fame day.

The defenders, in violation of thefe articles, affembled next day, in arms, and attacked the proteftants, who again propofed peace and mutual forgivenefs, but in vain.

The defenders, elate with their numbers, having fent for reinforcements to the mountains of Pomeroy and Ballygawly, in the county of Tyrone, made an attack on the proteftants, near a village called the Diamond; and were heard to declare, that they would not fuffer a perfon of their perfuafion to remain in the country.

The fhouts and the firing of the defenders alarmed the proteftants, who affembled from all quarters; and an engagement having enfued, forty-eight of the defenders were killed, and a great number were wounded, on the twenty-firft of September, 1795.

It was univerfally allowed, that the defenders were, at leaft, ten to one in this conflict, ever fince known by the name of the battle of the Diamond.

During the three days that the defenders continued under arms, provifions were fent to them in abundance, on cars, from remote parts; fo ftrong was the fpirit of their party!

As the paffions of both parties were now fo much inflamed, that they feemed mutually to think of nothing lefs than extermination; as the defenders were in the proportion of fix to one to the proteftants; and as the former had been fupplied clandeftinely with large quantities of arms and ammunition from Dublin, and various other quarters; the former proceeded, immediately after the victory, to fearch their houfes for them, and wherever they found them concealed, they demolifhed both therm and the furniture; in confequence of which their inmates emigrated to the province of Connaught, particularly to the counties of Mayo and Sligo, where they were well received and protected; but it will appear in the fequel, that their proteftors had reafon to repent of the reception which they gave them.

The reader may form fome idea of the animofity of both parties in the county of Armagh, from the following circumftance: A refpectable

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gentleman of that county affured me, that the proteftant inhabitants of the parifh of Sego, were fo much afraid of being murdered by the Romanifts in the year 1795, that they would not venture to go to Lurgan or Portadown, market towns in the neighbourhood, unlefs they were well armed, and in confiderable numbers.

All the emigrants to Connaught did not go from Armagh, or in confequence of feuds or quarrels. Some gentlemen of the county of Tyrone affured me, that many popifh families emigrated from it to Connaught, in confequence of prophecies frequently uttered, that civil wars would foon take place on the eaft fide of the Shannon; that the rivers would be crimfoned with blood, and that there would be a deftructive plague, occafioned by the number of putrid carcafes unburied. The proteftants in the county of Armagh, finding that it was neceffary they fhould unite for their defence, inftituted Orange clubs, of which I fhall now proceed to give an account.

But I think it neceffary to obferve, that the fpirit by which the defenders were actuated, appeared in a moft defperate and outrageous manner in four of the moft remote counties of the kingdom, in the year 1793, in Kerry and Donegal, in Wexford and Limerick, and in many of the intermediate ones, which clearly proves that their plans were not defenfive.

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ORIGIN OF THE ORANGEMEN.

As the defenders not only became terrifick to individuals, in moft parts of the kingdom, by the conftant perpetration of nocturnal robbery and affaffination; as they formed a fyftematick combination, and fupplied themfelves with arms, for the obvious purpofe of fubverting the conftitution in church and ftate; and as they were encouraged and directed by the Catholick committee, and the united Irifhmen, the proteftants of the eftablifhed church, to defeat their malignant defigns, found it neceffary to excite and cherifh a fpirit of loyalty, which began to languifh and decline, in a very alarming degree, and to rally round the altar and the throne, which were in imminent danger.

The battle of the Diamond, in the county of Armagh, in the month of September, 1795, and the duplicity and treachery of the Romanifts, on that occafion, convinced the proteftants, that they would become an eafy prey to their enemies, from the paucity of their numbers, unlefs they affociated for their defence; particularly, as the fanatical vengeance, which they difplayed on that and other occafions, convinced the members of the eftablifhed church, that they meditated nothing lefs than their total extirpation.

In commemoration of that victory, the firft Orange lodge was formed in the county of Armagh, on the twenty-firft of September, 1795, though the name of orangeman exifted fome time before.

They were merely a fociety of loyal proteftants, affociated and bound together, folely for the purpofe of maintaining and defending the conftitution in church and ftate, as eftablifhed by the prince of Orange, at the glorious Revolution, which they regarded as a folemn and facred duty. It confers diftinguifhed credit on its early members, that they united and ftood forward for this truly patriotic purpofe, unfupported and unprotected by the great and the powerful, to whom their motives were mifreprefented by traitors, who knew that the inftitution would form a firm barrier againll their nefarious machinations.

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I have univerfally obferved, that the difaffected, who arraigned with the utmoft feverity the Orange focieties, never uttered any cenfure on the committees of affaffination, to which fo many loyal men fell a facrifice.

Plutarch, in his life of Solon, tells us, that he procured a law to be paffed at Athens, by which any perfon fhould be branded as infamous, that remained neuter when any difturbance or commotion took place, which endangered the exiftence of the ftate. Should not, on the fame principle, thofe who did not affift in oppofing the rebellious defigns of the defenders and the united Irifhmen, be deemed difloyal, or even traitors?

The lower clafs of proteftants of the eftablifhed church, actuated by an invincible attachment to their king and country, flood forward at this perilous crifis, in the fpirited defence of both, and avowed their unalterable determination to ftand or fall with them.

As they encreafed, a fpirit of loyalty encreafed with them, and ftrength and confidence fucceeded to the place of fupinenefs and defpondency, in the breafts of loyal men. Supported by a confcioufnefs of the goodnefs of their caufe, and by the protection of Providence, they perfevered through every difficulty in their generous refolution; rapidly encreafed in numbers, and became an irrefiftible obftacle, wherever the inftitution got a footing, to the progrefs of the feditious focieties. Left its members, roufed by wanton and unprovoked outrages, might have been ftimulated to retaliate, and from retaliation to commit any exceffes, gentlemen, highly refpectable, not only by birth and fortune but by moral excellence, put themfelves at its head, to regulate its motions; whofe characters were alone fufficient to refute the many falfehoods and calumnies uttered againft the inftitution. As a further refutation of them, they publifhed a declaration of their principles in the newfpapers, which will convince the reader of the purity of their intentions.*

The members of the Orange inftitution, being thus inftrumental in uniformily refifting the progrefs, and contributing to defeat the revolutionary defigns of confederated traitors, became of courfe objects of their moft pointed and vindictive refentment. Every means were ufed to traduce and vilify them. The nature of their affociation was mifreprefented,

* See Appendix, No. V.

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and oaths which they abhorred, were fabricated and impoftd upon the publick as the obligations of orangemen.

With equal virulence, and from the fame motives, the eftablifhment of the militia, and the formation of the yeomanry were oppofed by them.

The following circumftance unqueftionably proves, that the inftitution was perfectly defenfive: It never was introduced into any county or diftrict, till it had been fome years difturbed or defolated by the defenders or united Irifhmen.

It was not eftablifhed in the metropolis, though many years threatened with open rebellion, till the month of January, 1798; and many gentlemen of high charafter and confiderable talents placed themfelves at its head, to give the inftitution a proper direction, and to filence the calumnious clamours of traitors againft it.

It is well known, that the Revolution in England could not have been effected, if combinations of perfons, attached to the conftitution, had not been made for its accomplifhment; and it is univerfally acknowledged, that it could not have been maintained againft the many confpiracies formed for the reftoration of king James, but by the fame means.

As the Jacobites vilified and maligned thofe atfociations, from the fame motives that the difaffected did the orangemen, the houfe of commons of England refolved in the year 1695, “That whoever fhould affirm, an affociation was illegal, fhould be deemed a promoter of the defigns of king James, and an enemy to the laws and liberties of the kingdom.”

From the year 1792, to the year 1797, the county of Monaghan had, been difturbed by the defenders, who at that time became terrifick by the aid and co-operation of the united Irifhmen.

In the beginning of that year, the loyal fubjects, alarmed for their fafety, began to form Orange clubs, againft the combination of traitors, who were conftantly committing nocturnal robbery and affaffination; but fome of the leading gentlemen of the county oppofed the inftitution.

In confequence of this, the difaffected diffeminated their doftrines fo rapidly, and with fo much fuccefs, that many loyal fubjects were obliged to compromife with them from motives of fear, to take their oaths, and to enter into their fyftem.

At laft, thofe very gentlemen, who at firft oppofed the Orange inftitution, perceiving that their oppofition muft foon terminate in a total

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subverfion of focial order, and the deftruction of their lives and properties, encouraged with infinitely more zeal, than they had before refifted, its eftablifhment; in confequence of which, the loyal fubjects, animated by their united ftrength, ftruck the combined traitors with terror and difmay, and reftored energy to the execution of the laws. The fame thing occurred in the counties of Fermanagh, Donegal, Derry, Tyrone, and Armagh, where it was obferved it had a peculiar good effect in detaching the prefbyterians from the union.

I have been affured by a very refpectable gentleman of the county of Tyrone, that its inhabitants were fo much intimidated by anonymous threatening letters, and by the affaffinations committed there, that in the lordfhip of Caledon, containing ten thoufand people, the whole of them, except about fix or eight perfons, were fworn; but the loyal fubjects having entered into the Orange focieties, and having gained courage and confidence by their united ftrength, renounced with indignation thefc traitorous combination*, invigorated the arm of the civil magiftrate, and completely checked the progrefs of treafon. The honourable general Knox, a gentleman whofe fagacity is not inferior to his courage and military fkill, which he has difplayed in Europe, Afia, and America, commanded at Dungannon, in the fummer of 1798; and he affured government, that the inftitution of Orange lodges was of infinite ufe, and that he would reft the fafety of the North on the fidelity of the orangemen who were enrolled in the yeomanry corps.

I think it right to mention, that the Orange affociation fhould not be confounded, as it has often invidioufly been, with the mutual and difgraceful outrages which prevailed in the county of Armagh many years preceding, between the loweft clafs of prefbyterians, under the denomination of peep-of-day boys, and the Roman catholicks, as defenders; for it was not inftituted till the defenders manifefted their hoftile defigns againfc proteftants of every defcription, in moft parts of the kingdom.

Borlafe tells us, that, in the year 1641, the lords juftices invited the lords and gentlemen of the pale to come to Dublin, and affift them in preventing ftrife or fedition; but they refufed, under a pretext that every perfon of their order was to be maffacred, which was done merely to alarm the lower clafs of Roman catholicks, and infpire them with vengeance againft proteftants; and for the fame reafon the difaffected afferted,

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in the years 1797 and 1798, that all perfons of that order were to be murdered by orangemen.

James Beaghan, executed on Vinegar-hill the twenty -fourth of June, 1799, for various murders, which, he faid, he was inftigated by popifh priefts to commit, confeffed, that “every man that was a proteftant was called an orangeman, and every one was to be killed, from the pooreft man in the country. They thought it no more sin to kill a proteftant than a dog.” See his confeffion at large in the fequel.

However ufeful the Orange inftitution may be in a country where the members of the eftablifhed church are numerous, it muft be allowed, that it muft have been injurious where there are but few, becaufe it only tended to excite the vengeance of the Romanifts againft them; and they could not unite with celerity, and in fufficient numbers for their defence. It fhould not be admitted in our regular army, or militia, confifting of both, and therefore would be likely to create party zeal and difcord.

As foon as the maffacres perpetrated at Vinegar-hill and Scullabogue were known in the North, numbers of prefbyterians, of whom fome had been difaffected, and others lukewarm, in the counties of Armagh, Tyrone, Fermanagh, and Donegal, trembling for their fafety, became Orangemen; and general Knox, depending on their zeal and fincerity, embodied them, and procured arms for them from government.

In the year 1792, when the diffemination of treafon and the formation of feditious clubs, in London, threatened the immediate deftruction of the conftitution, Mr. Reeves, by feafonably encouraging loyal focieties, checked the progrefs and the baneful effects of their doctrines. The inftitution of orangemen did not differ from them in the fmalleft degree.

I give the following extract from Harris’s Life of king William, to fhew that the Irifh Roman catholicks in the year 1689, propagated reports of the malevolent defigns of the proteftants towards their order, fimilar to thofe which were fet on foot of the orangemen, and for the fame purpofe:

“In the mean time, the Irifh papifts throughout the kingdom, proceeded in impeaching the proteftants of traitorous defigns; but their plots were fo ridiculoufly contrived, and made up of fuch palpable contradictions

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and incongruities, that they ferved only to demonftrate the innocence of the accufed, and inveteracy of the informers. Thefe impeachments failing of the intent, they applied themfelves to other courfes, many turned tories and highwaymen, houfebreakers, and ftealers of cattle, and were guilty of fo many enormities to the English, that thoufands were forced to defert the kingdom, and pafs into England, under as great fears and jealoufies as if there had been an open rebellion, and five hundred together tranfported themfelves to the Englifh foreign plantations.”*

“The Irifh pretended, that the proteftants affembled in great numbers in the night time; and, to gain the more credit, the vulgar Irifh were inftructed to forfake their houfes, and to hide every night in the bogs, pretending a fear, that the Englifh would, in that dead feafon, cut their throats; a praftice, as notorious among them, as unheard-of among proteftants, and for which there neither was, nor could be, the leaft foundation; for their infinitely fuperior numbers to the Englifh, in fome parts an hundred families to one, fhewed how ridiculous the invention was; and they were convinced, both by the practice of the proteftants and the principles of their religion, that they were not men of blood. Whoever confiders the genius of the Reformed and Romifh churches in this particular, muft needs acknowledge a ftrange oppofition between them. However, with what malice and injuftice foever the Englifh were reprefented as nightwalkers, with defign of murdering the Irifh, yet examinations of thefe charges were taken by juftices of the peace, calculated for the purpofe, and tranfmitted to the lords juftices and council; upon which, by the king’s directions, a proclamation was iffued, forbidding all night meetings, though the lords juftices well knew there was no fuch practice.”†

* Harris’s life of K. William III. edit, of 1749, Dub. folio 107. † lb. p.105.

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ORIGIN OF THE CATHOLICK COMMITTEE.

The Abbé O’Connor fays, in the life of his grandfather Charles O’Connor, the Irifh antiquary, page 330, “that he, doctor Curry, and Mr. Wyfe of Waterford, firft thought of eftablifhing a Roman catholick committee in the city of Dublin, in the year 1757.”

“The firft meeting was held at the Globe coffee-houfe, in Effex-ftreet, and only feven gentlemen attended; Mr. O’Connor, Mr. Wyfe of Waterford, doctor Curry, doctor Jennings, Anthony McDermott, Mr. James Reynolds of Afh-ftreet, and another gentleman, whofe name I could not find among the original letters now in my poffeffion.”

Their numbers foon increafed, and they affembled and determined with the greateft fecrefy on the beft and moft likely means of procuring a reftoration of thofe privileges which they had been formerly deprived of.

They, at fome period which I cannot afcertain, affimilated to the confederate catholicks, affembled at Kilkenny in the year 1641; for members, duly elected and returned by towns and diftricts, in almoft every part of the kingdom, fat in it; gentlemen of landed eftate had a right to a feat there; and they foon began to regulate their proceedings according to the form and folemnity of parliament.

Thefe particulars are fully proved by the following refolution, which they entered into the fifteenth day of November, 1783: “Sir Patrick Bellew, in the chair.

“Refolved, That we feel ourfelves particularly called upon to declate, that this committee confifts of every Roman catholick nobleman and gentleman of landed property, and of other gentlemen, chofen by their fellow-fubjects of that perfuafion in Dublin, and other principal parts of the kingdom.”

“Refolved, That thus conftituted, we have, for feveral years paft, been the medium through which the voice of the Roman catholicks of Ireland has been conveyed, and the only one competent thereto.”

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“At a feffion held by them on the tenth of February, 1791, ftyled a meeting of the general committee of the Roman catholicks of Ireland, they refolved. That the feveral papers now read, containing refolutions and inftructions from this city, and from the principal cities and towns of Ireland, be referred to a committee of eight, who fhall report thereon to this committee, on Friday the eighteenth inftant.”

They affembled again on the eighteenth of February, the earl of Fingal in the chair, when the report was received, and the committee of eight produced a petition, which was to have been presented to parliament, praying a repeal of fome of the reftrictive laws; but after different interviews with Mr. Hobart, the lord lieutenant’s fecretary, it was refolved not to prefent it that feffion.

In a report, made the eighteenth of April, 1791, by the committee of eight, after ftating the interviews and difcufllons which they had held with the lords Fingal and Kenmare, and Mr. Hobart, they caft fevere cenfures on thofe noble lords, as if they had, by their conduct, thrown obftacles in the way of prefenting the petition, which, however, lord Kenmare prefented to the lord lieutenant, on the twenty-feventh of December, 1791, as the addrefs of the Roman catholicks of Ireland, and which contained ftrong expreffions of loyalty, and of attachment to the conftitution.

They refolve in it, to apply to parliament in the next feffion, for a further repeal of the reftirictive laws; and they fay, that they do not prefume to point out the meafure or extent to which fuch repeal fhould be carried, but leave it to the wifdom and difcretion of parliament, confiding in their liberality and benevolence.

It breathed that fpirit of mildnefs and moderation which appeared in all their proceedings, while they were regulated by the nobility and gentry of the Roman catholick perfuafion.

It was figned by the lords Fingal, Gormanftown, Kenmare, doctor Troy, titular archbifhop of Dublin, and by moft of the landholders and refspectable gentlemen of their perfuafion in the kingdom.

On the fixth of January, 1792, the general committee of the Roman catholicks in Dublin, publifhed refolutions condemning the addrefs prefented by lord Kenmare on the twenty-feventh of December, 1791, as furreptitioufly obtained; and not containing the real fenfe of the Catholick body, and they refolved to addrefs the lord lieutenant, to fignify to his

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majefty their reafons for withdrawing their fignatures from faid addrefs. They refolved, that lord Kenmare had entirely forfeited their confidence, by his late conduct in procuring, by his own exertions, and thofe of his emiftaries, certain fervile and infidious addreffes, calculated to divide the catholicks of Ireland, and eventually to defeat their juft applications for relief from the grievous oppreffions under which they laboured. They alfo ftruck out his name from the lift of the committee of eight.

The turbulent leaders of that affembly were very much enraged againft Jiis lordfhip, becaufe he had prefented a loyal addrefs in the name of the Roman catholicks of the county of Kerry, containing expreffions of concern, that certain inflammatory writings had appeared, and that affociations had been attempted to be formed, which might poffibly fow the feeds of difcontent among the lower claffes of their perfuafion.*

Parochial meetings were held in different parts of the kingdom, in which addreffes were voted to the general committee, reflectting on the lords Fingal and Kenmare, and recommending their expulfion.

The Catholick fociety, compofed of fome difcontented members of the Catholick committee, feceded from them in the year 1791, and continued to act as a feparate body.

They announced that their object was, to obtain a repeal of the popery laws; they invited their fellow-fufferers throughout the kingdom to unite with them for that purpofe; and they afferted, that it is the intereft of every man in the kingdom, that the entire fhould be aboUfhed.

The lords Fingal and Kenmare, and Sir Patrick Bellew, were at the head of the committee, till the beginning of the year 1792, when they, and above fixty refpectable Roman catholick gentlemen, difgufted and alarmed at their intemperate proceedings, feceded.

Some of its demagogues, who had revolutionary defigns, fearing that the moderation and loyalty of thefe noblemen and gentlemen would check them in their furious career, made the committee fo unpleafant to them, that they prudently refolved on retiring from it. Lord Fingal was voted out of the chair, in rather a tumultuous manner, and Thomas Braughall

* Such feditious publications frequently appeared at that timein the publick prints, and affociations were formed in many parts of the kingdom, in order to agitate the popifh multitude.

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was voted into it; on which his lordfhip faid, “Sir, I wifh you luck with it.”

I have been affured, that lord Fingal declared, foon after this event, that he fhould be very forry to fee the members of his church put on an equal footing with thofe of the eftablifhed religion.

A writer of their own perfuafion, doctor McKenna, made the following ftrictures on their intemperate conduct at that time, in which he depicted the committee as it then flood: “If ever there fhould arife among us a ridiculous cabal of men, ambitious of rule, without abilities to regulate, who, actuated by vanity and jealoufy, will endeavour to eftrange from our caufe the men of rank, and difguft its natural leaders, and difcountenance men of letters, its natural auxiliaries; fuch perfons may mean well, but their good intentions will only retard, not avert, what they well deferve, the execration of the body, whofe opinions they caricature, and whofe intereft they injure.”

“I am obliged reludantly to exprefs, (what the entire nation muft perceive,) that the few gentlemen of the metropolis, the fub-committee of catholicks, who have hitherto affumed the direction of bufinefs, ftand in need of coadjutors. I queftion their prudence, not their zeal, not their intentions; but their reflection, forefight, and political fagacity. It is time the caufe of a great people fhould affume the appearance of fyftem. For the laft ten months it has fluduated before the publick in the hands of unfkilful managers, without even the dignity of fleadinefs, advancing and retreating, afferting and retrading, with the giddinefs of fchool boys, and the random of a game of nine pins.”

The proceedings of the committee were then governed by Edward Byrne, John Keogh, Randal McDonnell, Thomas Braughall, John Sweetman, and Richard McCormick. They had three fecretaries, the two latter and Theobald Wolfe Tone, who turned out to be notorious traitors, and whofe characters I fhall defcribe in the fequel.

The claims of the committee were moderate as yet, compared to thofe which they made a few months after; for at a meeting held the fourth of February, 1792, Edward Byrne in the chair, they declared that they expected no more than,

1ft, Admiffion to the profeffion and practice of the law.
2d, Capacity to ferve on county magiftracies.

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3d, A right to be fummoned and ferve on grand and petit juries.

4th, A right of voting in counties only, for proteftant members of parliament, in fuch a manner however as that a Roman catholick freeholder fhould not vote, unlefs he either rents or cultivates a farm of £20 per annum, in addition to his 40s. freehold, or that he fhall be in poffeffion of a freehold of £20 a year.

They faid, that they thus publifh their expectations, in vindication of themfelves; as their enemies, to injure them, affert that they expect more.

In the beginning of the year 1792, there was a correfpondence between Sinclare Kelburn, a prefbyterian minifter at Belfaft, as chairman of a town meeting of its republican inhabitants, held in a meeting-houfe, and Edward Byrne, as chairman of the Roman catholick committee, at that time fitting in Dublin.

The fudden union and fraternity of two fects, who were formerly as hoftile to each other as they were to the ftate, muft have had a questionable appearance in the eyes of every perfon interefted in its prefervation.*

Kelburn was an active demagogue at Belfaft, the mafs of whofe inhabitants are prefbyterians; and his conduct as an agitator was fo flagrant, that government found themfelves under an indifpenfable neceffity of having him committed on charges of a ferious nature, in the year 1797.

This man, as chairman of the town meeting at Belfaft, wrote to Edward Byrne, then at the head of the Catholick committee, to fend him a declaration of the religious tenets of Roman catholicks, that he might read and explain them to the members of the town meeting, ufually held in his meeting-houfe.

The leaders of the confpiracy for fubverting the conftitution, well knowing the antipathy which had always exifted between the prefbyterians and papifts, and that they could not indulge the moft diftant hope of effecting a revolution without the concurrence of the former, ufed their moft ftrenuous exertions to reconcile and unite the two orders, who were well inclined individually to fubvert the conftitution, and they began with the factious demagogues of Belfaft, the focus of republicanifm, as they had very great influence over the prefbyterians of the north.

* This ftirtation between John and Peter, began during the American war, as I before obferved.

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Edward Byrne having affembled the leading Roman catholicks of Dublin on the twenty-third of March, 1792, they framed a declaration of their tenets, which their chairman forwarded to Kelburn, and he read it in his meeting-houfe to his levelling sectaries, who expreffed their approbation of it by acclamation.

This declaration was figned by doctor Troy, titular archbifhop of Dublin, Edward Byrne, and Richard McCormick.*

In the rebellion which broke out in the year 1798, the Romanifts violated every principle which they pretended to maintain in it, and followed and reduced to practice the old deleterious doctrines which they affetled to renounce.

The popifh inhabitants of Belfaft and its vicinity, in imitation of thofe in Dublin, affembled on the fixth of April, 1792, James Mooney in the chair, adopted their declaration, and fent it to Edward Byrne, Theobald Wolfe Tone, and Todd Jones. Tone, the fecretary and agent of the Catholick committee, was detected in a confpiracy with the reverend Mr. Jackfon, in the year 1794, for bringing the French into Ireland; but was permitted, through the miftaken lenity of government, to tranfport himfelf, and even obtained a fum of money for that purpofe.

He was afterwards taken by Sir John B. Warren, in a French fquadron, on the northern coaft of Ireland, on the twelfth of October, 1798, being attached as an officer to a body of French troops, who were coming to invade Ireland. He was tried and convicted of high treafon; but put a period to his exiftence before the fentence of the court could be executed.

Mr. Jones, a member of parliament, was a fanguine advocate for the Romanifts in the houfe of commons, fo early as the year 1792; he accufed them afterwards in the Belfaft News-letter, of having withheld a confiderable portion of the money which they had ftipulated to pay him.†

* Tranfported for being a traitor.

† It is not improbable that they had many hired agents in a great affembly, from the intemperate zeal which fome gentlemen shewed in their caufe. It is well known, that the Romanifts often levied money on every individual of their order; and when fome poor people in the province of Munfter complained to me of the fums which were extorted from them. Talked them, to what purpofe it was to be applied? and many of them iaformed me, they were told that it was to bribe the parliament.

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When the Roman Catholick committee affembled on the twenty-third of March, 1792, to frame a declaration of their tenets, a debate took place, which shewed the defigns and the rafhnefs of that body.

A Mr. O’Sullivan faid, “That they did not lament the abfence of the landholders, nor did they wifh for their prefence, till they had repented of their political fins. If they were prefent, the affembly would be contaminated by a fet of felf-interefted hypocrites, who preferred their private advantage to the good of the community to which they belonged; hypocrites, who had not courage to act right, and who were afraid to fpeak the truth.”

Many grofs untruths were uttered there, to impofe on the publick, and to inflame the popifh multitude.

John Keogh, who had chief fway in the committee, and guided all their movements, faid, that a gentleman of high rank told him a few days before, that he was obliged, with great regret, to tranfport whole villages,* to prevent his lofing his election: Now I will take upon me to fay, that no inflance can be proved of a papift being deprived of his farm, for the purpofe of fubftituting a proteftant.

Mr. McLaughlin faid, “By this declaration, fanftioned by our moft refpectable prelate, will our proteftant brethren be refcued from fears and fuperstitious prejudices, which, however ill-founded, muft have made too deep an impreffion on their minds, as having imbibed them from their earlieft education.”

In the month of February, 1792, a petition was prefented to the houfe of commons, on behalf of the Roman catholicks, ftating, that they expected no other extenfion of their privileges, than what was announced by their committee on the fourth of February. It was conceived in fuch difrefpectful and indecorous terms, that the gentleman who prefented it requested permiffion to withdraw it.

The committee were fo much ashamed of it, that they attempted to fubftitute another petition, more decent and temperate, in its place, which they had printed in many newfpapers and magazines; but the original was publifhed in the Northern Star of the twenty-eighth of April, 1792.

Another petition, prefented foon after, was rejected. The numbers for its rejection were 202, for receiving it 25.

* Meaning of Roman catholicks.

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The honourable Denis Browne, who gave it the warmeft fupport, expatiated largely on the loyalty and the peaceable deportment of the Roman catholicks, whom he and his family vindicated and panegyrized on all occafions; but in the rebellion which broke out in the year 1798, they experienced an. extraordinary degree of ingratitude from them.

On the third of March, 1792, at a poft affembly held in Dublin, confifting of the lord mayor, the fheriffs, commons, and citizens, they voted their thanks to the 202 members of the houfe of commons, who rejected the petition of the Roman catholicks, for obtaining the eleftive franchife.

On the twelfth of the fame month, the Catholick fociety, Theobald McKenna in the chair, Thomas Braughall, fecretary, condemned, in rather fevere language, the refolutions of the poft affembly; and thanked the minority in parliament, who fupported their claims. Not only the grand juries at the fubfequent affizes, but the Proteftant and Roman catholick inhabitants of many counties and towns affembled, and followed their example; the former, thanking the majority in parliament, and declaring their determination to maintain the conftitution as it then ftood; the latter, the minority, and refolving that they will perfevere in afferting their claims; by which the paffions of both parties were very much inflamed.

About the fame time, parochial meetings were held in different parts of the kingdom, where the loweft orders of Roman catholicks affembled, debated on their rights, cenfured the conduct of the grand juries, and applauded that of their delegates in the Catholick committee, which engendered univerfal difcontent and diifatisfaction among the popifh multitude.

The reader may form an opinion of the fpirit of commotion which their leaders endeavoured to excite among the popifh multitude, fo early as the month of January, 1792, when their warm and uniform advocate, Sir Hercules Langrifh, faid, in the houfe of commons, “That, notwithftanding my prepoffeffions in favour of the Roman catholicks, I was checked for fome time in my ardour to ferve them, by reading of late a multitude of publications and paragraphs in the newfpapers, and other publick prints, circulated gratis with the utmoft induftry, purporting to convey the fentiments of the catholicks. — What was their import? — ‘they were exhortations to the people never to be fatisfied at any conceffion,

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till the ftate itfelf was conceded: they were precautions againft publick tranquillity; they were invitations to diforder, and covenants of difcontent; they were oftentations of ftrength, rather than folicitations for favours; rather appeals to the powers of the people, than applications to the authority of the ftate; they involved the relief of the catholick, with the revolution of the government; and were diftertations for democracy, rather than arguments for toleration.”

At this time the Irifh Roman catholicks had more civil liberty than the moft favoured fubjects of any ftate in Europe, except England, and much more than the proteftant fubjects of any Roman catholick ftate.

A Calvinift teacher, if detected and convicted in certain provinces in France, was punifhed with death; and thofe who gave him a fupper or a bed, were fent to the gallies for life.

On the fourteenth of April, 1792, the general committee, Edward Byrne in the chair, Richard McCormick, fecretary, voted an addrefs of thanks to Mr. John Keogh,* which was to be prefented by a committee of five. They affert in it, “that his conduct, refolute without rafhnefs, and firm without obftinacy, has reftored the general committee to the fenfe and practice of their duties; and the Catholick community to the knowledge and affertion of their rights.”

In the feffion of parliament in 1792, the following privileges were granted to the Roman catholicks:

That, after the twenty-fourth of June, 1792, they may practife as barrifters and attornies; that proteftants and papifts may intermarry; that popifh fchool-mafters need not obtain licenfes from the ordinary to keep fchool; and all reftrictions as to foreign education were removed.

Thefe favours, which parliament granted with a good grace, were certainly obtained through the mediation of lord Kenmare; but they loaded him with opprobrium, fpurned at them, and refolved to fucceed by a fyftem of terror in the whole of their ambitious defigns.

At a poft affembly, confifting of the lord mayor, fheriffs, commons, and citizens of the city of Dublin, held the eleventh day of September, 1792, they condemned the object of Edward Byrne’s circular letter; and

* He has confiderable abilities, and was the moft ambitious and enterprifing member of the committtee; And, it is believed, advifed the expulfion of the nobility and gentry from it.

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refolved, in fpirited refolutions, to maintain the conftitution in church and ftate. See them in Appendix, No. III.

The proteftants were encouraged to adopt this procedure, by the fpirited and determined manner with which the government rejected the demands of the papifts; and the affurances which they received from its leading members, that the Romanifts never fhould obtain any fhare of political power, induced them to fpeak out, and with firmnefs, by which the two sects were committed. Soon after, government having fwerved from their opinion, and conceded the whole of what they had peremptorily refufed, encouraged the Roman catholicks to rife in their demands, particularly becaufe they were thought to have been influenced by terror, as the defenders were at that time defolating many parts of the kingdom, and were terrifick in the environs of the capital. To this fyftem of terror, fucceeded by conceffion, we may in a great meafure impute the rebellion.

The general committee having got rid of the nobility and gentry of their perfuafion, refolved, by every means, however unwarrantable, to obtain a total repeal of the popery laws; and thinking that they might intimidate the government, by putting the mafs of the people in motion, Edward Byrne, by their order, iffued writs to every county, and to many towns and diftricts, defiring certain perfons therein to hold elections, and to choofe reprefentatives, who were to be returned forthwith to Dublin, for the purpofe of forming a convention; and he fays, in his circular letter, that their chairman had actually left Dublin, with an intention of going through a great part of Ireland to promote this defign.

The elections were to be held (according to the plan adopted by the republicans in France,) in the Roman catholick chapels in every diftrict.

He fays, in his circular letter, that frequent confultations were held, for the laudable purpofe of reuniting to the committee lord Fingal, and the other gentlemen who had withdrawn from it; and yet he fays, that the plan enclofed was fanftioned by lord Fingal, and thofe very gentlemen who had left the committee in the month of January preceding, by which he was guilty of a grofs inconfiftency.

We may conceive, how much the femibarbarous popifh rabble, tumultuoufly affembled in their refpective chapels, muft have been agitated by fuch a procedure.

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The writs were obeyed, the elections were made with the utmoft celerity, the convention affembled, and began its feffion on the third of December, 1792, and was ridiculoufly called the Back-lane parliament; becaufe it fat in Tailors-hall in that ftreet.

As the Roman catholick committee refolved on the fifteenth of January, 1753, that the Roman catholicks of Ireland were fully and completely reprefented in that affembly, we fhould be inclined to think, that this new plan of election would have been unneceffary, and that it was brought about merely to put the popifh multitude into a ftate of commotion, to alarm and overawe the government.

A member of the Back-lane parliament, who quitted it on account of its rafh and intemperate proceedings, affured me, that on their firft meeting they refolved, not to petition parliament as Roman catholicks, but as Irifhmen. This was done with a view of inducing the prefbyterians to unite with them; by infinuating, that they had no particular object on the ground of religion, but were actuated by a pure and difinterefted love of liberty.

The proteftants were fo much alarmed at this bold and extraordinary procedure of Edward Byrne, in iffuing writs for electing a popifh convention, that the grand juries, at the fummer affizes of 1792, entered into ftrong refolutions, condemning it in fevere terms; and declaring, that they would maintain the conftitution, as it then flood, againft all hoftile attacks, particularly againft the dangerous effects of democratic principles; and fome of them vindicated the lords Fingal and Kenmare, and the refpectable Roman catholick gentlemen who had feceded from the committee, from the afperfions which had been caft on them in the publick prints.

The latter end of the year 1792, and the beginning of the year 1793, the popifh houfekeepers in many parifhes affembled, and voted addreffes to the general committee, in which they vilified thefe noblemen and gentlemen, and ftrongly recommended the expulfion of lord Kenmare.

The Roman catholicks affembled in feveral counties, diftricts, and towns, defended Edward Byrne’s plan of election, and retorted with much acrimony on the refolutions of the proteftants. On the feventeenth of September, they fubmitted a cafe to two barrifters for their opinion, to know, whether the plan adopted by Edward Byrne, for fummoning a

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popifh convention, was loyal and conftitutional? and they anfwered in the affirmative. Thefe opinions and anfwers were publifhed in the publick prints, in order to give confidence and courage to the demagogues of the party, at that time very active in many parts of the kingdom in agitating the people.

The Back-lane parliament continued to fit and debate for fome time, with the doors of the room in which they affembled, clofed; and they framed an addrefs to the king, containing an exaggerated ftatement of their grievances, which they forwarded by five delegates, Sir Thomas French, Chriftopher Bellew, James E. Devereux, Edward Byrne, and John Keogh, efquires.

Having gone round by Scotland, attended by their fecretary Tone, a noted traitor, they met with a very kind and warm reception from the republican levellers of Belfaft, who regarded the object of their miffion as conducive to promote their wifhes of overturning the conftitution.

The following account of their arrival appeared in the Northern Star, a noted vehicle of treafon:

Belfaft, December 12th, 1792.

“At nine o’clock this morning, the delegates from the catholicks of Ireland, who were elected to prefent their petition to the king, arrived at the Donegal arms in this town, on their way (by Portpatrick) to London, Immediately on their arrival being known, a number of refpectable inhabitants waited on, and breakfafted with them. They remained here about two hours; and, on their departure, the populace, who had affembled in the interim, took the horfes from their coach, and having faftened ropes to it, dragged them throughout the town, quite over the long bridge on the road to Donaghadee; and then permitted the horfes to be put to, amidft the loudeft huzzas of “fuccefs attend you,” “union,” “equal laws,” and “down with the afcendancy.” The delegates politely returned thanks for this ftrong mark of affection; declared their determination to maintain that union which formed the ftrength of Ireland: and proceeded on their way, accompanied with three cheers.”

His majefty was pleafed, in confequence of the addrefs of the Roman catholicks, to recommend to parliament in his fpeech, in January, 1793, to take into ferious confideration the fituation of the Roman catholicks; and, in compliance with his majefty’s benevolent intentions, they repealed the whole of the reftrictive laws, except thofe which. excluded them from

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fitting in parliament, and from about thirty great offices of ftate, which are immediately concerned in the confidential departments of the executive government.

We fhall find, in the fequel, that thefe very liberal conceffions by no means fatisfied the Roman catholicks.

The debate which took place in the houfe of commons, on the bill for granting thefe conceffions to the Roman catholicks, will remain a lafting monument of the depravity and frailty of human nature; for, though the defenders, a popifh banditti, encouraged by the Catholick committee, were committing murder and robbery at that very time in many parts of the kingdom, fome members praifed them for their fteady loyalty, their peaceable deportment, and refpect for the laws.*

The refolutions of a numerous body of diffenters, affembled at Crofarule, in the county of Cavan, on the third of February, 1793, throw an oblique cenfure on the inconfiftency of thefe gentlemen in parliament. They ftate and complain of “the enormities committed by the defenders, in plundering the houfes of proteftants of arms, and other property, as if they meant to compel the legiftature, by intimidation, to grant a relaxation of the popery laws, which they were on the point of conceding from motives of liberality.”

In moft parts of the country, the prefbyterians held the defenders in fuch abhorrence, and were fo unwilling to commit any outrages, that they often joined and affifted the king’s troops, who, at different times, were wantonly attacked, when on their march, by this banditti. But the republicans of Belfaft laboured with unceafing fedulity, and at laft; with fuccefs, in corrupting great numbers of them.

On the twenty-fifth of April, 1793, the general committee of Roman catholicks affembled at Tailors-hall, and agreed to an addrefs of thanks to his majefty for the benefits they had received, to the lord lieutenant, and to both houfes of parliament; and, after tranfacting fome bufinefs, they refolved, that with pleafure and gratitude they obferved, that the houfe of commons had unanimoufly taken into confideration parliamentary reform; and they moft earneftly exhorted the catholicks of Ireland, to cooperate

* Though there iffued a proclamation on the thirteenth of February, againft the defenders who were defolating many counties, it is ftated in the preamble of the act of parliament for their relief, “that from their peaceable and loyal demeanour, it is fit that the reftraints and difabilities fhould be difcontinued.”

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operate with their proteftant brethren to carry into effect a meafure fo effential to the freedom, happinefs and profperity of Ireland. After which, they diffolved themfelves.

They alluded to the debate which took place in the month of January, on a motion for an addrefs to his majefty, when the heads and reprefentatives of the principal families of the kingdom declared in the houfe of commons, in the moft unequivocal manner, their willingnefs to facrifice their parliamentary intereft and influence, in conforming to the wifhes of the people, for reforming the houfe of commons. Their weaknefs and pufillanimity on that occafion afforded peculiar pleafure to that intriguing body, the Catholick committee, as they hoped that it would lead to their favourite object, the eftablifhment of a republick.

The extraordinary inconfiftency of the Irifh parliament, in rejecting with indignant contempt the claims of the Roman catholicks in the year 1792, and the tamenefs with which they now conceded, much more than they had at that time demanded, joined to their fears and imbecility in expreffing their wifhes to renounce their power and pre-eminence to gratify a democratick faction, muft convince every Irifhman of fpirit and common fenfe, that fuch an affembly, conftantly ofcillating between one extreme and another, and convulfed by party zeal, was incapable of promoting the peace and profperity of his native country; and that he muft depend for its accomplifhment on nothing but the firmnefs, the wifdom, and difintereftednefs of an Imperial parliament.

As exclufive falvation, of all the doctrines of the Romifh church, is the moft fatal to the peace and fecurity of fociety, doctor Duigenan, a gentleman of great fagacity, extenfive erudition and of diftinguifhed firmnefs and integrity of mind, propofed that a claufe of the following tenor fhould be inferted in an oath of allegiance, prefcribed by the law which was then paffing through the houfe of commons, for relief of the Roman catholicks: Nor do we believe, that any other fed of chrifhans are, of courfe, to be doomed to eternal damnation hereafter, and that they may not enter into a ftate of falvation, becaufe they happen to differ from us in religious tenets. But all their ecclefiafticks, and the leading members of the laity declared, that the fundamental principles of their religion rendered fuch an oath inadmiffible.

The reader may judge of the sincerity of the Roman catholick committee, from the following tranfaction:

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It appears by a report of the fecret committee of the houfe of lords, publifhed in 1793, inftituted for the purpofe of inveftigating the origin and caufe of the fpirit of treafon and difaffection, which the defenders manifefted in many parts of the kingdom, that falutary meafures might be adopted to prevent the progrefs of it; that John Sweetman, fecretary of the Roman catholick committee in Dublin, wrote letters to a perfon in Dundalk, of the name of Coleman, of confiderable opulence, and of the Roman catholick perfuafion, relative to the defenders, numbers of whom were then imprifoned in that town; and in one of them, dated the ninth of Auguft, 1792,* he, in the name of the Roman catholick committee, directed enquiries to be made, touching the offences of which the culprits were accufed. By this report it appears, that the Roman catholick committee were warmly interefted about the defenders; and that the perfon to whom the letter was addreffed, did employ, at a confiderable expence, an agent and counfel, to act for feveral perfons, who were then in prifon under an accufation of being defenders.

They were well able to do fo; for in the years 1792 and 1793 they levied an immenfe fum of money on the members of their religion, in every part of the kingdom, which appears by a circular letter, dated the fifth of February, 1793, pubifhed in faid report of the houfe of lords, in which they fay, that the object is, the raifing a fund to defray the heavy and growing expences of the committee, in conducting the affairs of the catholicks of Ireland. See thefe letters. Appendix, No. IV.

It is obfervable, that in the letter of the ninth of Auguft, 1792, the name of one Nugent, a defender then in prifon, is mentioned.

The Roman catholicks of the city of Dublin, affembled in November, 1792, ftated in their declaration, that they never will forego the hopes of emancipation; that they defy the malice of invention to produce any one inftance of their having ever made any efforts in favour of a popifh king, or French connections, since they confented to a Revolution in 1691; and that their inclinations are not to fubvert any one eftablifhment. They admit, “that from the moment the proteftant began to make conceffions, the Roman catholick began to extend his claims; and in their addrefs prefented at St. James’s in January, 1793, they fpeak of their unvarying loyalty, peaceable demeanour, and fubmiffion to the laws, for one hundred years, and their determination to perfevere in the fame.”

* Report of fecret committee, Appendix, No. I. », 3. †Ibid.

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At this time they enjoyed more extenfive privileges than the Roman catholick fubjects of any proteftant ftate in Europe, and by far more than proteftants living under any popifh government.

Why they rofe in their claims, fo moderate at firft, may be accounted for in the following manner:

Knowing that Mr. Edmund Burke, a warm favourer of popery, had in a high degree conciliated the efteem of our gracious fovereign, and the government of England, by his ingenious and energetic writings againft the extravagant theories and frantick proceedings of the French republicans; they refolved to employ his fon, an over-weening, petulant young man, to be their agent, in forwarding their pretenfions; hoping thereby, to enfure the weight and confideration of his father for that purpofe. They then fent one of their body to London, in September, 1791, to Mr. Richard Burke, who, through his father, rendered them the moft important fervices;* and foon after having gone to Ireland, he made a moft extenfive circuit there, and in the courfe of it, vifited many of the nobility and gentry, and endeavoured to conciliate them to fupport the claims of the Roman catholicks. As he was their hired agent, we are not to impute his conduct to difinterefted and generous motives; though we may infer that he had a predilection for popery, from the ftrong attachment which his father had to it, and becaufe his mother was a moft rigid papift. Though he did not attain the object of his miffion, he awakened the ambition of the Roman catholicks, and gave them the ftrongeft affurances, that a fteady perfeverance in their claims would finally produce a total repeal of the popery laws.

The fuccefs of the French on the continent, to whom the Irifh Roman catholicks were, on former occafions, very much attached, and the invitation of the former, to the fubjects of every nation in Europe, to rife againft their refpective governments, elevated their hopes, and filled them with expectations, that the parliament would be impelled by motives of fear, to grant what their policy and prudence might have refufed. To thefe caufes we may impute the fudden rife in their demands, and their condemnation and renunciation on the fixteenth of January, 1792, of the addrefs prefented by lord Kenmare, to the viceroy, on the twenty-feventh of December preceding.

* This was ftated by Mr. John Keogh in his fpeech.

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It appears by the fpeech of Mr. John Keogh, in the debate of the Roman catholicks, affembled on the twenty-third of March, 1792, in Dublin, that there was an interior cabinet in the Catholick committee, with the fecrets of which the nobility and gentry had been unacquainted; for he calls them, who figned the loyal addrefs prefented by lord Kenmare, “fixty-eight dupes, many of whom were totally ignorant of the negotiation going on at the foot of the throne.”

Mr. Keogh faid, “That, from the negotiation in London, there was every reafon to expect, that though a great and vaft catalogue of reftrictions would be retained, yet fufficient would be removed, to afford protection to all the claffes of our people.”

“I now come to what is more pleafing; that is, to ftate my opinion, that the time is not remote, when we fhall meet to join with heart and voice, in the fincereft gratitude to parliament and to government. When that day arrives, and it will foon arrive, you will then prove your juft and unfeigned gratitude to your deliverers, to government, to the legiftature, to the illuftrious men who efpoufed your caufe in parliament, to the virtuous, patriotick, and enlightened citizens of Belfaft, the firft (let it never be forgotten) who came forward as a body to apply to parliament for our relief.”

From the confidence with which Mr. Keogh expreffed himfelf, we may infer, that he knew that their ambaffador in London had received fecret affurances from high authority that they would fucceed in their expectations; but it is to be lamented, that their attainment did not fatisfy them, and prevent their body from proceeding afterwards to defperate exceffes.

As a very large fum of money had been levied on the Roman catholicks, it is not improbable that their ambaffador, who repaired to London in the year 1791, applied, with the affiftance of Mr. Burke, a large portion of it to very good purpofes; for otherwife how can we account for the extraordinary and fudden change which took place in the opinion of the adminiftration of England?

Mr. Keogh faid in that debate, fhould we look to America, to France, to the Netherlands, to all Europe, and afk each other why it is that we, as faithful fubjects as any king in Europe can boaft of, are reduced to flavery.

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The invitation of the Roman catholicks to the proteftants to fraternife with them, and to extend civil and religious liberty equally to both orders, reminds us of James II.’s reign; for that monarch announced, on his arrival in Ireland, that his chief care was to fatisfy the minds of his proteftant fubjects; and that the defence of their religion, their privileges and property, concerned equally his care with the recovery of his own rights; and the popifh parliament, which he affembled in 1689, paffed a law for a general liberty of confcience; though it is well known, and the act of attainder againft all proteftant landholders unquestionably proved, that they fecretly aimed at nothing lefs than a total extirpation of proteftants.

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ORIGIN OF THE UNITED IRISHMEN.

A PERSON who had been many years a member of the Catholick committee, gave me the following account of this inftitution. I fhall not take upon me to vouch its authenticity; but fhall leave the reader to judge of it from the views and defigns which they afterwards difplayed.

The Catholick committee very wifely enlifted in their fervice fome proteftant barrifters of abilities, but defperate circumftances, and totally deftitute of all religious principle. Though they were ftipendiaries, and received pay, it was agreed that they fhould appear to have volunteered in their caufe from generous and difmterefted motives, for the purpofe of lulling the fufpicion of proteftants in general, of decoying and attaching to the Catholick caufe, by varnifhing it over with the femblance of general and abftract liberty, fuch perfons of that perfuafion as had revolutionary defigns, particularly the prefbyterians.

The honourable Simon Butler, brother of the late lord Mountgarret, and Theobald Wolfe Tone, were the leaders of this band, and the firft perfons who engaged themfelves in the fervice of the Catholick committee.

The laft, who was the fon of a mechanick, received a good education in the univerfity of Dublin, and was afterwards called to the bar; but having a wife and children, being unfuccefsful in his profeffion, though he had diftinguifhed abilities, and being indigent in his circumftances, he hoped, by promoting that innovating fpirit which had fhaken the foundations of many European ftates, to fubvert our conftitution, and to rife, during a feafon of anarchy and confufion, from poverty and obfcurity to wealth and celebrity. Tone informed the Catholick committee, that they could not fucceed in their extenfive plan of emancipation, unlefs it had, at leaft, the femblance of being fanctioned and approved of by a confiderable number of proteftants; and knowing that the inhabitants of Belfaft, the mafs of whom are Calvinifts, had manifefted during the American war, when volunteering flourifhed, an earneft defire of fubverting

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the conftitution, under the pretext of reforming it, propofed to fome republican friends in that town, to inftitute the fociety of united Irifhmen, round whofe ftandard revolutionifts of every religious perfuafion were to rally.

Tone, their hired agent, knew, that if the repeal of the reftrictive laws were propofed by a numerous body of proteftants, it would have peculiar weight, as flowing apparently from a liberal and difmterefted love of liberty.

Subfequent experience has proved, that affurances were at the fame time given to the republicans of Belfaft, that the Catholick committee and fuch of their perfuafion as they could influence, fhould co-operate with them in fubverting the conftitution.

They embraced the propofal with alacrity, and the firft fociety of united Irifhmen fat at Belfaft in the month of October, 1791; when Richard Simms was fecretary.

But before I proceed further, it will be neceffary to fhew the defigns of Tone and Jones, from their own publications. The former publifhed a pamphlet, entitled, “The Northern Whig,” in the year 1791, foon after he enlifted in the fervice of the Catholick committee. The whole of this publication, which he entitled, in the fecond edition, “An argument on behalf of the catholicks of Ireland,” is entirely taken up in recommending a total repeal of the penal laws againft them.

He endeavoured to put on the cloak of liberality, and the maflc of difintereftednefs, by making the following declaration, in the beginning of this pamphlet “Before I proceed to the object of this book, I think it neceffary to acquaint the reader, that I am a proteftant of the church of Ireland,* as by law eftablifhed, and have again and again taken all the cuftomary oaths, by which we fecure and appropriate to ourfelves all degrees and profeffions, fave one, to the utter exclufion of our Catholick brethren. I am, therefore, no further interefted in the event, than as a mere lover of juftice, and a fteady detefter of tyranny, whether exercifed by one man or a million.”

This work was reprinted by the united Irifhmen of Belfaft in the year; 1792, and fix thoufand copies of it were foon circulated, which shewed

* He was a profeffed deift.

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that a clofe union, and an ardent defire of mutual co-operation exifted between them and the Catholick committee.

In it he cenfures and vilifies the conftitution, reprefents it as a fyftem of tyranny; and afferts, that nothing but a total repeal of the reftrictive laws againft Roman catholicks can reftore it to its original purity.

This turbulent adventurer, the founder of the fociety of united Irifhmen, was one of the fecretaries of the Catholick committee, and had the chief direction of both.

Mr. Todd Jones, having injured his fortune in electioneering, was led, by the hope of repairing it, to become their advocate, both in and out of parliament; and I have not a doubt, but that fome other members of that affembly were attached to their caufe from the fame fordid and finifter motives; as they often panegyrifed the Roman catholicks for their fteady loyalty and unremitted refpect for the laws, when they were in actual rebellion.

Mr. Jones wrote a pamphlet in the year 1792, entitled, “A letter to the focieties of united Irifhmen of Belfaft, on the reftoration of the Catholick rights and he gives the following reafons for publifhing it:

“In cherifhing from my early years the auguft idea of the emancipation of the catholicks from a proftigate, miftaken, pastionate, and impolitick farrago of ftatutes of penalty and difqualification, I have frequently enquired into the motives of my own mind, why I fhould never experience apprehenfions upon this fubject, in common with many felfifh and fome innocent antagonifts of fuch a glorious reftoration to their country; and it may be pardonably objected againft me, that poffeffing, from my family decline, inconfiderable property to hazard, I could not be liable to that delicate fenfe of danger which muft come home to the feelings of the great proteftant proprietors; but granting I have but little, comparatively at ftake, that little is my all.”

He denies that the popifh parliament, which fat in Dublin in the year 1689, paffed a bill of attainder againft all the proteftant landholders of the kingdom, though James II acknowledged in his diary, found in the Scotch college at Paris, that he gave his aflent to it with reluctance, and merely to gratify his Irifh Roman catholick fubjects; and Harris, in his life of king William, declares, that he found it in the Rolls office; but all the acts paffed by king James’s parliament, were afterwards burnt by

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the hands of the common hangman; and therefore Mr. Jones denies that it ever paffed, and afferts, that it was fabricated by archbifhop King, who gives a copy of it.*

The firft fociety of united Irifhmen at Belfaft publifhed their plan or profpectus in the Northern Star in October, 1791, though it had been fabricated in Dublin.

We need no other proof of this, than that a paper, containing the original defign of that affociation was circulated in Dublin in June, 1791, which may be feen in page 50 of the report of the fecret committee.

We may fairly conclude, that the heads of the Catholick committee in Dublin, and the turbulent leaders of the prefbyterians at Belfaft, refolved to unite their refpective orders, for the purpofe of fubverting the conftitution.

One of the moft intelligent and efficient members of the catholick body, and whofe writings ferved them materially, becaufe he affumed, at leaft, the appearance of moderation on moft occafions, made ufe of the following menace to the proteftant ftate, in a pamphlet which he publifhed in the year 1792: “Will the prefbyterian yeomanry of the North take up arms for the courtiers who enjoy penfions, for the parfons who exaft tithes, and for the landlords who exact rack rents? They too are complainants; and if they unfheath the fword againft their brethren, (meaning the proteftants of the eftablifhed church,) will they be likely to return it to the fcabbard, until they have procured very ample redrefs, and removed the caufe of their complaints? Should that people ever be embodied, tithes, boroughs, and all the arts and practices of monopoly will inevitably fall before them.”

We may infer from this, that the Roman catholicks hoped for the co-operation of the preffayterians in their revolutionary defigns; but the prophecy was “not fulfilled; for the prefbyterian yeomen of the North continued loyal during the rebellion, though numbers of their perfuafion were feduced. This odious picture of the conftitution in church and ftate, the hope with which this writer endeavours to infpire the members of his sect, that they would be joined by the presbterians, and the lure

* Though I condemn Mr. Jones for hiring out his talents to the Roman catholicks, yet I would not be underftood to include him in the ftrictures which I make on his coadjutors, as I know and efteem him, and believe him to be a gentleman of principle in other refpects.

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which he holds out to the latter, indicate the dangerous defigns which were at that time brooding.

The Roman catholicks fucceeded fo eafily at Belfaft, that at atown meeting held there the twenty-eighth of January, 1792, in a prefbyterian conventicle, the reverend Sinclare Kelburn, one of their minifters and a noted demagogue, in the chair, they refolved* to petition parliament to repeal the whole of the popery laws; but two hundred and fifty-five of the moft refpectable inhabitants of that town protected againft it.

In a fhort time after the commencement of the fociety at Belfaft, there were no lefs than four grand ones eftablifhed there, who refolved to fet on foot fimilar ones in every part of the kingdom.

On the ninth of November, 1791, the united Irifhmen of Dublin began their feffion, and publifhed their declaration, which was exactlly fimilar to that at Belfaft; but with this difference, that a teft was annexed to it.† The honourable Simon Butler was in the chair, and James Napper Tandy was fecretary. I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. VII. for their conftitution and their mode of election. Revolutionary defigns are very evident in their declaration.

On the thirtieth of December, 1791, they held a feffion and adopted a circular letter, and refolved to have it printed and difperfed through every part of the kingdom, to encourage the formation of fimilar focieties 1 a nd they annexed to it a declaration of their political principles, and the teft which they had taken, “as a focial and facred compact to bind them more clofely together.” See Appendix, No. VIII.

On the fourteenth of September, 1792, they addreffed the Irifh nation, and declared their indignation at the infidious means employed to ftifte the catholick voice. The whole of this addrefs was on the grievances of the Roman catholicks; and it ftrongly recommends a total repeal of the reftrictive laws. They fay in it, “popery is no longer to be met with but in the ftatute book.”

It muft feem extraordinary, that a fet of men, who were deftitute of principle and property, fhould be fo anxious about the intereft of that fect from whom they differed in religion; but Tone and Butler, the leaders of the fociety, were their agents, and received pay from them.

* About the fame time a revolutionary club at Belfaft, called a reading fociety, entered uito refolutions in favour of the Roman catholicks.

† See Appendix, No. VI.

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In their addrefs of the fourteenth of September, 1792, to the Irifh nation, they feverely condemned the county meetings and the grand juries, who thanked the majority of the houfe of commons for rejeding the petition of the Roman catholicks, and for pasting refolutions againft granting the eleftive franchife to them, and for cenfuring Edward Byrne’s circular letter for choofing delegates. They condemn alfo the addrefs prefented by lord Kenmare on the twenty-feventh of December, 1791, with as much acrimony as the demagogues in the Catholick committee did; and becaufe it was humble and refpectful, they called it an eleemofynary addrefs. In fhort, the whole of it is taken up with the claims of the Romanifts.

On the twenty-third of November, 1792, William Drennan, chairman, Archibald Hamilton Rowan, fecretary, they addreffed the delegates for promoting a reform in Scotland; and on December the fourteenth, the volunteers of Ireland, to whom their addrefs is a direct invocation to rebellion. It directs that parochial meetings fhould be held, and that each fhould elect and return delegates to form a national convention; and they fay in it, that the civil affembly fhould be attended by military affociations.

October twenty-fixth, they addreffed the friends of the people at London; November twenty-fifth, the delegates for reform in Scotland; and introduce catholick emancipation into it.

November thirtieth, they addreffed a circular letter to all the focieties of united Irifhmen in the kingdom; and refolved to effect a better organization, and a more intimate union with the different focieties, than had before fubfifted; and to communicate all their publications to the confederated focieties.

On the twenty-fifth of January, 1793, they addreffed the Irifh nation.

November twenty-fifth, they addreffed the Britifh convention who had affiliated with them, and propofed univerfal fuffrage and annual parliaments, which the united Irifhmen affented to, and refolved to adopt.

By a report made the fourteenth of Auguft, 1797, by a provincial meeting of delegates of Ulfter, it appears that there was a number of focieties of united Irifhmen in North America, whofe profeffed object was to affift Ireland.*

* See report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. IV.

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All thefe adreffes, which are very inflammatory, are to be found in the Appendix, No. V. of the laft report of the fecret committee of 1798.

It is obfervable, that the main purport of them is the repeal of the penal laws againft the Roman catholicks.

They had a committee of conftitution, of finance, of correfpondence, of accommodation, a treafurer, a fecretary, and a feal of office.

Their law agent was Matthew Dowling, a fellow of a moft infamous character, who has been tranfported to Scotland with a numerous gang of traitors, who probably would have been hanged, but that they obtained the royal mercy on condition of going into banifhment.

A writer in America, who affumes the name of Peter Porcupine, defcribes the inftitution there, and gives an account of their declaration and conftitution. It complains much of the tyranny of England over Ireland, and enforces the neceffity of her emancipation, and the eftablifhment of a republick there.

On the twenty-firft of January, 1792, they made a report of the popery laws in force in the kingdom, by their chairman, the honourable Simon Butler. In fact, he was in the utmoft indigence, and was paid by them for making it, though it was in the name of the fociety. It contained many grofs falfehoods and exaggerated miftatements, tending to inflame the popifh multitude, and to deceive the government of England and Ireland.

In the debate of the Roman catholicks, affembled in Dublin on the twenty-third of March, 1792, Mr. Keogh faid of it, “For a late publication, the digeft of the popery laws, the united Irifhmen, and their refpectable chairman, the honourable Simon Butler, demand our warmeft gratitude.”

It is ftated in the report of the fecret committee of the houfe of lords, made in 1797, “That the leaders and directors of the united Irifhmen are now, and have been for fome time paft, anxioufly engaged in uniting with them a clafs of men who had formerly difturbed the peace of this country by acts of outrage, robbery and murder, under the appellation of defenders; and that the committee had reafon to apprehend, that in a certain degree they had fuceeeded.”

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The following obfervation is to be found in the report of the houfe of commons made in 1798, page 9; and, in the courfe of my enquiries, I have found it to be ftrictly true:

“That the counties in which defenderifm had prevailed, eafily became converts to the new doctrines; and, in the fummer of 1797, the ufual concomitants of the treafon, namely, the plundering houfes of arms, the fabrication of pikes, and the murder of thofe who did not join the party, began to appear in the midland counties.”

William Paulet Carey, who was admitted a member of the fociety, became their printer. He publifhed a newfpaper, called the National Evening Star, which he called the organ, and himfelf the printer, of the people. It was very inflammatory.

He was profecuted by the attorney-general for having printed in his paper fome feditious publications, at the inflance of the united Irifhmen, who refolved, in the moft folemn manner, to defend him at their own expence; but they afterwards abandoned him to the vengeance of the law, and he was ruined.

In revenge, he wrote a pamphlet, in which he abufed and expofed them with fome ability, and not without wit.

He bellows the following encomium on Mr. John Keogh. In fpeaking of one Matthew, a chandler, he fays, “In the Catholick committee he appeared for nine years the colleague of Keogh, whofe courage and talents firft gave the impulfe of freedom to three millions of Irifhmen, and who originated the bold meafure of overturning the ariftocracy of the Catholick committee.”*

He fpeaks of Napper Tandy in the higheft ftrain of panegyrick, and of E. Crookfhank Keane.

He is extravagant in his praife of Edward Byrne, and of William T. Jones, the firft proteftant fenator, he fays, who brought forward the queftion of Catholick emancipation.

Among the lift of worthies whom he panegyrizes, we find Matthew Dowling.

Carey fays, in his pamphlet, “That as the united Irifhmen came forward in the prefence of God, and pledged themfelves to labour for a reform

* This alludes to the feceffion of fixty-three members.

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of every fpecies of corrupt influence, and had eloquently declaimed againft the profufion of the publick money, he could not have expected that they would have abandoned the prefs and the printer, for the wine calk, the cook and the vintner.”

They, in excufe, complained of the apathy of the people; that their funds were exhaufted; that money came in flowly; and that they muft difcharge, in the firft place, £200 which fum was yet due for wine drank in Newgate. This alludes to the imprifonment of Bond and Butler, which I fhall explain hereafter.

Though they facrificed this unfortunate man, they defended, at their own expence, Meffrs. Drennan, Rowan, Tandy, Bond and Butler, who were profecuted for feditious practices.

Carey makes the following juft remark in his pamphlet “The hiftory of political parties is but too often a picture of knaves betraying, and of knaves betrayed; of ambitious and indigent proftigates, labouring to get into aftiuence and power; and of honeft men contributing by their own degradation to lift them into affluence and power.”

The idea of uniting the prefbyterians and Roman catholicks, to fubvert the conftitution, had exifted for fome years.

I mentioned before, that the bifhop of Cloyne -wrote a pamphlet in the year 1787, on the perfecution of his clergy; and that it drew on him the vengeance of fome prefbyterian minifters and popifh priefts, whofe feftaries feemed to rejoice at this apparent junction of the two orders. On that occafion, Carey, who had been bred at the Dublin fociety as an engraver, publifhed a print, reprefenting doctor Campbell, a diffenting minifter, and father O’Leary, a friar, fhaking hands. They were the moft virulent antagonifts of the bifhop.

In the beginning of the year 1793, the houfe of lords inftituted a fecret committee, to enquire into the nature and origin of the difturbances made in different counties by the defenders, and fummoned fome perfons to give evidence concerning them.

The fociety of united Irifhmen in Dublin, the honourable Simon Butler in the chair, Oliver Bond, fecretary, publifhed fome fevere animadverf.ons on the powers which they affumed; and in doing fo, they were guilty of a grofs libel on that affembly, and a violation of its privileges;

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for which they were committed to Newgate by the houfe of lords, and fined £500 each.

While in prifon, they were maintained in the following manner, by the members of the fociety: They made four hundred tickets, of which a certain number were blanks, the remainder were marked with the dates of the days that the prifoners were to remain in confinement; and any perfon who drew one of the latter, was obliged to provide a dinner, with twelve covers, on the day fpecified in his ticket. Four perfons were invited by each of the prifoners, and three by the perfon who procured the i;epaft, who, with himfelf, made twelve.*

There is not a doubt, but that there was a clofe connection between the Catholick committee and the fociety of united Irifhmen, for fome of the former were members of the latter; but it is very remarkable, that none of the Romanifts ever took an open and active part in it, fuch as chairman or fecretary; but remaining behind the curtain, they left the obnoxious and oftenfible proceedings to be conducted by a few men who were totally void of all religious principle, though they affumed the mafk and the name of proteftants.

The united Irifhmen, who were bold and enterprifing, affaulted the conftitution as it were with a battering ram; the Catholick committee filently, and by fap, inciting the people to infurrection and outrage, while they made publick declarations of their unfhaken loyalty and unremitting refpect for the laws.

The latter had this advantage, that none but Romanifts could be members of the committee; and perfons of their perfuafion were admitted into the fociety of united Irifhmen, and were actually affociated in it.

We find, that when perfons were fent to different parts of the country from Dublin, to perfuade the people to unite and fraternize, they often confifted of perfons delegated from each body, which fhewed their intimate connexion.

As the lower clafs of prefbyterians bore an inveterate hatred againft the Roman catholicks, and as they on all occafions fuccefsfully oppofed the defenders, who were encouraged and protected by the Catholick committee,

* The heavy expence attending this fcheme contributed to damp the ardour of the fociety, and induced fome members to fecede from it.

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we find that the latter, and the united Irifhmen, ufed the utmoft exertions to unite the two orders, as their co-operation was neceffary to promote their revolutionary defigns.

In the month of July, 1792, Theobald Wolfe Tone, John Keogh, and Richard Mc Cormick were fent by the Catholick committee on a miffion to the northern counties, which were difturbed by the peep-of-day boys and defenders, to effect a reconcilement between them.* In their way they were joined by Samuel Neilfon, an active and artful demagogue, who was profeffedly a prefbyterian, but who, as well as Tone, a reputed proteftant, was deftitute of all religious principle. They pretended to be actuated by motives of the pureft patriotifm and benevolence; but as Tone, Neilfon, and McCormick, appeared afterwards to be notorious traitors, we cannot be at a lofs to know their real views.

At Rathfriland, in the county of Down, Tone mounted the roftrum, and haranguing the populace, recommended peace and unanimity to them, on the grounds of chriftian charity and brotherly love. He threw out many invectives againft government, whom he reprefented as defirous of dividing the people, for the purpofe of governing them corruptly and defpotically; and he advifed that all orders fhould unite to oppofe their bafe and finifter defigns. A magiftrate, who happened to be prefent, filenced the orator, by reminding him that there were ftocks in town; on which he and his affociates precipitately left it, and proceeded on their miffion.

Soon after, Mr. John Keogh, accompanied by one O’Hanlon, a grocer of Newry, and his fon, both papifts, made a fecond attempt to reconcile thefe two orders, at Rathfriland; but the diffenters fhewed fo ftrong an averfion to it, that the miffionaries were forced out of town, and were refufed accommodation at the principal inn.

It required fome time and unabated exertion to overcome the ftrong antipathy which exifted between the papifts and the lower clafs of prefbyterians; and it probably could not have been accomplifhed, if the leaders of the confpiracy had not attached to their caufe the clergy of both.

From the men who compofed this miffion, it is evident, that the Catholick committee, and the united Irifhmen were clofely connefted,

* Many miffions of this kind were undertaken in 1792 and 1793.

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and labouring in the fame vineyard: Tone was at the fame time the fecretary of the former, and the original framer and the chief leader of the latter in Dublin; Neilfon in Belfaft; Keogh and McCormick were the moft active members of the former. At a general meeting of the Roman catholick committee in July, 1792, an addrefs was voted to the defenders, and circulated in every parifh, where they had made their appearance, exhorting them to a peaceable deportment, a refpect for the laws, and to abftain from every meafure that might give offence to their proteftant brethren. For their laudable endeavours in this inftance, as well as by their miffionaries, to reftore peace and focial order, they received many flattering encomiums from their republican friends in Belfaft, publifhed in the Northern Star.

The following aneedote will fhew the reader what a ftrong antipathy there exifted between the prefbyterians and papifts of the North:

On Monday, May fixth, 1792, the funeral of a Roman catholick, attended by great numbers decorated with ribands, carrying a flag and forming a kind of martial proceffion, proceeded from the village of Hilltown in the county of Down, through the town of Rathfriland to the grave-yard of the parifh of Ballyroney. In pastlng through Rathfriland, they were hooted, infulted and pelted with dirt, by the prefbyterians; but when they arrived at the grave-yard, and the priefts began to chaunt the requiem of the deceafed, they were attacked by the prefbyterians with flones and clubs, and compelled to fly, leaving the corpfe unburied. They were then hunted acrofs the country, and purfued to a confiderable diftance by their affailants.

There appeared in the year 1792, in the Northern Star, a newfpaper publifhed at Belfaft, which was a vehicle of treafon and fedition, many exhortations to the Roman catholicks and prefbyterians to unite in the common caufe; an addrefs to them for that purpofe, penned with peculiar energy, was publifhed in that print on the feventeenth of January, 1792. It is certain that the prefbyterians of Belfaft were as warm in this courtfhip as the Roman catholicks. In the year 1792, when the former paid the moft fervile adulation to the latter, they built a chapel for them at Belfaft; and Waddell Cunningham, a merchant of great wealth in that town, and a noted republican, attended the celebration of mafs in a popifh chapel there, at the head of a company of volunteers,

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who, as well as their leader, were prefbyterians; and a fimilar fcene was exhibited at Lifburn by doctor Crawford, a phyfician and captain of a company of prefbyterian volunteers. As religionifts they hated each other; but both having one grand object, the fubverfion of the conftitution, politicks became the inftrument of their union, like two fluids that are heterogeneous and immifcible, but which can be made to unite and amalgamate by what the chymifts call an intermede or a tertium quid.

About that time, a prieft of Belfaft, who was fenfible and loyal, happened to be invited by two principal merchants of that town to take fhare of a bottle of wine with them. Politicks, and the sincere regard which the prefbyterians of Belfaft; entertained for their catholick brethren, became the subject of cbnverfation, when one of the merchants propofed that a marriage fhould take place between the two orders. The prieft wittily replied, with all my heart, I can have no objection to it; though when a fimilar propofal was lately made to me by a member of the cllablifhed church, I abfolutely oppofed it. Why fo? faid one of the prefbyterians; that appears very extraordinary: Not at all, replied the prieft; for I confider an union with the eftablifhed church as a kind of inceft, as we are too nearly related; but the prefbyterians may marry with us whenever they choofe, for we are not the leaft akin.

It is moft certain, that the firft leaders in the North, though regarded as prefbyterians, were in fact infidels, who endeavoured to extinguifh all religious principle by the dissemination of French doftrines, the circulation of Paine’s Age of Reafon, and publications of that flamp; and well knowing that even the religious part of their order were inimical to monarchy, and particularly to our hierarchy, they endeavoured to avail themfelves of that propensity in them to overturn the government; knowing alfo, that the Roman catholicks had difpofitions ftrongly hoftile to a proteftant ftate, they endeavoured to form a union with them for the above purpofe.

The prefbyterians engaged in the confpiracy were chiefly confined to the counties of Down and Antrim; and even there none of the refpectable members of that order were concerned in it. Some of the moft proftigate diffenting minifters* in thofe counties, who became partizans

* See in Appendix, No. XII. the prefbyterian minifters of the Counties of Down and Antrim concerned in the rebellion, and the punifhments which they fuffered.

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of the united Irifhmen, prevailed on the rabble of their perfuafion, and fuch of them as were devoid of principle and property, to join in the plot; but very few, if any, of the really religious prefbyterians entered into it.

Some of the moft intelligent perfons of the North have affured me, that the infidel leaders thought they had gone rather* too far, even before the rebellion broke out, in raifing the hopes of a popifh eftablifhment in the mafs of the Roman catholicks; having difcovered too late that religious bigotry formed the principal, if not the fole fpring of action among them, which evidently appeared on the explofion of the confpiracy.

It is a pofitive faft, that John Sheares† promifed a complete extinction of his religion in confideration of catholick co-operation, without reflecting that it was an act of fpontaneity in them; by this he meant the fubverfion of the proteftant hierarchy, for he was as deftitute of religious principle as the few confpirators of that perfuafion who confederated with him. The only bounds of feparation between the prefbyterians and papifts was the eftablifhed church, which fufpended and fuppreffed their mutual enmity; and the fubverfion of it, like the removal of a peninfula between two raging feas, would have produced collifion and difcord. While fome of the unprincipled prefbyterian minifters of the counties of Down and Antrim were decrying religious bigotry, under the pretext of liberality, they almoft proftituted religion itfelf, in order to prepare the minds of their flock for the reception of rebellious doctrines; but the popifh priefts, fearing that the light of the new philofophy would difpel the illufions of purgatory, holy oil, holy water, and abfolution, which gave them a complete afcendancy over their fuperftitious fectaries, and which, like true alchymifts, they could turn into gold, infufed into them a more than ordinary degree of fanaticifm, well knowing that it would augment the facerdotal power over them, and encreafe their hatred to the proteftant eftate; for thefe reafons, the popifh multitude appeared more fanguinary againft the members of the eftablifhed church, and more devoted to their clergy wherever the rebellion broke out, than they had been for many years before; though they univerfally pretended that their influence was entirely done away.

* A Cork gentleman who was a moft efficient member of the union, having ftudied the theory of infurrection at Paris.

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Thus the diffenting minifters and popifh priefts endeavoured to attain the fame end by different means. Joined to the malignant efforts of the united Irifhmen, there is not a doubt, but that the active interference of fome French democrats among the difaffected part of the Irifh nation, their extravagant admiration of the French revolution, and their correfpondence with fome of the clubs in France, contributed materially to diffufe the intoxicating poifon of republicanifm.

In the years 1791 and 1792, Rabaud de St. Etienne, the bofom friend of Briffot, the famous leader of the Girondine party in the French national affembly, paffed fome time between Dublin and Belfaft, fowing the feeds of future combuftion.

The fociety of the friends of the conftitution, affembled at Clermont in France in the month of October, 1791, refolved, that, on perufing the different publications addreffed from various parts of Ireland to the national affembly and the people of France, an addrefs, then agreed to, fhould be forwarded to the volunteers of Ireland, at Dublin, and which addrefs was publifhed in the publick prints; and an anfwer to faid addrefs was agreed to by the volunteers of Dublin, and forwarded to France in January, 1792. It was figned by James Napper Tandy, Thomas Bacon a tailor, Edward Newenham, William T. Smith, A. H. Rowan, J. T. Aftienhurft; and contained the moft extravagant encomiums on the French conftitution, and condemned the Irifh as imperfecl:, and as founded in tyranny.

In a fociety of united Irifhmen affembled at Temple Patrick, in the county of Down, on the nineteenth of December, 1791, which was foon after the formation of the inftitution, and fhews how rapidly it fpread, they refolved to promote Catholick emancipation, and a reform of parliament; and affert, that whilft an extra-national government retains the power of the national purfe; and whilft religious animofities, under the direction of infidious adminiftrations, continue to difunite Irifhmen, it is vain to expect emancipation, or the bleffings of a free conftitution.

The celebration of the anniverfary of the French revolution, which took place at Belfaft on the fourteenth of July, 1792, opened a wide and extenfive theatre for traitors and difaffected perfons of every rank, character, and religious perfuafion, to fraternize and fpread the infection of their noxious principles.

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Some months before, it was announced in the publick prints, and all the volunteers of the province of Ulfter were invited to affift there. Mr. Tone, thinking that this would afford him a good opportunity of attaching to his fyftem a great number of the Northern prefbyterians, well trained to arms, fent to a republican friend at Belfaft, the refolutions and declarations of the united Irifhmen, and defired him to propound them to the volunteers, when they were intoxicated with the admiration of French liberty.

The main object of the refolutions is, “a complete internal union of all the people of Ireland, to refift the weight of English influence.” He fays in his letter, “with a reformed parliament every thing is eafy; without it nothing can be done. The foregoing contain my true and sincere opinion of the ftate of this country, fo far as in the prefent juncturee it may be advifeable to publifh them. They certainly fall fhort of the truth; but truth itfelf muft fometimes condefcend to temporize. My unalterable opinion is, that the bane of Irifh profperity is in the influence of England.* I believe that influence will be extended while the connexion between the two countries continues; neverthelefs, as I know that that opinion is for the prefent too hardy, though a little time may eftablifh it univerfally, I have not made it a part of the refolutions. I have not faid one word that looks like a wifh for feparation; though I give it to you as my moft decided opinion, that fuch an event would be regeneration to this country.”

“I think the beft time for publifhing them will be on the fourteenth of July: I learn there is to be a commemoration of the French revolution; that morning ftar of liberty to Ireland!”

“The volunteers, if they approve of the plan, may adopt it, and I have worded it fo as to leave them an opportunity. I have left, as you fee, a blank for the name. As to the Roman catholicks, I have alluded to them, but fo remotely, as I hope not to alarm the moft cautious proteftant. It is wicked nonfenfe to talk of a reform in Ireland, in which they fhall not have their due fhare.”

This fhews how anxious he was about the Roman catholicks, whofe hired agent and fecretary he was at that time; and how artfully he

* In the reign of James II the Irifh Roman Catholicks made a great outcry againft Englifh intereft, as may be feen in lord Clarendon’s ftate letters.

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endeavours to allure the proteftants to promote their luleren:, though their own deftruction was involved in it.

The anniverfary of this French revolution* was celebrated with great pomp and fplendour by a proceffion of many volunteer corps, in which fome pageants and large emblematick figures, with mottos fuitablc to the occafion, were dravyn by horfes. On one of them, drawn by four horfes, there was the following infcription: “The releafement of the prifoners from the Baftile.” On the reverfe, there was a figure of Hibernia, with one hand and foot in fhackles, and a volunteer prefenting to her a figure of Hberty. The following motto was infcribed on another: “Our Gallic brethren were born July fourteenth, 1789: Alas! we are ftill in embryo.” On the reverfe, “Superftitious jealoufy, the caufe of the Irifh Baftile: Let us unite and deftroy it.” Among them appeared the portrait of doctor Franklin, with this motto, “Where liberty is, there is my country.”

I have been informed by many gentlemen well acquainted with the real fentiments of the prefbyterians of the North, that they harbour a moft inveterate hatred towards the Roman catholicks; that they never sincerely wifhed that they fhould obtain the eleftive franchife; and that they endeavoured to raife their expectations very high, from a mahgnant hope, that a difappointment, arifing from not having them fulfilled, would exafperate them againft the ftate, and make them more fanguine in their defires to overturn it.

On the other hand, the Romanifts were lefs sincere; for the late rebellion proves that they meant to make ufe of that sect of the proteftants, merely as an engine to oveiturn the conftitution, and to have extirpated the whole order of proteftants when they had fucceeded. As there are many good and loyal fubjects among both thefe religionifts, I think it right to apologize to them; and to affure them, that I allude only to the ignorant, the unprincipled, and uneducated ranks of both.

The Catholick committee, hoping that they might conciliate and gain over to their caufe the volunteers of Ulfter, affembled at Belfaft, when the flame of liberty excited in their breasts the moft tender emotions of fraternity and benevolence, and extinguifhed all mean and felfifh affections, fent fourteen delegates there, of whom one was a prieft, fome days before the civick feaft began.

* It lafted fome days.

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A Frenchman, who had been very bufy intriguing in Dublin, attended there alfo.

When the proceffion was over, the volunteers and many of the inhabitants of the town affembled in the linen-hall, and entered on the difcullion of politicks. Parliamentary reform, and an univerfal reftoration of all the privileges of the Roman catholicks were refolved on.

They then voted an addrefs to the national affembly of France, and another to the people of Ireland.

The leading orators, and the chief friends of the Romanifts on this occafion, were Meffrs. Sampfon and Neilfon, notorious rebels, prefbyterians by profeffion, but decided deifts; the reverend T. Birch, the reverend doctor Dickfon, and the reverend S. Kelburne,* prefbyterian minifters, and doctor Caldwell, a noted republican.

Thefe active citizens, and the delegates from the Roman catholick committee, whofe hatred towards each other could be equalled by nothing but their zeal to overturn the conftitution, which was their only bond of union, were like two bands of robbers in Arabia, whofe competition for plunder was an unceafing fource of enmity; but meeting with a rich caravan, fo well guarded, that they defpair fingly of conquering it, they therefore unite for that purpofe.

The Roman catholick delegates having completely fucceeded in their negotiation for fraternizing with the prefbyterians, and for attaching them to their caufe, gave way to immoderate joy, and poured out many a libation to Bacchus, on the night of the day that the civick feaft was held.

On the fourteenth of July, the volunteers of Dublin affembled and -fired three volHes on the quay, in commemoration of the French revolution; and on that day, and on the fixteenth of July, many political clubs dined together, to celebrate that event.

On the twenty-third of May, 1792, the Polifh revolution was celebrated at Belfaft; that day being its anniverfary. A numerous company who dined at the Donegal arms, drank the following among other toads: The rights of man and Tom Paine: the fovereignty of the people: may philofophy enlighten all nations, and form the whole into one family: the revolution fociety of London: James Napper Tandy, and a fpeedy check to unconftitutional and undefined privileges.

* Birch and Dickfon have been tranfported; Kelburn was imprifoned a confiderable time.

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May eighteenth, 1792, the Belfaft fecond fociety of united Irifhmen refolved on contributing their fhare of money to affift the people of France in the prefent war.

At this time there exifted a Northern whig club, which frequently publifhed refolutions of a revolutionary tendency.

On the twenty-eighth of October, 1792, they celebrated, with great pomp, at Belfaft, the retreat of the duke of Brunfwick’s army from France. Lifburn, and many other towns of the North, followed their example.

December thirty-firft, 179?, the union fociety at Newry, confifting moftly of Romanifts, Patrick O’Hanlon,* fecretary, refolved, “that their object was to remove religious prejudices, and to promote unanimity and brotherly love among Irifhmen of every fect and perfuafion.”

The Roman catholicks of Dublin, duly convened by publick fummons the thirty-firft of October, 1792, Thomas Braughall in the chair, voted their thanks to the different volunteer corps reviewed in Ulfter; to the focieties of united Irifhmen of Dublin and Belfaft; to the proteftant freeholders of Cork;† and the gentlemen on grand juries, and at county meetings, and to all others among their proteftant brethren \ who manifefted a wifh for their emancipation.

Left the lower clafs of the Romanifts fhould not feel that enthufiafm in the caufe of emancipation which the Catholick committee did, numbers of the popifh multitude under the denomination of houfeholders of Dublin, were convened in their refpective parifhes, the latter end of the year 1792, when they entered into a difcuffion of their claims.

At an affembly of them the thirty-firft of October, one of the leading members of the Catholick committee, to animate them, faid, “Look to the proteftant part of Ireland, the North; look to Belfaft; look to the four focieties of united Irifhmen there; to the declaration of the volunteers in every part of Ireland, rising once more from their lethargy to raife their degraded country.”

Two volunteer corps, affembled under arms at Belfaft on the feventh of September, 1792, expreffed their joy at feeing that the fpirit of

* He attended John Keogh on his miffion to Rathfriland.

† This was a mob confifting moftly of papifts, convened by a few difcontented. gentlemen foured by difappointed ambition.

On the contrary, the real proteftants this very year were loud and vehement againft granting the Roman catholicks the elective franchifc.

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volunteering was reyiving throughout the province of Ulfter, being confident, that the rights of the people are moft fecure, when they are able to affert them; and that they are perfuaded the country owes whatever commerce and conftitution it poffeffes to the fpirit and wifdom of the volunteers; and they re-adopt the refolutions of thofe affembled at Dungannon the fifteenth of February, 1782, and the eighth of September, 1783, in which a total repeal of the popery laws, and an union of perfons of every religious perfuafion, is recommended.

A revolutionary club, who called themfelves the Irifh jacobins of Beifaft, publifhed a moft feditious addrefs to the publick on the fifteenth of December, 1792, in the Northern Star, in which they fay there is no national government, and that there muft be a complete reprefentation of the people; and they inculcate the neceffity of parliamentary reform and Catholick emancipation.

Different revolutionary focieties in the North, raifed by fubfcription, in the year 1792, confiderable fums of money for the republicans of France. At Coleraine they fubfcribed £600. The inhabitants of Drumacoe, in the parifh of Newtownlimavady, and its vicinity, fet one on foot the tenth of July, and invited perfons of every religious perfuafion to contribute to it.

In July, 1792, Monfieur Francois read a letter in the French convention, written by a fociety of friends to the French conftitution in Ireland, who praifed it very much, and offered eight hundred livres towards the expences of the ftate.

In the year 1792, there exifted the following political clubs in Dublin: The Whig club: The Whigs of the capital, who circulated twenty thoufand copies of Tom Paine’s Rights of Man, at id. each, but many of them gratis, to enlighten the people: The friends of the conftitution, liberty and peace:* The Catholick committee: The Catholick fociety: The united Irifhmen; who were very numerous: The defenders, who multiplied to a very extraordinary degree, were much influenced by the united Irifhmen, and with whom they began to affiliate in the year 1792: Many reading clubs: The Shamrock, Telegraphick, and Philanthropick focieties,

* Many men of principle and good fortune, who wifhed for nothing but a fimple reform of parliament, were members of it, but did not know the latent defigns of the rebels.

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which were ramifications of defenderifm, and confided of the lowed claffes of the people, and furnifhed the united Irifhmen with affaffins. The Philanthropick paffed fentence of death on captain Giffard in the year 1794* when high fheriff of the city; but the affaffin appointed to execute it, being touched with remorfe, informed him of it, and put him on his guard.

On Monday the twenty-feventh of February, 1792, an event happened which filled all loyal subjects with alarming apprehenfions, and with ominous conjeftures, left the malignant defigns of the traitors, who were numerous at that time in the metropolis, might terminate in its deftruction. About the hour of four o’clock on that day, when the houfe of commons were in a committee, a member, conceiving that he perceived the fmell of fire, fent fome of the fervants to the dome of the edifice, and they immediately announced that it was on fire. The members, having inftantly retired to the oppofite fide of the ftreet, faw the flames burfting from it in feveral places and in oppofite directions, and the whole was inftantly in a blaze. The utmoft exertion, with all the buckets and engines of the city, were ufed to extinguifh it, but in vain; for that magnificent edifice was entirely confumed.

It occafioned univerfal confternation; the guards at the caftle, and the magazine in the park, were doubled; and the artillery approached the city.

A committee of the houfe, who fat to determine on the caufe of it, reported, that it happened by accident; though the ableft members of that committee were convinced that it was done by defign; but they feared that the admiffion of it would be injurious to the trade and credit of the nation. An idea was univerfally diffeminated, that one of the metal flues, conftructed for the purpofe of warming the houfe, had communicated fire to the dome; but for the following reafons that will appear to have been utterly impoffible: They were made of caft iron; they were placed outfide the houfe, fo as to have no communication with the dome, which was fheathed with a thick coat of copper; and there was no timber employed in the conftruction of the flues.

Mr. Penrofe, an able architeft,* and well verfed in many other fciences, was decidedly of opinion, that it was not poffible for the flues, or any

* He was architect of the houfes of parliament, and had been at that time daily infpecting the roof of the houfe of commons, as he was repairing it.

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accident, to hnve occafioned the fire; that it was done by deliberate defign, and muft have been effected by fome chemical procefs.

The dome was formed of an immenfe body of folid timber, which, in the ordinary progrefs of fire, would require fome hours to confume; and yet it foon formed a circular body of fixed inextinguifhable flame, and was confumed in about an hour and a half.

As there were at that time in the city two defperate factions, who, we have learned by fatal experience, meditated the fubverfion of the conftitution, and the deftruction of the government, it is not unlikely that it was perpetrated by one or either of them, or by both in conjunction; as it will appear in the fequel that they often co-operated.

Napper Tandy had narrowly efcaped the vengeance of the houfe of commons, for having offered a grofs infult to one of its members; and a proclamation for his apprehenfion appeared at that time in the newfpapers.

About the fame time, all the efforts of Richard Burke, agent to the Catholick committee, were completely baffled; and he with difficulty efcaped the refentment of the houfe of commons. He had prevailed on one of its members to prefent a petition on the part of his employers, and he had the folly and prefumption to enter into the body of the houfe, to prompt the gentleman who had undertaken that talk, which excited the indignation of that affembly; and nothing but his precipitate retreat faved him from being arrefted by the ferjeant at arms.

The overweening and infolent petition of that body had been recently “difmiffed with indignant contempt; and the new popery bill, which though it gave them confiderable privileges, blafted their future expectations, had juft paffed through the houfe of commons. The leading catholicks of Dublin gave various proofs of the indignation which they felt at thefe difappointments, particularly in their debate on the twenty-third of March in Fifhamble-ftreet.

From the many traitors and incendiaries who appeared in thefe two bodies in the year 1798, we may fairly conclude, that they would not hefitate to form a fcheme for deftroying the houfe of commons, when they had meditated a plot for overturning the ftate, and the extirpation of numbers of the moft valuable members of fociety.*

* Some of the wretches arrefted on the explofion of the rebellion, acknowledged that they knew of, and were privy to, the burning of the houfe, previous toits perpetration; and one perfon fwore an information of it.

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Suppofing, therefore, that it was an accident, it muft be acknowledged that it happened at a very critical moment.

It is obfervable, that a few days before the perpetration of this horrid crime, the following printed paper was diftributed through the ftreets in the form of a hand bill, and pofted on the city walls, and even on the houfe of commons, under the proclamation iffued for apprehending Napper Tandy:

“The members of a certain great houfe, not far from the college, are hereby cautioned how they perfecute to ruin a virtuous citizen, for defending his character, and afferting the liberties of Ireland; if they do not, let them beware of the awl of the cobler of Melfina.”*

Early in the year 1792, a military body who ftyled themfelves national guards, becaufe they endeavoured to affimilate to thofe at Paris, were arrayed and difciplined in Dublin. Subfcriptions were fet on foot to purchafe uniforms, pikes and accoutrements for them, and of which they befpoke large quantities!

They wore green uniforms, with buttons, having a harp, and a cap of liberty inftead of a crown.† Their leaders were A. H. Rowan and James Napper Tandy, who addreffed each other, and the members of their rebellious corps, by the appellation of citizen, in imitation of the French.

The multitude in Dublin were fo much difaffected at this time, that they ufed to wifh fuccefs to thefe traitors, openly and without referve, as they paffed them by in the ftreet, or faw them on parade.

The mafs of the people were fo much infected with treafon, and fo prone to rife the latter end of the year 1792, and the beginning of the year I793, that a general infurrection was apprehended; and even particular nights were fixed for that purpofe, of which government had certain

* A gentleman, now living, informed a member of the privy council, that he was acquainted with circumftances which would lead to the difcovery of the burning of the houfe of commons; but he afterwards informed him, that the council did not wifh to enter into an inveftigation of it.

† This band of traitors fprung from the volunteers; as ftated in the report of the fecret committee.

‡ Carey, the printer of the united Irifhmen, boafted in his pamphlet, “that he was Mr. Rowan’s companion in arms, in the firft national battalion; and that he oppofed and finally procured the abolition of the mifchievous button and cockade, which afforded a pretext to the enemies of our glorious volunteer inftitution to prevent its fufpenfion.”

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tain information. In fhort, the city was like a great fhell, fraught with various combuftibles, and ready to explode on the application of a match.

Five nights out of feven alderman Fleming, by the orders of government, patroled the ftreets with a body of horfe.

Lord Weftmorland defired him to attend particularly to the cuftomhoufe, the poft-office, and the gaol, as his excellency had undoubted information that they were the firft places to be attacked; and that the fignal for rifing was to have been the pulling down of the ftatue of king William in College-green, with ropes.

One night lord Weftmorland was fo much afraid that the infurrection would take place, that, though he had given orders in the morning to the alderman to patrole that night, he fent an aid-de-camp in the evening to fee that he was in readinefs to do fo.

It was discovered at that time, that there was a confpiracy to affaffinate Mr. Beresford. One of the perfons privy to it confeffed it to alderman James.

The national guards, and all the volunteer corps of Dublin, were fummoned by Matthew Dowling, to affemble on Sunday the ninth of December, 1792, to celebrate the victory of the French, and the triumph of univerfal liberty. The fummons began with the appellation of “citizen foldier.”

Government, having received undoubted information that a general infurrection was meditated, iffued a proclamation on the eighth of December againft their affembling, which ftruck fuch terror into them, that the national guards did not affemble; and the only perfons who appeared on parade were A. H. Rowan, J. N. Tandy, and Carey the printer. For this meafure of precaution, which faved the city from plunder and conflagration, and its moft valuable inhabitants from affaffination, we are indebted to the earl of Clare, the prefent lord chancellor, whofe wifdom, fagacity, and unabated fortitude, notwithftanding many plots which were formed to murder him, have preferved the kingdom of Ireland, on various occafions, from utter deftruction. The exalted fphere to which he has been raifed, and the honours conferred on him by our gracious fovereign, prove the fuperior excellence of a mixed government like ours, where the monarch felects men, like him, diftinguifhed for wifdom, abilities, and virtue, to fill the principal departments of the ftate; but in a republick, where demagogues can turn the giddy multitude like a torrent,

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to overwhelm every thing that is great and good, a Tone, a Tandy, or a Sheares, would fill the department over which this noble lord fo worthily prefides.

On the thirty-firft of January, 1793, an addrefs of thanks to lord Weftmorland was moved and carried in the houfe of commons, for having iffued this proclamation. In the debate on it, lord Edward FitzGerald arofe, and faid aloud, in an angry tone, “I give my moft hearty difapprobation to this; for I do think, that the lord lieutenant, and the majority of this houfe, are the worft men in the kingdom.” The houfe had ferious thoughts of expelling him; but, with fingular pufillanimity, pardoned him on making a flight excufe.

There was as much treafon in the city of Dublin in the year 1792 as in the year 1798; but with this difference, that it was not organized into fyftem.

An ingenious writer, in a letter addreffed to a friend in England, and publifhed in the year 1792, makes the following obfervations on this period: “On your fide the water, philofophy, I fuppofe, is defined after the good old manner; the love or ftudy of wifdom, moral or natural. With us it is a word of a very different import; for in Ireland, no man is allowed to poffefs either wifdom or learning, who does not believe in the new American gofpel; who is not in politicks a republican; and in religion a prefbyterian, a papift, or an infidel. Out of thefe, there is no faving wifdom: Such are the figns by which Irifh philofophy is known. Sometimes, indeed, it difplays itfelf in libels on the king and the revolution; and he who difcharges the greateft portion of filth is the deepeft philofopher.”

The political horizon of Ireland was fo much darkened at this time by black threatening clouds, that trade and publick credit were materially injured. Bank flock which had been fo high as £171 fell to £158 and the other funds in proportion. Lottery tickets fhared the fame fate.

As the Roman catholicks were chiefly inftrumental in bringing the country into this alarming ftate, doctor McKenna, a member of that order, ftepped forward with a feafonable and judicious addrefs, in which he told them, “that they lived under a wife and fortunate organization of fociety that, violence in afferting what they call their rights, ought

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not to be employed; for few political benefits are of fufficient value to be purchafed by commotion.”

When the difaffected clubs found that they could not elude the vigilance of the magiftrates, who often difperfed or arrefted them, they ufed to affemble in the environs of the capital, particularly at Harold’s-crofs, under a pretext of boxing or playing at foot-ball.

Notwithftanding the proclamation of the eighth of December, the goldfmiths’ corps, commanded by major Bacon the tailor, and that noted traitor Dowling, paraded in Ship-ftreet, on Sunday the twenty-feventh of January, but were difperfed by alderman Warren; however, before their difperfion, they entered into ftrong refolutions in favour of catholick emancipation* and reform of parliament.

In defiance of the proclamation of the eighth of December, to prevent the affociation and aifembling of difaffected perfons in arms, under a pretence of obtaining a redrefs of grievances, the Dublin rangers paraded in Ship-ftreet, on Sunday the twenty-fourth of February, 1793. Alderman James, unattended by any civil or military force, defired them to difperfe; but, on their refufal, Mr. Oliver Carleton, an active and intelligent magiftrate, purfued and overtook them on Effex-bridge, where he attempted to feize the adjutant; telling him, at the fame time, that he was his prifoner; but he was refcued. Mr. Carleton received fome blows, and was pelted with ftones by the mob, who were warm partifans of thefe armed traitors. Alderman James purfued them to Drumcondra, with a party of the army, but they difperfed before he could approach them.

On the fixteenth of January, the inhabitants of Belfaft affembled, and voted an addrefs of thanks to his majefty, for having recommended the Roman catholicks to the confideration of parliament.

On the fourteenth of January, 1793, a motion was made in the houfe of commons for a parliamentary reform, which was the grand defideratum of the united Irifhmen, and one of the engines by which they hoped to overturn and proftrate the conftitution.†

* Thefe words were adopted to make the people of England believe that the Irifh papifts were flaves, though they enjoyed more civil liberty than the moft favoured fubjects of any European ftate, except England.

† It is remarkable, that the oppofition in the parliaments of England and Ireland fed the hope and promoted the wifths of the difaffected by inflammatory fpeeches.

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Many attempts were made at Belfaft, fo early as the year 1792, to feduce the military. Jofeph Cuthbert, a mafter tailor, there was condemned to ftand in the pillory for that offence.

In the month of April, 1793, the difaffected people of that town would not fuffer the loyal inhabitants to illuminate their houfes, for the fuccefs of our allies on the continent. Some of the diifenting minifters of that town offered up prayers for the fuccefs of the French republicans againft the powers who oppofed them. It generally happens that the moral and political principles of men, in a great meafure, emanate from and are modified by their religion. As the prefbyterian church was formed in a republick, and as its ecclefiaftical eftablifhment was affimilated to the civil policy of the ftate, its members in every country in Europe have fhewn a difhke to every form of government but a democratick. For this reafon, the calviniftical minifters in France, juftified the rebellion againft Charles I. and prayed publickly for its fuccefs; and, left from their zeal they might have been confidered as entertaining views and wifhes hoftile to their own government, one of their ableft profeffors at Saumur publifhed the following abfurd apology for them: That the kings of France were abfolute by prefcription; but that thofe of England were fubordinate to the parliament. Nothing fhews fo much the excellence of our conftitution, as having the king at the head of the ecclefiaftical ftate.

I before obferved, page 8, that while this policy was adhered to by the emperors of Rome and Conftantinople, peace and tranquillity reigned in their dominions; but when the bifhop of Rome affumed a right to regulate religious matters in them, it produced inceffant ftrife and difcord.

It was a ftanding law of an early date at Rome, that no one fhould feparately have new gods, or worship privately foreign gods, unlefs admitted by the commonwealth,* and Ifocrates tells us, that the fame law exifted at Athens, †

Maecenas, in his advice to Auguftus, faid to him, “Perform divine worfhip, in all things, exactly according to the cuftom of your anceftors, and fuffer no innovations in religion; becaufe thofe who create fuch,

* Cicero de Legibus, lib. II. † Ifocrates Areopagus [Socrates]

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are apt to make changes in civil affairs; hence confpiracies, feditions, and riots; things very dangerous to government.;” This obfervation apphes ftrongly to the ftate of Ireland at prefent, and that of England in the reign of Elizabeth and James I. before the bleffings of the reformation were fully experienced in it.

James Napper Tandy was indicted at the fpring affizes of 1793, held at Dundalk, in the county of Louth, for having diftributed feditious handbills the preceding fummer, to encourage the people of that country, much infected by the defenders, to rife; but having, through his attorney Matthew Dowling, difcovered that there were ftrong charges for high treafon againft him, he fled, forfeited his recognifances, and never since appeared, till he was brought a prifoner from Hamburgh.

On the feventh of March, 1793, alderman James found and feized fome pikes in Suffolk-ftreet, and lodged them in the king’s ftores;† fo early did the difaffected begin to procure thefe weapons.

In the month of January, 1793, the Roman catholick inhabitants of many parifhes in Dublin affembled, debated on their claims and pretenfions, and voted addreffes to their delegates in the general committee; in which fome of them recommended the expulfion of lord Kenmare, and applauded the conduct of Meffrs. Braughall, Ryan, and Sutton.

The reader may eafily conceive for what purpofe the mafs of the papifts were thus affembled, and how much it muft have inflamed their paffions, and prepared their minds for the reception of fedition and treafon.

As the Roman catholicks of fome counties and difhrids had affembled with their proteftant fellow fubjects, to join in an addrefs to teftify their allegiance, the fub-committee of the Roman catholicks diffuaded them from doing fo, “fince,” as they faid, “that end was anfwered in a more dignified, folemn, and authorized manner, by their delegates.”

As large quantities of gun-powder and arms had been fent from the metropolis to the defenders, concealed in packages, and it was univerfally believed that much of both had been imported into the kingdom, the attorney general introduced a bill into the houfe of commons, to prevent any perfon from keeping, importing, or removing, any more than a certain quantity, without a licenfe, under a penalty of £500.

* Dion Caffius, lib. iii. † They were the firft of thofe weapons difcovered in Dublin.

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This very falutary law, to which the falvation of the kingdom may in fome degree be imputed, was violently oppofed by the minority in parliament, and feverely condemned by the united Irifhmen, who feemed to concur in cenfuring every meafure of prevention and precaution, which government adopted to defeat the defigns of the confpirators.

In the year 1793, when republican principles were diffeminated by all the revolutionary focieties, in many publick prints, and various inflammatory publications, doctor Troy, titular archbifhop of Dublin, publiihed a pamphlet, entitled a Paftoral Letter, in which, after departing from the main defign which he profeffed, he faid, that the antient republicks of Florence, Sienna, and Pifa, were eftablifhed and governed by Roman catholicks, who ftill continue to fupport thofe of Poland, Venice, Genoa, Ragufa, Lucca and Marino; and he makes the fame remark in refpect to the popifh cantons of the Helvetic union, and obferves that the calviniftical ones prefer an ariftocratical government.

As popery has been generally congenial to monarchy, and rather favourable to defpotifm, it was believed that the doctor did this to attach more firmly the prefbyterians to their caufe, by proving that the popifh perfuafion was well fuited to a republick.

The reader may deduce from fubfequent events, whether this conjefture was well founded.

It ftruck me, and many perfons of fagacity obferved, that the horrors which people in general felt at the cruelties and barbarities committed by the French republicans, began to abate in the minds of the Roman catholicks in the beginning of the year 1793, and that they continued to wear away gradually, till the rebellion broke out.

Doctor Huffey, in a paftoral letter, publifhed in the year 1797, endeavoured to prove how well fuited popery was to a republican form of government.

We may form fome opinion of the alarming ftate of the North, from the report of the fecret committee of the lords, made in 1793; and from a proclamation which iffued the eleventh of March, of that year, which alludes chiefly to Belfaft. It ftates, “that certain feditious and ill-affected perfon’s, in feveral parts of the North, particularly in the town of Belfaft, have endeavoured to foment and encourage difcontent, and to defame the government and the parliament, by feditious publications,

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circulated among the people; and that feveral bodies of men have been collected in armed affociations, and have been levied, and arrayed in the faid town of Belfaft; and that arms and gun-powder to a very large amount have been fent thither; and that bodies of men have been drilled and exercifed by day and night, under the pretext of obtaining a redrefs of grievances, though the obvious intention appears to be, to overawe the parliament and the government, and to diftate to both.”

It then charges all perfons, under their allegiance, to abftain from committing fuch offences refpectively.

This falutary and vigorous meafure gave a vital blow to volunteering; and the preffure of the times called for it, as the Belfaft volunteer company, affembled the feventeenth of December, 1792, refolved on an addrefs to the volunteers of Ireland; in which they encouraged them to affemble as ufual, and feverely condemned the proclamation which iffued on the eighth of December.

When the proclamation of the eleventh of March iffued, the lord lieutenant’s fecretary wrote to the fovereign of Belfaft, defiring him to prevent all illegal meetings of perfons in arms; and informing him, that he and the other magiftrates would be aided by the military, fhould they meet with any oppofition in difperfing them.

In the month of January, 1793, there was a meeting held at Ballynahinch, to which all the parifhes in the county of Down fent delegates regularly chofen, and recommended to them to promote parliamentary reform and catholick emancipation; and at a town meeting held in February following at Carrickfergus, in the county of Antrim, befides difcuffing thefe fubjects, the policy of holding a national convention was ftrongly enforced.

In the beginning of the year 1793, meetings of the people were held in different towns and diftricts in the counties of Down and Antrim; when they inculcated the necefhty of parliamentary reform and catholick emancipation, condemned the eftablifhment of the militia, as tending to enflave the nation, and recommended the volunteers to affemble as ufual.

On the fifteenth of February, 1793, a provincial meeting was held at Dungannon, in the county of Tyrone, to which moft of the parifhes in Ulfter fent delegates.

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Their debates were highly inflammatory. Every thing that could tend to depreciate the conftitution, and debafe and vilify the members of the government in the opinion of the people, was faid there. They inveighed ftrongly againft the war, and entered into refolutions againft it.

Doctor Dickfon, a prefbyterian minifter, and a noted demagogue, was the leading orator there. He inveighed bitterly againft fencibles;* faid that the militia were but fubftitutes for them, and that the object of both was to enflave and not to defend the nation. He faid, that catholick emancipation was but a fhadow, as the gunpowder act, which he feverely condemned, deprived not only the Roman catholicks, but the proteftants, of the ufe of arms. He reprobated the proclamation iffued the eleventh of March againft the illegal affociation of men in arms, and ftrongly exhorted the volunteers to affemble as ufual. He declared, that he had three fermons ready for the prefs, which were calculated to enlighten the people; and he recommended to the delegates to circulate them in their refpective diftricts. The publication of them was to be announced in the Northern Star, and Samuel Neilfon was one of the perfons appointed to receive fubfcriptions. He faid, that the militia eftablifhment was merely to promote venality and patronage, for the infamous train who fatten on the fpoils of the people. He condemned the war in fevere terms.

At the requeft of the herd of republicans affembled at Dungannon, he preached a fermon, or rather a political difcourfe, fraught with phlogifhck principles, in a meeting-houfe, and was attended by perfons of every religious perfuafion. His text was Jofeph’s advice to his brethren, “See that ye fall not out by the way.”

He recommended in his fermon catholick emancipation, and reform of parliament, on the bafis of chrifhanity.

In the fummer of 1797, he, after the manner of Thelwall, ufed to read political difcourfes, which he called evening lectures, to his congregation at Portaferry, for the purpofe, as he faid, of enlightening them.

At Dungannon, they framed fifteen refolutions, which reflected upon government, and were very inflammatory; and before their prorogation,

* Four regiments of them were raifed in the year 1782, on advantageous terms to the ftate; becaufe the officers were not to receive half-pay on being difbanded. They were hateful to the factious demagogues of that day, who hoped, through the volunteers, to fubvert the conltitution, as there were but few troops in the kingdom.

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they appointed a ftanding committee, who were to concert meafures ff)r affembling a national convention.

Soon after, moft of the volunteers and many town and district meetings of the people in Ulfter, affembled, and expreffed their approbation of thefe refolutions.

Nothing can afford a ftronger argument in favour of an union with Great Britain, than fuch meetings of the people, affembled for the purpofe of overawing the parliament; particularly as they were conftantly encouraged and made ufe of as engines to diftrefs government, by the difcontented members of the houfe of commons, at the expence of publick morals, peace, and induftry.

In defiance of the proclamation of the eleventh of March, the true blue and Cork union volunteers adopted the following refolution, the thirty-firft of May, 1793: “We proclaim aloud, that we will never part with our arms, but with our lives;” and many other volunteer corps entered into fimilar refolutions.

Though the Roman catholicks were recently put exactly on a footing with proteftants, except that they were precluded from fitting in parliament, and from about thirty offices in the executive department, the defenders began in the month of June to commit the moft dreadful outrages in many parts of the kingdom, but particularly in the counties of Kerry, Cork, Wexford, Limerick, Queen’s County, Meath, Weftmeath, Dublin, Cavan, Monaghan, Louth, and in the liberties of Drogheda, Leitrim, Longford, Rofcommon, Mayo, Sligo, Armagh, Down, Donegal, and Derry.

Treafon and difaffection were univerfally diffeminated at this time. The united Irifhmen ufed to fend emiffaries to different parts of the kingdom, who made it a practice of difperfing feditious hand-bills, in every county through which they paffed, from carriages.*

As the united Irifhmen of Dublin and the provincial meeting at Dungannon propofed the convoking a national affembly, which was to have affembled in the month of September following, the lord chancellor, whofe fagacity and political wifdom could be equalled by nothing but his

* Left it fhould be faid, that what I have afferted as to the difturbed ftate of the kingdom this year is not founded, I give in Appendix, No. XII. a ftatement of fome of the outrages committed in different parts of the kingdom.

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firmnefs, prefented a bill, “To prevent the election or other appoint-ment, of conventions, or other unlawful affemblies, under pretence of preparing or prefenting publick petitions or other addreffes to his majefty, or the parliament.”

This falutary meafure averted a ftorm, which would probably have produced general anarchy and defolation, as there were but few troops in the kingdom; and the volunteers, at that time numerous, well armed and. appointed, were very much inflamed againft government, by the fpeeches of factious demagogues.

Nothing can evince more ftrongly the policy and utility of this law, than that Samuel Neilfon declared upon oath, before the houfe of lords, “That the convention bill was calculated to meet every part of the fyftem of united Irifhmen.” When he read it, he faid, “he fuppofed the framer of it had their conftitution before him whilft he was framing it.” Neilfon was one of the moft active and intelligent members of the Irifh union, except Tone.

In the month of October, 1793, the reverend and amiable Mr. Butler, chaplain to the bifhop of Meath, was murdered near his lordfhip’s houfe at Ardbrackan. It appeared afterwards, that he had been previoufly tried and fentenced to die by a committee of affaffination.

During the whole of the year 1794, the defenders became terrifick, committing nocturnal robbery and affaffination, in the counties of Cork, Dublin, Meath, Leitrim, Longford, Armagh, Louth, Cavan, and part of Down; in confequence of which, the proteftant inhabitants of moft of them affembled, formed affociations for their defence, and offered rewards for bringing the defenders to juftice.

They were fo daring and deftructive in the county of Longford, that the nobility, clergy and freeholders united, refolved to levy money by fubfcription, for raifing and maintaining a body of horfe for their defence; and having addreffed the viceroy for permiffion to do fo, obtained it.

In the month of February, 1794, a numerous body of infurgents affembled between Dunmannaway and Bandon, in the county of Cork, and fwore feveral perfons not to pay tithes, taxes, or hearth-money, and to obey no laws but thofe of captain Right; and even threatened to attack the town of Bandon. They were incited to this by feditious hand-bills, fome of which. were fent by poft from Dublin.

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They affembled again in the month of March, affumed the function of legiftators, and difperfed a body of police attended by a magiftrate. They had the boldnefs to attack a party of the Carlow nulitia, and wounded a magiftrate, while reading the riot act.

In that month they affembled often in different parts of that county.

The fheriffs of the city of Dublin, in the year 1794, and the other magiftrates there, affured me, that the defenders were conftantly forming plots and confpiracies in it.

On the fourth of March, a bill was prefented to the houfe of Commons, for a reform of parliament.

In the month of March, 1794, the united Irifhmen difperfed feditious hand-bills in the univerfity of Dublin, in order to feduce the ftudents from their allegiance.

In the month of January of this year, Mr. Pentland, a revenue officer, was barbaroufly murdered at Drogheda in the night.

On the twenty-eighth of April, 1794, the reverend Mr. Jackfon, a proteftant clergyman, was committed to.Newgate on a charge of high treafon.

He came to Ireland as a miffionary from the French government, to lay a plan for invading it; and was convicted of that crime in the year 1795 but died of poifon in the dock, before the fentence could be pronounced. This man was formerly the confidential friend and private fecretary of the famous duchefs of Kingfton, who was better known by the name of Mifs Chudleigh.*

A. H. Rowan, who was concerned in the plot with him, made his efcape from Newgate, where he was under fentence of imprifonment, for having difperfed fome feditious papers.

On the night of the twenty-third of May, 1794, alderman Warren, fheriffs Giffard and Jenkin, attended by fome conftables, repaired to Tailors-hall in Back-lane and difperfed the united Irifhmen, whom they found fitting in confultation, and feized their papers; but they continued afterwards to fit, and to carry on their nefarious machinations with fecrefy, but with equal effect. It appeared afterwards, that many of the

* There is not a doubt but that this man was invited by the Irifh republicans to undertake this miffion.

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leaders of the Catholick committee were members of the fociety of united Irifhmen, though they artfully concealed themfelves while that body openly avowed its exiftence, and publifhed its proceedings; having left the obnoxious and dangerous part to the proteftants, who, though few in number, ferved as fcape-goats to draw on them the vengeance of the law, and the deteftation of all good men and loyal fubjects.

I give the reader the names of fome of the proteftant leaders, with the fate which befel them.

† Exiles. * Were hanged

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CIVIL ORGANIZATION OF THE UNITED IRISHMEN.

I SHALL now endeavour to give the reader an idea of the organization of their clubs, which, to impofe on the people, were faid to be formed merely for civil purpofes; and the better to induce the populace to enter into them, it was falfely and wickedly fuggefted, that it would produce an abolition of tythes, and an equal diftribution of property. The inferior focieties at their firft inftitution confifted of thirty-fix members; they were afterwards, however, reduced to twelve. Whenever they exceeded that number, the excefs was difmiffed, with orders to make profelytes for the foundation of a new fociety. The twelve chofe a fecretary and treafurer; and the fecretaries of five focieties formed what was called a lower baronial committee, which had the immediate direction and fuperintendance of the five focieties, who thus contributed to its inftitution.

From each lower baronial committee thus conftituted, one member was delegated to an upper baronial committee, which in like manner affumed and exerciied the fuperintendance and direction of all the lower baronial committees in the feveral counties. The next fuperior committees were, in populous towns, diftinguifhed by the name of diftrict committees, and in counties by the name of county committees, and were compofed of members delegated by the upper baronials. Each upper baronial committee delegated one of its members to the diftrict, or county committee, and thefe diftrict or county committees had the fuperintendance and direction of all the upper baronials, who contributed to their inftitution.

Having thus organized the feveral counties and populous towns, a fubordinate directory was erected in each of the four provinces, compofed of two or three members, according to the extent and population of the diftricts which they reprefented, who were delegated to a provincial committee, which had the immediate direction and fuperintendance of the feveral county and diftrict committees in each of the four provinces; and a general executive directlory, compofed of five perfons, was elefted

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by the provincial directories; but the election was fo managed, that none but the fecretaries of the provincial knew on whom the electlion fell. It was made by ballot, but not reported to the electors, the appointment being notified only to thofe on whom the election devolved; and the executive directory, thus compofed, affumed and exercifed the fupreme and uncontroled command of the whole body of the union.

The manner of communicating the orders iffued by the executive directory was peculiarly calculated to baffle detection. One member alone of the executive communicated with the fecretary of each provincial committee or directory; the order was tranfmitted by him to the fecretary of each county or diftrict committee in his province; the fecretaries of the county and diftrict committees communicated with the upper baronials in each county; they communicated with the fecretaries of the lower baronial committees, who gave the order to the fecretaries of each fubordinate committee, by whom it was given to the feveral inferior members of the union.

In the month of March, 1794, many perfons were convicted at Dundalk of appearing in arms in the night as defenders, and of adminiftering unlawful oaths; thirteen of them were capitally convicted.

In the month of May, 1794, the defenders were guilty of infurrections and outrages, little fhort of open rebellion in the counties of Meath and Cavan. At Kilnaleek in the latter, and in the neighbouring* country, they were three days under arms. They laid wafte a large tract of the bifhop of Meath’s eftate, having plundered and burned the houfes of many of his proteftant tenants. The royal Dublin militia, affifted by a number of prefbyterians, purfued them to Ballynaugh, which town they took poffeffion of, and fired on the king’s troops from the windows. At laft the militia were obliged to burn the town to diflodge them.

About the fame time, at Drumfna in the county of Leitrim, nine police men fled into a houfe from a mob of infurgents, who fet fire to the houfe, and murdered all the police men as they endeavoured to efcape from the flames.

In the province of Connaught, particularly in the county of Rofcommon, the defenders were terrifick in the years 1794 and 1795. The mafs of the people were furnifhed with pikes, and the houfes of proteftants were conftiantly plundered of arms. At laft, many of the nobility and

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gentry affembled at Rofcommon in the month of Auguft, and refolved to lower rents, and to raife the wages of labourers, in hopes of allaying the dreadful fpirit of outrage which actuated the people.

They adjourned their meeting for a week; but they foon difcovered the folly of compromifing with a mob in a ftate of infurrection, little fhort of open rebellion.

When they were approaching the town, on the day to which they adjourned, they faw numbers of people armed with pikes in all the adjacent fields, who purfued fome of their philanthropick benefaftors fo clofely, that they narrowly efcaped into Rofcommon.

While they were fitting in the town-hall, afhamed of their folly and pufillanimity, Mr. Mills of Fairymount, about fix miles off, arrived with an account that a numerous body of pikemen had fet fire to his houfe, after having plundered it.

The reverend Mr. Carey, a magiftrate, having gone there with a party of dragoons, and found the houfe in flames, attacked a large body of the infurgents, who were armed with pikes, and killed about thirty of them.

In the year 1794, many houfes were plundered of arms in the counties of Meath and Weftmeath.

At the fpring affizes for the county of Sligo, much difturbed by the defenders, many of them were convicted of robbing houfes of arms, and adminiftering unlawful oaths.

Early in the year 1795, one Cunny, a fchoolmafter, was detected near Letterkenny, in the county of Donegal, in the act of adminiftering the defenders oath. He acknowledged his crime, and convicted fome of his accomplices. The purport of the oath was, to emancipate the Roman catholicks; to affift the French, and to extirpate the proteftants; and it inculcated fobriety, fecrefy, and obedience to their committees in all things. It contained an oath of allegiance to the king, as long as he lives. Some fuch mental refervation appeared in all oaths adminiftered by the defenders; which was conftrued thus (by Weldon, a defender, executed in the year 1796,) to fuch perfons as he fwore: “If the king’s head were olf to-morrow, there would be an end of your oath.” This mental refervation was couched in the following words in the oaths adminiftered in other places: “As long as I live fubjeft to the fame government;” which appeared in the oath found upon Sharky, at Drumbanagher,

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in the county of Armagh, in the year 1789; but they meant to get rid of their oath by renouncing and overturning the government, which appeared afterwards to have been the object of all the defenders.

At the foot of the oath found upon Cunny, there was a tree of liberty, and a crofs marked thus, R.+C. meaning Roman catholick.

Defenderifm was introduced into the county of Donegal from Connaught, by Leitrim and Rofcommon; and the doftrines of the united Irifhmen from Belfaft, in the year 1796, by men who appeared in the guife of pedlars.*

In 1795 the defenders became more furious and formidable than ever, in many parts of the kingdom, which arofe from the following caufe:

Lord Fitzwilliam, appointed to fucceed lord Weftmorland in the government of Ireland, landed at Dublin on the fourth day of January.

Some time before his arrival, the leading Romanifts having received affurances that the whole of the popery laws would be repealed during his adminiftration, the fub-committee prepared a petition to parliament, praying that a law might pafs for that purpofe; and they recommended to perfons of their perfuafion, in all counties, towns and boroughs, to prepare fimilar petitions. Their orders were obeyed, and the petitions were prefented to parliament on its meeting.

It was univerfally faid and believed, that Mr. Grattan, who came to Dublin fometime before earl Fitzwilliam left London, gave undoubted affurances to the leading Romanifts there, that they were to be gratified in their wifhes in the fullest manner.

It was faid in the Northern Star, on the eighth of September, 1794, that there was good authority for faying, that lord Fitzwilliam was to be viceroy; and that the firft meafure of his adminiftration was to be the emancipation of the Roman catholicks.

On Monday the fecond of February, the petition of the town of Belfaft, (the mafs of whofe inhabitants are prefbyterians,) in favour of catholick emancipation, was prefented to the houfe of commons by the members of the county of Antrim. About

* This ftrongly marked the difcriminating features of the confpiracy. Belfaft was the centre of motion in the north, and its inhabitants, who were moftly prefbyterians, meditated the eftablifhment of a republick as their main object, and confidered affaffination merely as the means of promoting it; but the mafs of the confpirators in Munfter, Leinfter, and Connaught, being papifts, aimed at the extirpation of proteftants in the firft inftance, and as their primary object, of which the reader will be convinced in the fequel.

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About the fame time, there appeared in the Northern Star fome inflammatory addreffes to the volunteers, invoking them to refume their arms and fave their country.

On the twelfth of February, 1795, Mr. Grattan moved for leave to bring in a bill for further relief of the Roman catholicks.

Lord Fitzwilliam was recalled fuddenly from the government of Ireland, and returned to England on the twenty-fifth of March.

The reafons affigned for it were, that his lordfhip exceeded the powers granted to him by the adminiftration of England, in attempting to repeal the whole of the popery laws, and to remove moft of the old officers of the crown, who had ferved his majefty the greater part of their lives with the utmoft fidelity; and this by the advice of his excellency’s cabinet minifters in Ireland, of whom Mr. Grattan was the chief.

It is not to be doubted, but that the Romanifts were buoyed up with the hope of being admitted to equal privileges with the proteftants, though the Englifh cabinet never empowered lord Fitzwilliam to make them fuch conceffions; but on the contrary, defired him to prevent the catholick claims from being difcufled. Lord Grenville and Mr. Pitt publickly defied his lordfhip to prove that he had received fuch powers.

On the fecond of March, 1795, a debate took place on the recal of lord Fitzwilliam, in the courfe of which Sir Laurence Parfons faid, that, if the Roman catholicks were difappointed in the expectations with which they had been filled, every gentleman in Ireland would be under the neceffity of keeping five or fix dragoons in his houfe for his protection; and it turned out afterwards that he fpoke prophetick truth.

It was univerfally believed, and the contrary has never been proved, that Mr. Grattan was the perfon who filled the Roman catholicks with thefe falfe hopes, with a view of acquiring popularity, or from fome other fecret motive.

It was generally thought that he reafoned thus: If the Roman catholicks of Ireland, the majority of its inhabitants, who have been ready on all occafions to join any foreign foe againft the intereft of the proteftant empire of Great Britain, fhall come forward in a body, and afk for an equal participation of civil liberty and political power with the proteftants, in a ftyle of fturdy and menacing folicitation, at a time that both Great Britain and Ireland are threatened by a barbarous enemy, the Englifh ministry

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muft grant, from intimidation, what their policy and prudence might withhold.

At the fame time Mr. Grattan, and the partifans of the Romanifts, affured earl Fitzwilliam, that a feparation of Ireland from England would moft certainly take place, fhould they be disappointed in their expectations; and the very difturbed ftate of the kingdom, agitated at that time by the defenders and the united Irifhmen, gave fome credit to their afFertions.

His excellency, relying on their veracity and integrity, perfifted in promoting the wifhes of the Romanifts, I believe, from the beft motives, and was therefore recalled.

From the refpectability and amiablenefs of his character, no perfon could doubt of the reftitude of his intentions, or that he had any other object at heart than the intereft of the empire; but it is believed that his lordfhip was unacquainted with the real ftate of the kingdom.

Notwithftanding the recal of earl Fitzwilliam, Mr. Grattan prefented, on the twenty-fourth of April, a bill for further relief of the Roman catholicks, which contained a total repeal of the popery laws. It was read a fecond time, debated, and rejected the fourth of May; the numbers having been 155 to 84.

It muft be univerfally allowed, that Mr. Grattan was very imprudent in bringing this meafure forward, becaufe he could not entertain the moft diftant hope of its fuccefs; and he muft have known that the difcuftion of it would excite much difcontent among the mafs of the Romanifts, who had manifefted a ftrong fpirit of difaffection during the three preceding years.

The Roman catholicks of Dublin voted an addrefs of thanks to Mr. Grattan for his exertions in their favour; and his anfwer to them was very intemperate and inflammatory.*

The difappointment of the Romanifts was fuch, as to fill them with the moft implacable hatred againft the government and their proteftant fellow-fubjects, which manifefted itfelf in various ways, but particularly in the deftructive rage of the defenders, who defolated many parts of the kingdom; and particularly the counties of Dublin, Meath, Weftmeath.

*See Mr. Grattan’s addrefs, Appendix, No. X. X

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meath, Kildare, King’s and Queen’s-county, Louth, Armagh, Monaghan, Cavan, Derry, Donegal, Rofcommon, Leitrim, Longford, Sligo, and part of the county of Down.

They plundered proteftant houfes of arms, often burned them, and killed fuch of their inmates as made any refiftance: They houghed their cattle, wrote threatening letters to compel perfons to comply with their unreafonable requifitions; and frequently maffacred thofe who dared to profecute them, or to affift the civil magiftrate in enforcing the execution of the laws. The loyal fubjects deferted their houfes in the difturbed countries, and fled to their refpective county towns, or to the metropolis for protection.

Lord Camden, who fucceeded lord Weftmorland as viceroy of Ireland, landed in Dublin on the fecond of April, 1795; a nobleman univerfally revered there, for his good fenfe and firmnefs, the mildnefs of his difpofition, and the amiablenefs of his manners.

The chief officers of ftate, and many of the nobility and gentry repaired to the caftle, to pay their refpects to his excellency. The lord chancellor at his return was attacked by a gang of affaffins, who, by repeated vollies of ftones, broke the pannels of his coach, gave his lordfhip a fevere contufion in the forehead, and would have murdered him, but that the fkill of his coachman, and the agility of his horfes, enabled him to efcape.

The primate was alfo attacked at his return from the caftle, but received no other injury than that his coach was in fome degree damaged.

The fame party repaired immediately to the houfe of Mr. John Claudius Beresford, nephew of the marquis of Waterford, and affaulted it with many ftiowers of ftones; but one of them having been killed by a fhot from it, the remainder fled.

It was afterwards proved, that this mob was entirely conipofed of defenders, who had been felected by their leaders, to raife an infurrcction; and lord Clare and Mr. Beresford’s family were particaLirly the object of their vengeance; becaufe they had given the moft decided oppofition to Catholick emancipation, and reform of parliament^ the two engines by which the difaffected hoped to fubvert the conftitution.

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The Romanifts in Dublin were fo much incenfed at lord Fitzwilliam’s recal, that a combination was formed in Francis-ftreet chapel, that no papifts fhould hold any dealings or any friendly intercourfe with proteftants; and their example was followed in all the other chapels.

There was to have been a charity fermon in James’s-ftreet chapel, but it was fuddenly put off, for the purpofe of entering into this combination; by which many of the poorer clafs of proteftants in Thomas, Francis, and James’s-ftreets, principally inhabited by papifts, were ruined.

An eminent flour factor allured me, that all the popifh bakers, who had dealt with him, fuddenly left him; and that to make up for the lofs which he fuftained by it, he was under a necellity of giving credit to perfons whofe folvency was doubtful. Papifts alfo withdrew their cuftom from proteftant bakers.

Should the proteftants purfue the fame vindictive and uncharitable fyftem, the Roman catholicks would be by far the greateft fufferers; as the former poffefs at leaft nineteen parts out of twenty of the property of the kingdom.

The mafs of the popifh rabble were univerfally infected with defenderifm in the metropolis and its environs, in which outrages were perpetrated every night, and committees were frequently detected and feized with their papers, in the act of forming treafonable plots. The police commiffioners were in poffeffion of a mufter-roll of 4,000 perfons affociated in thefe clubs; but the popifh multitude in the metropolis were at this time enrolled in them.

The united Irifhmen and defenders were then very active, and in many inftances fuccefsful in feducing the military from their allegiance, and in attaching them to their caufe. They occafioned a mutiny in the 104th and 111th regiments quartered in Dublin, and endeavoured to procure their co-operation and affiftance in an infurrection and maffacre, which they meditated on the twenty-fourth of Auguft, 1795. Many of the foldiers deferted from their regiments to join the rebels; and on that day a mob of traitors, who met the caftle guard on Effexbridge, were fo confident of being joined by them, that one of their leaders attempted to wrench the colours from the officer who bore them, as a fignal for a general infurrection; and another of them mounted on the bridge, and began to exhort the populace to rife, in an inflammatory

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harangue; but he was foon filenced by a dragoon, who drew his fword, and gave him a defperate wound.

Another dragoon, who was fent with intelligence of this event to the lord lieutenant, who refided in the park, was feized by the rebels, cruelly beaten, and narrowly efcaped affaffination.

It was very fortunate that the intemperate zeal of the rebels got the better of their prudence; for, if they had poftponed the execution of their plot till night, it is very proTaable that the city would have been in flames; but the arrival of a large body of troops from Lehaunftown camp completely put an end to the hopes of the difaffected. The joy of the ill-difpofed to government, and to the conftitution, on the arrival of the earl Fitzwilliam, could be equalled by nothing but the rage and difcontent which they difplayed at his departure; for they were led to hope, that the meafures of his adminiftration would have enabled them to fucceed in their grand object of forming a republick.

A general mourning was obferved at Belfaft the twenty-fifth of March, the day of his departure; and the congregations of two meeting houfes there refolved not to addrefs lord Camden.

Some of the diffenting congregations in Dublin, following their example, refolved, on the fixth of April, that it is the unanimous opinion of the underfigned, that this congregation fhould not, as a religious fociety, wait on any lord lieutenant, on his arrival in this kingdom, with a congratulatory addrefs.”

On the twenty-fifth of March, 1795, the following paragraph appeared in the Northern Star, printed at Belfaft: “It cannot but be matter of proud exultation to the focieties of united Irifhmen, that the whole people of Ireland, with exceptions fcarcely worth mentioning, are now of thofe very opinions which they broached three years ago, and which were then confidered by the wife, the conftitutional, the moderate and the cautious, as fymptoms not only of madnefs, but even of wickednefs in the extreme j” fo convinced were the republicans of Belfaft, that the departure of lord Fitzwilliam had poifoned the minds of the people, and had infected them with the contagious doctrines of the united Irifhmen.

The Romifh committee in Dublin, difappointed and incenfed at the lecal of lord Fitzwilliam, fent three delegates to St. James’s, John Keogh,

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Edward Byrne, and Mr. Huffey, commonly called baron Huffey, with a petition, which they prefented to his Majefty at the levee, praying that his excellency might continue in the government of Ireland; but they received no other anfwer, than that the fecretary of ftate informed them, that the lord lieutenant of Ireland had received orders to communicate to them his Majefty’s wifhes on the fubjeft of their application.

On the ninth of April, a meeting of the Roman catholick gentlemen and tradefmen of Dublin was convened by publick notice at Francisftreet chapel, to receive the report of their delegates, who had prefented their petition at St. James’s.

Mr. John Keogh, ftated, “that the only anfwer they could get from, the duke of Portland was, that his Majefty had communicated his wifhes on this head to the lord lieutenant of Ireland.”

He faid “he was not forry however that the effort had been made, though defeated; for it pointed out one fact at leaft, in which the feelings of every Irifhman were interefted, and by which the Irifh legiftature would be roufed to a fenfe of its own dignity. It shewed, that the internal regulations of Ireland, to which alone an Irifh parliament was competent, were to be previoufly adjufted by a Britifh cabinet.* The prefent, he hoped, was the laft time the catholicks would affemble in a diftinct body, their caufe being no longer a diftind caufe, but adopted by their proteftant brethren.” †

He ftated, “that revolutions had taken place in America, in France, Brabant, Holland, and Poland, which arofe from the apprehenfions of the people, and which roufed them to refiftance: That in endeavouring to fubdue America, England had incurred a debt of one hundred milllions, which fhe muft bear till the day of judgment, if her government lafts fo long.” In fhort, he gave a broad hint, what was to be apprehended from the difcontent of his brethren in Ireland.

In the courfe of the debate, the orators feverely denounced the meafure of an union with England, which they abufed as vicious, venal, ambitious, and bankrupt.

* This doftrine, which was univerfnlly entertained by the difaffected, led to a feparalion, and evinced the riecefiity of an union.

† This was by no means true; for the proteftants of the church of Ireland, with a very few exception were averfe to conceding their claims; and the corporation of Dublin petitioned the throne againft them.

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They anxioufly endeavoured to imprefs the proteftants in the country parts of Ireland with a belief, that thofe of Dublin earneftly defired to promote the wifhes of the Romanills; which was by no means the cafe, as they frequently gave unequivocal proofs of the contrary in the years 1792 and 1795.

I fhall give the reader a concife account of the trial of James Weldon, a trooper, who was tried for high treafon in Dublin, on the twenty-fifth day of December, 1795; as it will give him a perfect idea of the malignant defigns of the mifcreants, called defenders, who were very numerous at that time in the metropolis.

Two men of the names of Kennedy and Brady having prevailed on one Lawler, a carver and gilder, to become a defender, conducted him to the lodgings of Weldon, near the barrack of Dublin, where he was quartered, and where he was fworn a member of that order.

At different meetings afterwards, it was faid, that there would be a rifing, to carry into effect the purpofes of the defenders; and at one held in Plunket-ftreet, where eighteen or nineteen perfons were affembled, a propofition was made for buying gunpowder and arms, for the purpofe of feizing. the caftle of Dublin; and it was alfo propofed to feduce the army.

They knew each other by certain figns, which Weldon communicated to Lawler, and the pafs-word was Eliphifimatis, which has been varioufly explained.

Weldon adminiftered the following oath to Lawler: “I William Lawler, of my good will and confent, do fwear to be true to his majefty king George the third.” This paragraph, which is not only unexceptionable but laudable, ferved as a lure to inveigle fuch perfons as were loyal, and to varnifh over the fubfequent part of it, which is treafonable. The next paragraph is: “I will be true while under the fame government” Obliquely importing, that they would be faithful no longer than during the exiftence of the government, which they meant to fubvert. “I fwear to be true, aiding and abetting, to every true brother;” which was a name for a defender known among themfelves. “And in every form and article, from the firft foundation in 1790, and every amendment hitherto; and I will be obedient to my committees, fuperior commanders, and officers, in all lawful proceedings.” This meant their own

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bye-laws. It then imports, “that he will not quarrel with a brother, but live friendly and lovingly with him.”

In a fubfequent converfation, Weldon obferved on the firft paragraph of the oath, “That if the king’s head were off to-morrow morning, wc fnould be no longer under his government.”*

Hart, one of the confpirators, told a young man, whom he introduced to Weldon to be fworn, that the objecl was to get arms, and to affift the French when they fhould come.

Lawler faid he paffed for a Roman catholick among the defenders, becaufe Brady defired him to do fo; and Hart declared he would not fit with Dry and Coffey, two defenders, becaufe they were proteftants.

At laft, Hart having informed Lawler, who was a proteftant, that all perfons of that religion were to be maffacred, he, on the twenty-third of Auguft, difclofed the whole of the plot to Mr. Gowen of Grafton-ftreet, who employed him.

The fubftance of what he related to Mr. Cowen, was this: That Hart informed him on Sunday the twenty-third of Auguft, that there was to have been a general infurrection, and a maffacre of all the proteftants, on Saturday the twenty-fecond; but it was poftiponed till the harveft was over, left a famine might enfue, fhould it take place before. Mr. Cowen took him to Mr. Hamilton, the lord lieutenant’s fecretary; and while they were at the caftle, the mutiny, which I already defcribed, occurred on Effex-bridge. Another meeting took place next day, when Lawler informed them, that there was to be a numerous affembly of the defenders at the Coombe, in the Liberty, on that night; that they were to furprife the Coombe guard; to take their cloaths and their arms; to repair to the caftle, where, having the guife of foldiers, they would be admitted; and then to diftribute among their friends all the arms in the arfenal. As the two regiments in garrifon at this time were difaffected, it is probable that they would not have been oppofed. Mr. Hamilton fent for alderman James, and defired him to repair to the Coombe with a body of cavalry, which he accordingly did, attended by Mr. Cowen and Lawler; and they found there a mob of three or four thoufand ruffians, who gave them

* This appeared in the oath found upon Sharky in 1789. †Trial of Weldon, taken by counfellor Ridgeway, and publifhed by alderman Exfhaw.

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three cheers on their arrival, but hiffed them at their departure. Lawler, “who mixed with his brother defenders, recommended to alderman James not to fuffer a fhot to be fired, becaufe, fhould a conflict enfue, it was to be feared that the Coombe guard would join them; however, on being threatened by alderman James to be fired on, they difperfed. Lawler fwore, on the trial of Brady, Kennedy, and Hart, that, at a meeting of the defenders held at Stoneybatter, they fpoke of attacking the chancellor in the courfe of the winter, as he returned from the houfe of lords, and of hanging him on a tree in Stephen’s-green.

Every collateral circumftance in this bufinefs corroborated the teftimony of Lawler. He fwore, that Weldon always carried the oath in his fob; and when he was arrefted it was found there. The fame thing occurred on the apprehenfion of Kennedy.

Weldon, on whom the defenders oath was found when arrefted, was convicted of high treafon, and hanged on the fecond of March, 1796. Previous to his execution, he confeffed to one of his officers, that Hanlon (a noted defender) told him, there was to be a general infurrection; that none but defenders would be fafe, and that they were all Roman catholicks.

It is very remarkable, that the defenders oath, adminiftered in the moft remote counties from the capital, was much of the fame tenor with that which Weldon exhibited to Lawler; and that it contained the condition, “as long as I live under the fame government,” or, “as long as the king lives.”

It appeared on the trials of Brady, Kennedy and Hart, for the fame crime, on the twenty-fecond of February, 1796, that one Burke, who had been expelled from the univerfity for having endeavoured to propagate treafon and atheifm among the ftudents, informed Lawler, that the plan was this: That he w as to find ten feied men, each of whom was to procure ten more; that each of them was to find five, and that they, united, would be fufficient to take the caftle.

One hundred of them were to get fcarlet uniforms, to make the people believe that the foldiers had joined them.

Lawler made up his number in a fortnight. They met in a room in High-ftreet, and were called the philanthropick fociety. Le Blanc, a

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Frenchman, who fled, was a member, and was moftly either chairman, or committee-man.

I give the reader a concife account of the trial of fome affaffins, who confpired to murder one Hanlon, a gunner in the artillery, as it will unquestionably evince the fanguinary and treafonable defigns of the defenders.

Thomas Smith, a gunner in that corps, and a proteftant of the eftablifhed church, was fworn a defender in January, 1795, in the houfe of James Doyle, on George’s-quay, and in the prefence of faid Doyle and Andrew Glennan, who were commanders of the regiment of defenders to which they belonged. It was then propofed to him, to form an intimacy with Hanlon, to conduct him to Doyle’s houfe, with a promife of entertaining him there, that they might murder him, and throw his body into the river Liffey, as he was returning to his quarters at Chapelizod.Next morning Smith related the whole of what paffed at Doyle’s to Lane the ferjeant-major, and faid he would pretend to fecond their defigns.

The next meeting was at the houfe of one Carmichael, in Thomas-ftreet, on the twenty-fourth of January, 1795, when the affaffination was planned in the prefence of him, Glennan, and three men of the names of Kinfhela, Sleaven, and Shanaghan. The reafon for wifhing to affaffinate Hanlon was, that he, on behalf of the crown, was to profecute fome defenders who were then confined in the gaol of Naas.

Smith communicated every thing that paffed to his ferjeant-major and to Hanlon, who agreed to accompany him to Carmichael’s houfe, on being affured that fome magiftrates and conflables would be ready near at hand, and would arreft the affaffins; and accordingly aldermen Alexander and Tweedy, and fome peace-officers did attend, and arretted the affaffins, in number thirteen, who were afterwards convicted and punifhed.

In the courfe of the trial it appeared, that Smith, foon after he became a defender, difcovered, that all the order of defenders had the moft inveterate hatred and fanguinary defigns againft proteftants of every defcription; in confequence of which he, from motives of felf-prefervation, concealed his bible and prayer-book, and denied that he was of that religion; and at laft, he and his wife agreed that he had better go into the artillery, for the fake of protection, and that he might have an opportunity

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of exercifing his devotion. He therefore enlifted in that corps on the fifteenth of April, 1795.

In a converfation with a body of defenders, at the houfe of one Connor in Dublin, they faid, “That they daily expected a rebellion, and a maffacre; that no proteftant was to be left alive; that the oath was to ferve France and Ireland, and under James Cole, Sir Edward Bellew, Napper Tandy, and Hamilton Rowan; that they were to have no king; to recover their eftates; fweep clean the proteftants; to leave none alive; and to kill the lord lieutenant.”

In the month of April, 1795, they entered into a refolution to fhoot the lord lieutenant as he paffed through the park; to feize the magazine there; and to kill all the nobility in Dublin.*

I give the reader in Appendix, No. IX. a lift of fome of the outrages committed in the year 1795.

In confequence of the dreadful outrages committed by the defenders in fome northern counties, which I have already defcribed, the earl of Carhampton, by order of government, vifited thofe of Weftmeath, Leitrim, Longford, Rofcommon, Mayo and Sligo, in order to reftore focial order in them; as thofe mifcreants had completely impeded the execution of the laws, by a fyftem of terror, and had exercifed defpotick fway in them.

In moft places his lordfhip found that a leader of banditti, under the feigned name of captain Stout, had intimidated the people of the neighbourhood fo much, that fuch perfons as had fuftained any injury were afraid to profecute, and the magiftrates were deterred from enforcing juftice.*

Some informers had been murdered, and others, fearing the fame fate, forfeited their recognifances fooner than give evidence againft them. One faid, that Larry, a farmer in his neighbourhood, another, that Thady would have his houfe burned, and himfelf murdered; for they had the hardened audacity to avow themfelves in fome places, where they had completely filenced the voice of juftice.

A party of this banditti, in the county of Rofcommon, after having plundered the houfe of a widow of various articles, and of her rent,

* Trial reported by counfellor Ridgeway in 1796.

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which fhe had ready to pay her landlord, fet fire to it, and threw her into the flames; in which fhe would have perifhed, but that her fon, touched by filial piety, refcued her, and fought for her life at the rifque of his own.

They were prevailed on to profecute; but at the affizes they were fo infulted and threatened, that, from motives of fear, they prevaricated in their evidence, and pretended not to know the prifoners, though they were their neighbours.

They were therefore indidted for perjury, and caft for tranfportation but in confideration of the age and infirmity of the woman, her fentence was mitigated at the inftance of lord Carhampton.

A farmer near Caftlereagh, in the county of Rofcommon, being alarmed at a report which prevailed, that he entertained hoftile defigns againft captain Stout, and had fpoken difrefpectfully of him, repaired to a magiftrate, fwore an affidavit that he never had, and never would, malign, injure, or profecute captain Stout; and pofted it up in the moft publick part of the town; and he alfo afked pardon of captain Stout, if he had ever uttered any expreffions tending to difparage him. Lord Carhampton found this affidavit pofted up in the town of Caftlereagh.

A refpectable proteftant clergyman of the county of Rofcommon informed me, that a body of pikemen rufhed into his houfe in the night, and offisred to fwear him to be loyal; and on affiiring them that he would be loyal to the king, they afked him. What king? and on his faying king George, they cried out, No, no, a Roman king, meaning a popifh fovereign; and they added, that they muft have a king of their own.

An active and intelligent magiftrate in the county of Sligo, who had the courage to do his duty in defiance of the menaces of thefe mifcreants,. informed me, that the prieft of his parifh advifed him not to perfevere in his exertions, but to remain a paffive fpectator of thefe outrages, for that otherwife he would be murdered. He alfo difcovered, that the priefts, at their refpective chapels, collected money on Sundays and holidays, for the purpofe, as they faid, of defraying the expence of obtaining a right to fit in parliament for perfons of their order; but he afterwards difcovered that it was to purchafe arms and ammunition.

A gentleman in the county of Rofcommon informed me, that the defenders ufed frequently to fend anonymous letters to perfons, threatening

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them with deftruction, unlefs they permitted them to cut trees and poles in their plantations, for the purpole of making pikes.

In the year 1795, fo many proteftant families fled to the town of Rofcommon for protection, that they could fcarce get accommodation there.

This year, the fum applied for to the grand jury by different perfons who fuffered in the county of Meath, from the enormities committed by the defenders, fuch as houghing cattle, and plundering and burning of houfes, amounted to £1,700.

Lord Carhampton, finding that the laws were filent and inoperative in the counties which he vifited, and that they did not afford protection to the loyal and peaceable subjectls, who in moft places were obliged to fly from their habitations, refolved to reftore them to their ufual energy, by the following falutary fyftem of feverity;

In each county he affembled the moft refpectable gentlemen and landholders in it, and having, in concert with them, examined the charges againft the leaders of this banditti, who were in prifon, but defied juftice, he, with the concurrence of thefe gentlemen, fent the moft nefarious of them on board a tender, ftationed at Sligo, to ferve in his majefty’s navy.

By this bold meafure, founded in obvious principles of political neceffity, he completely reftored peace in the difturbed counties.

The loyal inhabitants, and the grand juries in them, thanked lord Carhampton for his wife and falutary exertions; but the difaffected in every part of the kingdom, exafperated that he had checked the progrefs of their revolutionary fchemes, raifed a great clamour in confequence of it; and as they meditated many profecutions and civil actions againft him, a law was paffed in the month of February, 1796, to indemnify fuch perfons as had exceeded the limits of the law in reftoring peace and good order; which, as a matter of courfe, was violently oppofed by the minority in the houfe of commons.

On the twenty-fifth of June, 1795, the reverend Mr. Birch, a prefbyterian minifter, preached a fermon to a numerous body of diffenters at Saintfield, in which he recommended the uniting perfons of every religious perfuafion in one family, or brotherhood, in the bonds of philanthropy. He denominated kings butchers and fcourges of the human race, who revel on the fpoils of thoufands, whom they have made fatherless,

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widows, and orphans, until the judgment of the Almighty fhall come down on thofe minifters, and caufe them who ufe the fword to perifh by the fword.

In the month of January, 1795, fome foldiers of the Wexford regiment were poifoned at Cavan, while on guard at the gaol.

The defenders became fo furious in the metropolis, and its environs, in the fpring and fummer of 1795, committing robbery and affaffination, that the inhabitants of Charlemont-ftreet, Charlemont-place and Charlemont-row, Cullen’swood and Cullen’s-wood avenue, Mount-pleafant, Ranelagh, and Dunnville, combined for their mutual defence. The inhabitants of Baldoyle, and the adjacent country, followed their example.

A numerous affociation was alfo entered into in the difstrict of the metropolis, on the eighth of October, for mutual defence, and the fuppreffion and punifhment of thofe mifcreants; and it was figned by the lord mayor, many of the nobility and gentry, and a great number of refspectable citizens.

As the earl of Carhampton was ever diftinguifhed for his zeal and fpirit in enforcing the execution of the laws, about three hundred loyal fubjects, many of them gentlemen of landed property, affembled at his feat at Luttrel’s-town, entered into refolutions, and fubfcribed a fum of money for the purpofe of defending the lives and properties of all loyal fubjects againft thefe defperate bands of ruffians. After repeated meetings their numbers encreafed very much. They declared their wifhes that perfons of every religious perfuafion fhould enrol themfelves in the fociety; but no Roman catholick but one ever offered himfelf a candidate; and though he was ftrongly fufpected of difaffection, they admitted him by ballot. This man was afterwards known to be very much difaffected, and it was believed that he joined the affociation for finifter purpofes.

As a college was erefted at Maynooth, In the county of Kildare, for the education of Romifh priefts in the year 1795, and, as it was amply endowed by government, I fhall make a few obfervations on it. In the year 1794, and in the adminiftration of lord Weftmorland, doctor Troy made a reprefentation to government, that, in confequence of the difturbances in France, four hundred Irifh ftudents, who were candidates for the priefthood, had been deprived of the means of education; and that there

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would be a difficulty of obtaining priefts to perform the neceffary duties of religion, without the eftablifhment of a feminary.

Mr. Burke, whofe intemperate zeal for the advancement of popery I before mentioned, ufed his utmoft exertions for the accomplifhment of that object, and when lord Fitzwilliam was coming to Ireland, he recommended to his lordfhip the reverend doctor Huffey, an Irifh prieft, who had been bred at Seville in Spain, as a perfon well qualified to fuperintend that inftitution.

After the departure of earl Fitzwilliam, and during the adminiftration of lord Camden in the year 1795* this inftitution was eftablifhed by an act of parliament, by which certain truftees were empowered to receive donations for eftablifhing and endowing an academy for the education of perfons profeffing the Roman catholick religion, and to acquire lands free from forfeiture by mortmain. Little fhort of £40,000 was granted for its eftablifhment at firft and in every fubfequent feffion, a regular charge of £8,000 has been made to parliament for its annual fupport; but it is worthy of obfervation, that no donation has been made to it by the Roman catholick body, or by any individual of that order, except by lord Dunboyne, who died in the year 1800, and left an eftate of £1,000 a year toward the endowment of that college; and yet the Roman catholicks raifed immenfe fums of money in the years 1794 and 1795, for purpofes not the moft friendly to that proteftant ftate, which laid the foundation of, and richly endowed their femJnary.

Lord Dunboyne had been popifh bifhop of Cork, and on getting the title and an eftate, he became a convert to the eftablifhed church; and with fingular diilimulation he gave the ftrongeft indications of sincere converfion for fome years; but in his laft moments he relapfed into popery; and, in confideration of having obtained abfolution for the great crime of being a heretick, he left an eftate worth £1,000 or £1,200 a year, to promote the inftitution before mentioned. A ftriking proof of the ftrong and indelible impreffion which the popifh fuperftition makes on the human mind, where it has been early imbued with it!

Two hundred ftudents were to be maintained and educated in this college. Sixteen or feventeen were expelled on account of being concerned in the rebellion: Some of them were flain in fighting againft the king’s irooips, and others fled to efcape the punifhment which their guilt merited.

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I have been affured that between thirty and forty of them fought againft the king’s army.

It was obfervable that father Huffey frequently attended the camp at Lehaunftown, in the fummer of 1795, faying mafs and preaching to the foldiers; though there were many popifh priefts in its vicinity, who ufed to officiate to them. This bufy interference of father Huffey among the foldiers, and fome artful conduct which he difplayed there, gave a very ferious alarm to fome of the Irifh nobility and gentry who commanded regiments, or were field officers there.

Though a confpiracy for fubverting the conftitution had exifted fo early as the year 1792, the oppofition in parliament, and all the difaffecteded perfons in the kingdom, raifed a great outcry againft lord Camden, by falfely afferting, that the outrages and infurrections, fo difgraceful to the kingdom, were occafioned by the rigorous and fevere meafures adopted by his excellency; yet every wife and good man condemned him for not having acted with more vigour and energy; but from the benevolence of his heart, and the mildnefs of his difpofition, he was averfe to feverity, and hoped to gain the affections of the people by conciliation.*

The attorney general introduced a bill into the houfe of commons in January, 1796, which paffed into a law in March following; to its falutary coercion, we may juftly impute the falvation of the kingdom.

It enacts, that the information of any profecutors on behalf of the crown who may be affaffinated, fhall be admitted as evidence againft delinquents; any perfon having arms is required by it to regifter them, his name, and place of abode.

A magiftrate may fearch for arms the houfe of any perfon who fhall not do fo.

If a magiftrate, or peace officer, be murdered while on duty, or in confequence of his exertions to ferve the publick, the grand jury may levy a fum of money on the county for his reprefentative.

If any county, or any part thereof, be difturbed, the magiftrates may notify it to the privy council, who are thereupon required to proclaim the difturbed part On which the magiftrates are required to hold petty

* Robbery and affaffination became fo frequent and univerfal from the year 1795 to the explofion of the rebellion, that it would exceed the compafs of my defign to enumerate the many inftances of them which occurred.

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feffions as often as neceffary, but never at a longer interval than fourteen days; and to punifh offenders in a fummary way.

All perfons are required to keep within their houfes between fun-fet and fun-rife; and are liable to be tranfported if found out of their houfes in the night.

In fuch parts of Ireland, as this falutary law was enforced, it completely put an end to the nocturnal ravages of the united traitors.

Every perfon, acquainted with the ferocious and fanguinary difpofition of the lower clafs of people in Ireland, will agree with me, that this wife law fhould never be repealed. It is inoperative, and cannot be enforced, till the emergency of the times calls for it; and of this the magiftrates of the county, and the privy council, are proper judges.

The removal of the Irifh parliament to England, in confequence of the union, makes it peculiarly neceffary, that this law fhould remain unrepealed; for, from the fpirit of infurgency and rapacity of the common people in Ireland, an entire province may be defolated, before proper laws could be enacted in the imperial parliament to check it.

The events which occurred in the late rebellion, demonftrate the truth of what I affert; for though martial law was proclaimed, and there was an army of one hundred thoufand men, including the yeomanry, in the kingdom, the principal part of the province of Leinfter was defolated by the deftructive fpirit of fanaticifm in the fpace of a week; and the county of Wexford continued in the poffeffion of the popifh multitude, headed by their lay and facerdotal leaders, for the fpace of three weeks; in which they deftroyed almoft every monument of human art and induftry, and maffacred fuch of its loyal and moft ufeful inhabitants as could not make their efcape. Thofe abftract principles of criminal law which have been laid down and generally affented to by the ableft writers upon this subject, are by no means applicable to Ireland.

The feverity of the penal code fhould depend on the compound ratio of the facility with which the laws may be infringed, the temptation to violate them, the degree of moral reftraint impofed by religion on the paffions of the multitude, and the poffibility of eluding the execution of the laws.

The common Irifh are doftrinally taught that they are bound by their religion to refift the laws and ordinances of a proteftant ftate;

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and that an oath of allegiance is null and void; for which reafon they uniformly oppofe the adminiftration of juftice. A monfter, ftained with the blood of his father, muft be led to the gallows by a military guard; but in England, the mafs of the people unite in enforcing the execution of the laws, becaufe they know that the prefervation of their lives and property depend on it.

The late rebellion, as well as all the former ones evince, that the lower clafs of the Irifh do not confider it a crime to injure the perfon or property of a proteftant fellow fubject.

The judicious and humane marquis of Beccaria, in his ingenious effay on crimes and punifhments, obferves, “that the eloquence of the paffions is greatly affifted by the ignorance and uncertainty of punifhments.” This obfervation applies ftrongly to Ireland, where the feeble and imperfect execution of the laws, arifing from the following caufes, never fails to infpire the multitude with the hopes of impunity: The miftaken lenity of government,* often occafioned by the indecent and improper interference of individuals in favour of delinquents; the difregard of the common people to oaths;† and the certainty of enjoying eternal happinefs hereafter, through the intervention of their priefts. The following circumftances which have often occurred in the province of Munfter, will convince the reader of the truth of what I affert upon this fubject

A few days before the affizes, a profecutor for murder or robbery has faid to a magiftrate, “Sir, I am unable to defray the expence of my journey to the affizes town, and of remaining there till I am difcharged; and in going thither I am afraid of being murdered by the relations of the delinquent.” But fuppofe thefe difficulties furmounted: he is infulted and threatened with certain death at the affizes, if he profecutes; and, as the laft refource, they contrive to inveigle him into a dram fhop, and intoxicate him. To my certain knowledge, burglars and felons have been frequently acquitted in confequence of the ebriety of a witnefs. In moft cafes the culprit has an attorney, and a bar of lawyers employed for him; but there is no fund appropriated, and no perfon to appear, fcr the profecution. The

* This remark cannot allude to any period fince the breaking out of the rebellions; becaufe extermination muft have taken place, if lenity had not been very generally extended.

† In all the combinations of the white boys, right boys, and defenders, they have fpurned at an oath of allegiance; but confidered their oath of confederacy as binding.

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The marquis of Beccaria ends his book thus: “I conclude with this reflection, that the feverity of punifhments ought to be in proportion to the ftate of the nation. Among a people hardly yet emerged from barbarity, they fhould be more fevere, as ftrong impreffions are required.” However, the certain and prompt operation of mild laws will anfwer better to preferve focial order, than the feeble and uncertain execution of fevere ones.

The following rule of preventive juftice, formerly prefcribed by our ftatute law, was founded in great wifdom: That if the property of a proteftant be injured in the night, the amount of the damage which he fuftained fhould be levied on the popifh inhabitants of the parifh, the barony, or the county.

I am convinced that the reader, on taking a retrofpect of the former rebellions in Ireland, and after perufing thefe pages, will agree with me, that the revival of this law is abfolutely neceffary to maintain the proteftant religion and eftablifhment in it; and unlefs they are encouraged and preferved better than they have been for fome years paft, fhe muft in procefs of time be feparated from England. I am warranted in this affertion by the opinion of fome of the wifeft men in Ireland.

Nothing can more ftrongly prove the barbarous ftate of the Irifh, than that forcible entry and detainer of lands and houfes have been conftantly practifed in Ireland, contrary to the folemn adjudication of the law, pronounced by the fuperior courts, and directed to the fheriff, who has been frequently oppofed and repulfed.

Leaders of banditti, refembling the condottieri in Italy, in the middle ages, and noted for their prowefs in refifting the laws of the land, were frequently kept in pay by perfons who wifhed to do fo.

The earl of Clare ftruck at the root of this mifchief, by a very wife law,* paffed in the year 1787; and yet it has been frequently practifed since that period.

* Mentioned in page 45.

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PREDISPOSING CAUSES TO REBELLION IN THE NORTH, PARTICULARLY IN THE COUNTIES OF DOWN AND ANTRIM, AND MEANS WHICH WERE MADE USE OF TO FORWARD IT.

Constant communication with the American ftates, whofe fyftem of civil polity they very much admired, and the fuccefs of the firft Dungannon meeting in the year 1782, taught the prefbyterians of the North, already difpofed to republicanifm, that an affembly of delegates from the volunteers, an armed body who overawed the exifting government, might at any time dictate to parliament; and this infpired them with an extraordinary degree of boldnefs, which produced the celebration of the anniverfary of the French revolution, the retreat of the duke of Brunfwick, and the fecond meeting at Dungannon in the year 1792.

Some loyal and moderate men, having feen many inflances of large bodies of men, felf-affociated for political purpofes, meet, debate, and difband, without any bad confequence, were induced to approve and join with them; and afterwards they were lukewarm in oppofing them, even when they were rather turbulent and alarming.

The jealoufy of the linen drapers, who made immenfe fortunes, towards the nobility and gentry, feifed of old hereditary eftates, on account of their fuperior weight and refpectability: The fmall divifion of farms in the North, where the bufinefs of farmer and manufacturer being united, makes the collection of tithes more vexatious and grievous than in the South, where they are diftind, and the farms are extenfive: The virulence of oppofition, in vilifying and degrading adminiftration, and in afferting that the legiftative power was more corrupt than the executive, made the people believe, that a reform of parliament was neceffary, and gave the republicans a fpecious pretext for adopting it, as an engine to overturn the conftitution; and the filly timidity of the members of adminiftration, in complimenting their accufers, gave an incredible

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weight to their affertions in the publick mind.* Religious prejudices were afleep in the North, except in the county of Armagh; and the fpark of fanaticifm which exifted there was foon blown into a flame by the Catholick committee, that intriguing body, which fat long brooding in grim repofe, and unnoticed in Dublin; but came forward when the French revolution took place, and endeavoured to avail itfelf of the fhock and fermentation of opinion, which, that event produced, to advance the intereft of its own order.

Some linen-drapers, from motives of envy which I have already ftated, encouraged their workmen in imbibing the new revolutionary doctrines; ftill others, though loyal, were obliged, from the nature of their bufinefs, through motives of fear, to take the united oath; becaufe their rebellious bleachers might eafily, andfecretly, have ruined them.

As the fuccefs of the great linen merchants in fome meafure depended on the fkill of their bleachers, they were often obliged to conform to their wifhes and prejudices; to retain them in their fervice; and there was fuch an emulation between them, that they often ufed finifter artifices to decoy each others workmen, which rendered the mafters fubfervient to them.

Many gentlemen of large property in the North, who courted the popular intereft, were, by electioneering prejudices, and the fervile obeifance which they paid to the people, prevented from trying to check the growth of treafon and fedition.

This was very confpicuous in the election for the county of Antrim in the year 1792, when the fuccefsful efforts of the people, affembled in almoft every parifh, in dilating to the candidates, and their fubferviency and willingnefs to take tefts, infpired the populace with a pastion for political power.

The workmen in fome bleach-greens joined in fubfcribing for the Northern Star; inothers, their mafters, who were difloyal, treated them with it; and in fome inftances, the employers, though well affected, were impelled by fear to give it to them gratis.

* In this I muft except lord Caftlereagh, whofe bold and manly eloquence, tempered with urbanity and good breeding, never failed to overturn the arguments of his adverfaries, and to stake their fcurrilous and envenomed attacks-recoil on themfelves.

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The propagandifts of the revolutionary doctrines in the North often began by corrupting the loweft fervants, both male and female; and, creeping up through all the gradations of a family, the mafter found himfelf fuddenly infulated, and was obliged, through terror, to fraternize, and take the united Irifhman’s oath.

The difaffected were fo much enraged at earl Fitzwilliam’s removal, that war and force were decided on: Songs, and various publications of an inflammatory tendency, were circulated: In fome inftances, jurors and witneffes were bribed, in others intimidated, from doing their duty: Committees of affaffination were formed:* Civil magiftrates, conftables, and others were intimidated from executing the law, and in fhort, no perfon was permitted to remain neuter.

In the years 1794 and 1795, immenfe fums of money were levied on the Roman catholicks in every part of the kingdom.

The conductors in Dublin and Belfaft endeavoured to infufe into the people an opinion, that the revolution would be incomplete, and would be fucceeded by ruinous contefts and ftruggles, unlefs all the loyalifts were extirpated; and that they could expect certain and perpetuated tranquillity from nothing but a general maffacre of them, and a confifcation of their property.

It appears by the report of the fecret committee of the houfe of lords in 1797, that it was decided by the confpirators, “That’ all perfons who, from their principles or fituation, may be deemed inimical to the cohfpiracy, fhould be maffacred; and the firft profcribed lift “was calculated by one of their leaders at thirty thoufand perfons.”!

Some leading members of the union, both in the North and the South, have affured me, that nothing tended fo much to gain credit for their caufe, and to promote the rapid diffemination of their doctrines, as the following paragraph in Mr. Erfkine’s plaufible but delufive pamphlet, which they procured to be printed and circulated univerfally: “That the fpirit of reform is at prefent high in Ireland. The recent zeal of that brave and virtuous people has completely detected the falfe and pernicious calumnies

* In a county committee at Belfaft, it is laid down, “that if there is any united Irifhmen on the jury that will convict any of the prifoners that are confined for being united Irifhmen, they ought to lofe their exiftence.” Report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. II. p.17.

† See Appendix, No. III. p.49.

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oft both countries. It has demonftrated, that a defire to reform abufes in government, is not at all connected with difloyalty to its eftablifhment; and that the reftoration of a free conftitution, by the wifdom and fpirit of a nation, has no alliance with, but on the contrary is abhorrent to, a fubmilfion to foreign force.” This’ extravagant encomium on the rebels, by varnifhing over the enormity of their crimes, and by giving a colour of moral and political reftitude to their caufe, encreafed the number of their fectaries in a very extraordinary degree.

That very wife law, the convention bill, having prevented the clubs from afiembling publickly, the leaders of the confpiracy had recourfe ta another, and fall as effectual, a mode of diffeminating their doctrines of liberty and equality, by inftituting reading focieties, which the lower claffes of the people attended after the labour of their daily occupations was over. This inftitution was almoft exclufively confined ta the counties of Down and Antrim, where the mafs of the people are prefbyterians, can read and write, and are fond of fpeculating on religion and politicks.

Thefe meetings, formed after the model of the jacobin clubs in France, were ufually held in barns and fchoolhoufes, and were liberally furnifhed, with inflammatory publications, compofed by the literati of the united Irifhmen, or extraded from larger treatifes of a fimilar tendency in both kingdoms, and publifhed in the form of pamphlets for more general circulation.

The pretext of reading for mutual information and improvement was confidered as a plaufible motive for the lower clafs of people to affemble. Subjects of a delicate nature and dangerous tendency were frequently difcuffed in them, fuch as, “Under what circumftances are the people juftifiable in refifting and uniting againft the exifting government? From what fource is all juft government derived, and what is its proper object? Is the majefty of the king, or the people, moft to be refpected?” On thefe, and fimilar topicks, the ruftick orators declaimed, with much vociferation and zeal, to the great edification of admiring audiences. The moft fluent fpeakers went ufually from one fociety to another, to difplay their talents, and make profelytes to the new philofophy. Every opportunity was embraced to reprefent the chriftian religion as a fyftem of fuperftition, calculated to enflave mankind, and obstruct the progrefs and improvement of reafon. The doctrines of a future ftate, of rewards and punifhments,

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were openly ridiculed and difcredited; and publick worfhip despifed and difcouraged, which materially promoted the defigns of the confpirators, by extinguifhing all moral principle.

Labourers, tradefmen, and even ragged apprentice boys, enlightened by attending the reading focieties, were taught to decide dogmatically, concerning the fundamental principles of government and religion; to deteft the fuppofed corruptions of the one, and the prieftcraft of the other.; to think themfelves amply qualified to dethrone kings, and regulate ftates and empires.

Belfaft was the centre of motion to the whole Northern union; Dublin to the middle and Southern; orders, directions and publications iffued from the former with great regularity; and returns were made, at ftated periods, to proper perfons appointed there to receive them, of the ftate, progrefs, and difpofitions of the feveral fubordinate focieties throughout the country.

A large impreffion of Paine’s age of reafon was ftruck off in Belfaft, and diftributed gratis among the united focieties. Bundles of them were thrown into meetinghoufe yards on Sundays, before the congregations affembled; and fmall parcels were left on the fides of publick roads, to contaminate the minds of thofe who found them.

The leaders of the union at Belfaft fucceeded fo well in removing the obftacles which religion and confcience prefented to their defigns, that many affaffinations were committed in that town, and its vicinity, in the year 1796, which eftablifhed fuch a complete fyftem of terror, that jurors were afraid to convid delinquents, though their guilt was fubftantiated by the moft unequivocal evidence.

A friar, of the name of Philips, went from Dublin to Belfaft, and was introduced to the difaffected focieties there. Soon after, having fallen under a fufpicion of being an informer, he was configned to the committee of aftaffination, who drowned him near the paper-mill; and to give a colour of fuicide to that atrocious deed, they put a clock weight in his pocket.

It is worthy of notice, that one of the committee, concerned in the murder, was impanelled on the inqueft jury which fat on the body when

* The popifh priefts carefully guarded their flocks from the contagion of them, for rcafons which I have given in page loy.

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difcovered, and the verdict was, of courfe, fuicide. A foldier from Blaris camp was likewife drowned in a river near Holywood, by the fame committee; and a man was fhot in Peter’s-hill, Belfaft, at the early hour of feven o’clock in the evening. Many other perfons were murdered in the fame manner, on a bare fufpicion of being informers.

It feems to have been a maxim with the united confpirators of Down and Antrim, adopted from the illuminati of Germany, and the philofophifts of France, that the end juftified the means; and that no motives, human or divine, fhould check them in the accomplifhment of their main defign. Hence the moft unblufhing calumnies were propagated againft thofe who oppofed them; and committees of affaffination were conftantly fitting to condemn fuch perfons as were fufpected of doing fo, or of giving information againft them.

Nothing forwarded the progrefs of the union fo much as that vehicle of fedition, immorality and irreligion, the Northern Star, eftablifhed by Robert Simms, the fecretary of the firft fociety of united Irifhmen, which fat at Belfaft in 1791. He was a wealthy merchant of that town, and has been tranfported to Fort George in Scotland, with a number of his confederates.

The conductors of that infamous print, which goaded the people to madnefs, had the flagitioufnefs and audacity to recommend in it, in the year 1794, the perufal of Paine’s age of reafon.

It is worthy of obfervation, that Simms, in the name of his fociety, wrote letters in the years 1792 and 1793, to fome of the moft confiderable members of the Roman catholick committee and Roman catholick fociety in Dublin, inviting them to be enrolled in his corps; and they, proud of the honour, embraced it with alacrity; and fome of them publifhed the letters of invitation, and their anfwers.

Some of the infidel leaders of the North were fo fuccefsful in roufing the people to a ftate of frenzy, by copious infufions of their intoxicating doctrines, that partial infurrections, earlier than they wifhed or expected, were on the point of baffting their defigns, and involving them in ruin; like a chymift, whofe experiment is defeated, and whofe perfon runs a rifk of being injured by a premature and unexpected explofion of his retort, in confequence of having furcharged it with gas. On fome occafions,

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the conductors were under a neceffity of endeavouring to check the intemperate ardour of their adherents.

An attempt was made near Rathfriland in September, 1796, to begin hoftilities, but it was overruled. About a thoufand united Irifhmen affembled in that retired and mountainous part of the county of Down, to difcufs the expediency of a general rifing; and the question was agitated a confiderable time. At length it was propofed to decide it by votes, and a divifion took place, when upwards of three hundred declared themfelves averfe to open hoftility at that time. Though the majority were for it, the fchifm was fo confiderable, that it was thought prudent to poftpone it to a more favourable opportunity.

A Mr. John Magennis, who had married a fifter of the famous Bartholomew Teeling, took the principal lead in urging an immediate refiftance. The decifion of that important question was haftened by an account, that a party of the antient Britons were approaching to difperfe the affembly; and they actually purfued Magennis ten miles, but were not fortunate enough to apprehend him.

It may be proper to obferve, that the majority, on that occafion, confifted chiefly of Roman catholicks; and the minority of prefbyterians, and a few proteftants of the eftablifhed church, who were not then fufficiently enlightened to countenance a general maffacre.

1 think it right to obferve, that the exertions of the united Irifhmen, and Catholick committee of Dublin, to encourage union and fraternity among the prefbyterians and papifts of the North, were confined to thofe parts of Down and Antrim, where the former shewed a decided hoftility againft the defenders, which was done merely to lull them into a ftate of indolent and fatal fecurity; as they knew that their fpirit, their knowledge of the ufe of arms, and their antipathy to the papifts, would form a material obftacle to the progrefs of the union; but the determination which the Roman catholicks shewed, on the explofion of the rebellion, to extirpate proteftants of every denomination, proved that they were not sincere in their invitations to the prefbyterians to fraternize with them.

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ORIGIN OF THE YEOMANRY.

In the autumn of the year 1796, government having propofed to all loyal fubjects to embody themfelves as yeomen corps, fimilar to thofe in England, and subject to the control of government, the propofal was embraced with alacrity in many parts of the kingdom.

On the feventh of October, the lord mayor, the fheriffs, and the churchwardens of the different parifhes in Dublin, affembled at the manfion houfe, and refolved that a regiment of infantry, and a troop of horfe, fhould be raifed in each of the four wards of the city.

This wife and falutary meafure, which proved the falvation of the kingdom, was oppofed by all the leading Romanifts of Dublin, and by all the active members of the Catholick committee; for when the churchwardens and magiftrates attended at the different veftry rooms, for the purpofe of carrying this excellent fyftem into execution, one or other of thefe leaders, attended by a mob of the popifh rabble, attempted to overpower them by vociferation and numbers.

When their malignant efforts to prevent this falutary inftitution failed, they waited on Mr, Pelham, the lord lieutenant’s fecretary, and afked leave to raife a corps of their own fect exclufively; but received for anfwer, that they might join their proteftant fellow fubjects, if they wifhed to ferve their king and country.

They then entered into refolutions againft it, and publifhed them in the jacobin prints, which teemed with invectives againft government for having inftituted it.*

On the fourteenth of October, the corporation of Dublin, duly affembled, entered into ftrong refolutions, and expreffed their abhorrence of the vile calumnies, and refolutions, publifhed by certain pretended parifh meetings againft the yeomen corps, and againft government, and the feditious means ufed to prevent the loyal fubjects from forming themfelves into fuch.

* For the fame reafon the orange, clubs were maligned and calumniated.

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Notwithftanding the decided oppofition which the Romanifts gave to this very excellent inftitution, which faved the kingdom from impending deftruction, the firft eftimate laid before parliament for twenty thoufand men was filled up immediately. In the courfe of fix months it rofe to thirty-feven thoufand; and, during the rebellion, the yeomanry force exceeded fifty thoufand, and they were all to be depended on;* for as very great difaffection appeared among the popifh yeomen, the different corps were quickly purged of fuch of them as were known to be difloyal.

In order to encourage the difaffected to perfift in their treafonable practices, it was boafted at this time, in the Northern Star, that the populace, in and about Belfaft, had faved the harveft of all fuch perfons as had been committed to the gaols of Dublin or Carrickfergus, on charges of high treafon; and that feven thoufand perfons often affembled for that purpofe.

In the month of October, the reverend Philip Johnfon was fired at and wounded, in the night, at Lifburn.

November the firft, a party of traitors broke open the king’s ftores at Belfaft, and ftole thereout a large quantity of gunpowder.

The rebellious inhabitants of Belfaft, who were prefbyterians, oppofed the eftablifhment of the yeomanry, with as much vehemence as the Romanifts in Dublin, and a few gentlemen in that town, who had courage to enter into it, were reviled and hiffed, as they paffed through the ftreets.

On the twenty-ninth of October, a ruffian fired a piftol in the town of Newtownards at the reverend Mr. Cleland.

About this time, the Hazard floop of war took, and fearched, a veffel off the harbour of Belfaft, and. found in her a large quantity of arms and ammunition.

On the fixth of November a proclamation iffued, ftating, that, on the firft, a number of armed men tumultuoufly entered Stewartftown, in the county of Tyrone, and cut and maimed feveral perfons who had refufed to join in their treafonable affociations, and had enrolled themfelves in the yeomanry. The fyftem of terror became fo great, and fo general at this time, in the North; that numbers of loyal perfons fulbmitted to be fworn, and affumed at leaft the femblance of being fincerely attached to the

* Report of the fecret committee of 1798, page 5.

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the union, to fave their lives and properties from the vengeance of the rebels; and outrages became fo frequent in the county of Down, that fome diftricts in it were proclaimed on the fourteenth of November, 1796, the firft time that the infurrection law was put in execution.

The leaders of the confpiracy, having completed their revolutionary fyftem in the province of Ulfter fo early as the tenth of May, 1795, and having made a confiderable progrefs in introducing it into the province of Leinfter in the autumn and winter of 1796, proceeded at that period to convert it into a military fhape and form, for the undifguifed project of rebellion, which was diftinctly and unequivocally acknowledged by Arthur O’Connor, William James McNevin, Thomas Addis Emmett, and Oliver Bond, leading and active members of the confpiracy, in their evidence upon oath before the fecret committee of the houfe of lords in the year 1798.

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THE MILITARY ORGANIZATION.

The military organization engrafted on the civil was conftituted in the following manner: The fecretary of each fubordinate fociety compofed of twelve, was appointed their petty or non-commiffioned officer; The delegate of five focieties to a lower baronial committee was commonly appointed captain of a company, confifting otf the five focieties who had delegated him, and who made the number of fixty privates; and then the delegate of ten lower baronials to the upper or diftrict committee was commonly appointed colonel of a battalion, which was thus compofed of fix hundred: The colonels of battalions in each county fent in the names of three perfons to the executive directory of the union, one of whom was appointed by them adjutant general of the county, whofe duty it was to receive and communicate military orders from the executive to the colonels of battalions, and in general to act as officer of the revolutionary ftaff. They were required to inform themfelves of, and report, the fcate of the rebel regiments within their refpective diftrictls, of the number of mills, the roads, rivers, bridges, and fords, the military pofitions, the capacity of the towns and villages to receive troops, to communicate to the executive every movement of the enemy (meaning the king’s troops) to announce the firft appearance of their allies (meaning the French) and immediately tocollect their force. A military committee was alfo appointed by the executive directory, to prepare a regular plan for affifting a French army fhould it land, or to form a plan of an infurrection, fhould it be ordered, even without their affiftance. A regular and well digefted plan of infurrection was actually formed, and reduced to writing in April, 1797, which was given up only for the time, on the alfurances of the executive directory of the union, that they would foon receive fpeedy and effectual affiftance from France, The directory gave orders that every perfon, who had the means, fhould furnifh himfelf with fire arms and ammunition, and that fuch perfons as could not afford it, fhould fupply themfelves with pikes;

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which orders were obeyed very generally through the provinces of Ulfter, Leinfter, and Munfter. In the province of Connaught they proceeded no farther in this fyftem of treafon, than in adminiftering oaths to the people, having been obftrufted by the vigorous exertions of government, till the rebellion broke out in open acts of hoftility.*

In the month of December, 1796, a French fleet with fifteen thoufand troops for the invafion of Ireland arrived in Bantry-bay; but having been difperfed by a ftorm, and having loft about one-fourth of their fhips, their intention was defeated. It is generally believed, that this plan was firft fuggefted to the French government by Mr. Tone, then refiding in France, but at the inftance of the Irifh directory, who accepted the propofal of the French directory. This negotiation, which took place between the month of June, 1795, and the month of January, 1796, was tranfacted by Edward John Lewins, the accredited agent and refident ambaffador of the Irifh rebellious union to the French republick, and who was fent to Paris as fuch in the fummer of 1795.†

The plan of the invafion which the French attempted at Bantry was fettled at an interview which took place in Switzerland, in the fummer of 1796, between lord Edward Fitzgerald, Mr. Arthur O’Connor, and general Hoche.

From the difaffection of the lower clafs of people during the infurrection of the white boys and right boys in Munfter, it was a matter of general aftonifhment, that they remained tranquil and apparently loyal, while the French hovered on the coaft; but the acknowledgment of one of the Irifh directory before the fecret committee of the houfe of lords fully accounts for it.

He declared upon oath, that, in the month of October or November, 1796, the French republick announced, by a fpecial meffenger to the Irifh union, that the hoftile armament was in a ftate of preparation; but in a few days after the departure of the meffenger from Paris with this intelligence, the Irifh directory received a letter from France, which was confidered by them as authentick, ftating, that the projected defcent

* Report of the fecret commiltee of the Lords in 1798. † Ibid. page 9.

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was poftponed till fpring, when England and Ireland would be invaded at the fame time.

This threw the Irifh directory off their guard; in confequence of which no meafures were taken to prepare the people of Munfter for the reception of the French. It is, however, to be feared, that the popifh multitude would have rifen in many parts of Munfter, if the French had made the projected defcent; for a ftrong fpirit of difaffection appeared in different parts of the counties of Cork and Kerry, early in the years 1793 and 1794, particularly in the counties adjacent to Kinfale, Dunmanway, Bandon and Dingle, in which the people committed fuch fhocking enormities, even in the day, that, on the eleventh of March, 1794, the lord lieutenant iffued a proclamation againft them, and offered rewards for the difcovery and profecution of them. In the county of Limerick alfo, alarming infurrections and dreadful outrages were committed in the year 1793; and great numbers of the lower clafs of people ufed often to affemble there, to form combinations and adminifter illegal oaths.

It fhould be recollected, that the white boys continued to commit outrages till the year 1790, in the county of Cork; and as we know that the firft object of their inftitution was to join the French, we cannot fuppofe that they would have remained loyal had they effected a defcent. The popifh multitude in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, took oaths of allegiance, and promifed to be faithful and peaceable, a fhort time before the French landed; but they joined them the inftant they did fo.

On the fecond of January, 1796, the houfe of Mr. Harman, member for the county of Longford, at Bawn, in faid county, was forcibly entered in the night by a party of ruffians, who barbaroufly murdered him.

In confequence of the military organization which took place in the autumn and winter of 1796, the province of Ulfter became dreadfully difturbed by the eagernefs of the difaffected to procure arms.

This will appear by a proclamation which iffued the fixth of November, and which ftates, “That divers ill-affected perfons had entered into illegal and treafonable affociations, in the counties of Down, Antrim, Tyrone, Londonderry and Armagh; and for effecting their treafonable defigns, had affaffinated divers loyal fubjects, and have endeavoured, and threaten, to affaffinate all others who fhould endeavour to detect their treafon, or fhould enrol themfelves under officers commiffioned by his

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majefty, for the defence of the kingdom, and have alfo procured arms and ammunition: That fome evil-minded perfons broke open the king’s ftores at Belfaft, and took thereout ten barrels of gunpowder; and that many large bodies of men have embodied and arrayed themfelves under a pretence of fowing corn and digging potatoes.”

In the month of November, 1796, the counties of Down and Armagh were proclaimed: In the month of February, 1797, parts of the counties of Donegal, Derry and Tyrone.

The difaffected inhabitants of Belfaft, who oppofed the eftablifhment of the yeomanry with as much zeal as the Romanifts did in Dublin, refolved in the month of January, 1797, not to take up arms till the French landed on their coast and then only to repel foreign and domeftick enemies.

Thirty-feven gentlemen of that town and its vicinity, to their eternal honour, protected againft that ftriking inftance of difaffection.

On the fifth of February, 1797, Robert and William Simms, proprietors of the Northern Star, by whofe inflammatory publications they never ceafed to roufe the people to a ftate of rebellious frenzy, were arrefted and committed to Newgate in Dublin; and the former has been since tranfported to Fort George in Scotland.

In the beginning of the year 1797, immenfe quantities of arms were feized in the province of Ulfter by general Lake, and the general officers under his command; and in this he received material affiftance from Sir George Hill, who shewed uncommon zeal, and ufed the moft unabated exertions, often at the rifk of his life, in fuppreffing treafon and fedition.

It appears that the following number of arms was feized by the different general officers in that year, in the provinces of Leinfter and Ulfter only:

It appeared from the letters of the generals, that many arms were feized or furrendered, which are not included in this return; as ia many places they remained in the poffeffion of the yeomen.*

* Report of the fecret committee. Appendix, No. XXXIX. p.298.

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On the thirteenth of March, 1797, general Lake iffued a proclamation by the advice of government, ftating the atrocities committed, and recommending to the people to come in, furrender their arms, and return to their allegiance; he affured fuch perfons of protection.* He promifed the moft inviolable fecrefy to informers, and the amount of any arms which might be feized in confequence of their fecret information.

On the twenty-feventh of February, 1797, Mr. John Cummin of Caftlebeg, in the county of Antrim, was barbaroufly murdered, and his houfe was robbed of arms, on account of his loyalty; though general Lake’s proclamation, and his fpirited exertions, were allowed to have materially contributed towards checking the progrefs of the confpiracy, and to have ftruck terror into the rebels.

On the feventeenth of March, the loyal inhabitants of the county of Donegal affembled at Raphoe, entered into ftrong refolutions for their mutual defence, and for defeating the machinations of the united Irifhmen, and offered large rewards for their apprehenfion and profecution.

On Monday the thirteenth of March, lord Camden fent a meffage to both houfes of parliament, ftating, “That an organized fyftem of robbery and murder exifted in the province of Ulfter, which bid defiance to the exertions of the civil power; and that, by the firm and temperate conduct of the general of the diftrict, a confiderable quantity of arms had been taken; and that he hoped, by a continuance of vigorous meafures, the conftitutional authority of the civil power would be reftored.”

In the debate which took place on this meffage in the houfe of commons, the oppofition in general, but Mr. Grattan in particular, condemned with much acrimony the falutary fyftem of coercion which government had adopted, and imputed the difturbances to the provocation which his majefty’s loyal and peaceable fubjects had received from wanton and unneceffary acts of feverity; and yet it has been univerfally allowed, that the feeblenefs of the infurrection in the North, on the general rifing, was owing to thofe feafonable and vigorous exertions, and to the fpirit difplayed on that occafion by the yeomanry and the loyal inhabitants of Ulfter; which is fully ftated in the report of the fecret committee of the houfe of commons.

* This shewed the benign and conciliating difpofition of government, notwithftanding the vile calumnies uttered againft them, by the difaffected both in and out of parliament.

† Page 8, of the year 1798.

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The partizans of the united Irifhmen propagated, with unabated induftry, the moft impudent falftioods and calumnies, reprefenting the meafures which the government and the parliament were compelled to refort to, for the fuppreffion of midnight robbery and affaffination, as a grofs and unneceffary violation of the conftitution, and as the real fource of thefe complicated evils.

The main object of the fyftem of terror which they endeavoured to eftablifh by their midnight attacks, was, to drive country gentlemen from their houfes, or to enforce their connivance or fupport; a courfe which was purfued with fatal fuccefs in France. Dreadful outrages ftill continued to be committed in all the Northern counties.

In the month of April, 1797, a number of armed men entered the village of Glafslough, in the county of Monaghan, plundered many houfes of arms, and committed other enormities there.

About the fame time, one McDonald, at Gifhall, near Dromore, was affaffinated, becaufe he faid he could make difcoveries of the united Irifhmen.

In the month of March, the reverend Mr. Hamilton, late a fellow of the college, and who had retired on a living in the county of Donegal, was murdered at Sharon, the houfe of the reverend doctor Waller, in that county, with horrid circumftances of barbarity, by a party of armed ruffians, who fired wantonly into the windows, by which they fhot Mrs. Waller; and afterwards having compelled the fervants of doctor Waller to force Mr. Hamilton out of the houfe, they mangled his body with wounds.

† Report of the committee of the houfe of lords of 1798.

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FOREIGN NEGOTIATION OF THE CONSPIRATORS WITH
THE FRENCH REPUBLICK FOR ASSISTANCE.

From the time of the failure of the French expedition to Bantry in December, 1796, the difaffected, to keep up the fpirits of their party, circulated reports, that the enemy were foon to attempt another defcent; and the executive directory of the Irifh union thinking that they were rather dilatory in their preparations, fent Mr. Lewins, their confidential agent, to urge the neceffity of being expeditious. In the fummer of that year, fearing that a premature infurrection in the North, before the fuccours from France arrived, would defeat their profspects, they fent a fecond agent, doctor McNevin, in June, 1797, to prefs the French to haften the armament; but meeting with fome difficulty in going to Paris, he gave the minifter of the republick, refident at Hamburgh, a memoir, to be forwarded to the French directory.* This memoir fhewed the defperate defigns of the Irifh confpirators, and their great anxiety left the vigorous meafures purfued by government in the North would difconcert their projects. This agent was authorized to affure the French republick of being repaid all the expences attending any future armament fhe fhould fend to Ireland, as well as of the laft which mifcarried; and that the refources for that purpofe were to be raifed by the confifcation of the lands of the church, and of the propeny of all thofe who fhould oppofe them. He was alfo empowered to raife, either in France or Spain, £500,000. or at leaft £300,000. A larger fupply of arms was folicited by the agent than the firft, on account, as he ftated, of the encreafing number of their adherents, and the difarming of the North, where above ten thoufand ftand of arms, and as many pikes, had been furrendered to the king’s troops.

It appears alfo, that an attempt was made at the fame time, to procure the affiftance of fuch Irifh officers as were then in foreign fervicet as

* Report of the fecret committee of the houfe of commons of 1798, p.15. † This was done in the civil war of 1641. See Borlafe and Temple.

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might be prevailed upon, by receiving high rank, to engage in the fervice of the union; but, from the over-caution of the agent, nothing was effected in that way.

A fecond memoir was prefented by this confidential agent on his arrival at Paris, in which he endeavoured to fhew the French directory the neceffity of forwarding the invafion at that critical juncture, when the minds of the Irifh were fo favourably difpofed to join the French, and to co-operate with them in feparating the two kingdoms, and in eftablifhing a republick in Ireland.

Though the Irifh directory were defirous of obtaining affiftance from France, they were unwilling to admit fuch a body of troops as would enable her to conquer and keep it in her own hands; but the French fhewed a decided indication to fend fo great an army there as would enable them to fubdue and retain it as a conqueft.*

The demands of the firft agent were, for any number not more than ten thoufand, nor lefs than five thoufand, with forty thoufand ftand of arms, and a proportionate fupply of artillery, ammunition, engineers, and experienced officers.†

Previous to this laft miffion from Ireland, a confidential perfon was fent over by the French directory to collect information refpecting the ftate of Ireland; but having failed to obtain the neceffary paffports in London to enable him to go there, he wrote over to requeft that one of the party might meet him in London; and accordingly a perfon repaired to him immediately with every neceffary intelligence; and the fecret committee of the house of commons have given it as their opinion, from various fources of information, that this perfon was the late lord Edward Fitzgerald.‡

The directory gave the agent, fent to Paris, the ftrongeft affurances of affiftance; and accordingly preparations of a very extenfive nature were made, both at Breft and in the Texel, for the invafion of Ireland; and in the autumn, the executive of the Irifh union received advice that the troops were actually embarked in the Texel, and only waited for a fair wind.

* Report of the fecret committee of the houfe of commons of 1798, p.16, 17, 18. † Ibid. ‡Ibid. p.18.

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In confequence of this communication, great preparations were made by the Irifh rebels, in the beginning of October, 1797, when it was announced to the different focieties, that the fleet was on the point of failing.* The French troops had been actually on board, commanded by general Daendells, but were fuddenly difembarked.

The Dutch fleet, contrary to the opinion of their own admiral, as is generally believed, was obliged to put to fea, at the inflance of the French government; which led to the ever-memofable vi61:ory of the eleventh of October, 1797, obtained by lord Duncan.

Early in the year 1798, the Irifh executive directory received advices from France, that fuccours would be fent to Ireland in the month of April; but notwithftanding the ftrong temptation prefented by the rebellion, which broke out on the twenty-third of May following, the French government never fulfilled their promife,

I fhall now return to the internal affairs of Ireland, and fhew the reader the means which the confpirators purfued for forwarding the rebellion, having given him a brief account of their foreign negotiations.

On the eighth of April, 1797, a meeting was held in the Exchange of Dublin, fuppofed to confift of the freemen and freeholders of the city, convened by the fheriffs, purfuant to publick notice, for the purpofe of petitioning his majefty to remove his minifters for ever; but the majority of that gregarious herd confifted of traitors, who wifhed to create difturbance and combuftion.

The queftion of adjournment was moved; but as a numerous rabble, who were not freemen or freeholders, fuddenly rufhed into the hall, the fheriffs refufed to put the queftion.

The mob and their leaders neverthelefs agreed to the petition, and it was prefented by Meffrs. Grattan and Curran to the viceroy; who faid, that he would forward it, agreeable to their wifhes, but accompanied with a ftatement of the circumftances which took place at the meeting.

The freemen and freeholders, on leaving the Exchange, protected againft any proceedings which fhould be held there afterwards.

This meeting was brought about by the minority in the Irifh houfe of commons, and the difaffected citizens of Dublin, at the inftance of the

* Report of the fecret committee of the houfe of commons of 1798, p.18.

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oppofition in the Britifh parliament, for the purpofe of promoting their own ambitious defigns, at the expence of the peace and fecurity of the kingdom.

On the twenty-fecond of April, Sinclare Kelburne, the noted demagogue, of Belfaft, a prefbyterian minifter, was committed to Newgate in Dublin, with feventeen other perfons, on charges of a very ferious nature.

On the firft of May, between fix and feven thoufand perfons attending, a funeral, made a proceffion through a great part of the city. Having affembled in the earl of Meath’s liberty, they went down Aungier-ftreet and George’s-lane, through Dame-ftreet, and, paffing by the caftle, they proceeded to James’s church, where the corpfe was interred.

This device was made ufe of to infpire the lower clafs of rebels with confidence and courage, by fhewing them what numbers of their brethren could be collected in a fhort fpace of time.

In confequence of it, the lord mayor iffued a proclamation, prohibiting unlawful affemblies, under a pretext of attending funerals.

As the Belfaft News-letter, a paper printed there, was moderate and loyal, and in fome degree qualified and counteracted the feditious doctrines diffeminated by the Northern Star, the difaffected frequently ftopped the meffengers who went about the country to circulate it, tied them hand and foot, and robbed them of fuch papers as they had.

In the beginning of the year 1797, the county of Kildare was dreadfully convulfed by the united Irifhmen, who committed robbery and affaffination on proteftants almost every night.

In the month of March, a motion was made by a member of oppofition for repealing the infurrection law, though the advantages derived from it in checking the progrefs of the confpiracy were univerfally acknowledged.

In the month of April, lord Caledon’s houfe, in the county of Tyrone, was plundered of arms.

The county of Down was fo much agitated, that the magiftrates of it affembled at Hillfborough, on the twenty-eighth of March, entered into ftrong refolutions againft the nefarious proceedings of the united Irifhmen, and made a large fubfcription for fuppreffing them.

Ever since the introduction of defenderifm into the county of Cork, in the year 1793, its contagion continued gradually and filently to diffufe itfelf, and to poifon the minds of the lower clafs.

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On the thirteenth of April, 1797, lord Bantry conveyed to the gaol of Cork, four of thefe culprits, one of whom was the fteward of Roger O’Connor, in whofe pocket his lordfhip found the defenders oath; the tenor of which was to be true to one another; not to pay rent, tithes, or tithes; and to affift the French who were foon expected.

At the affizes of Omagh, in the county of Tyrone, held in the month of April, John Kinkaid, an active united Irifhman, was convicted of making a conftant practice of going to Romifh chapels on Sundays, and of fwearing the congregations, to ftand by each other; to join the French when they fhould land; to cut down tithes and taxes; and to kill the Orangemen and yeomen. At the affizes of this year, both in Leinfter and Munfter, great numbers were convicted of treafonable and feditious praftices.

On the thirtieth of April, 1797, the reverend Mr. Knipe, a proteftant clergyman, was murdered by a party of ruffians, who forcibly entered his houfe, near Clonard, in the county of Meath.

It had been the invariable policy of the leaders of the confpiracy to announce an effort as at hand, to keep up the fpirits of the people, though it was not ferioufly intended: However, in fpring 1797, a plan was ferioufly difcuffed by the leaders then affembled in Dublin, for commencing a general rifing, without waiting for foreign affiftance; but as this fcheme did not meet with the approbation of the Dublin part of the committee, it was laid afide; and, in confequence of it, a coolnefs took place between the Ulfter and Leinfter delegates, which materially retarded the progrefs of the confpiracy.*

May the thirteenth, the report of the fecret committee having been prefented to the houfe of commons, a violent debate enfued, in which a gentleman of the bar, connected with the oppofition, declared, that it was merely an apology for the violent coercive meafures adopted by government.

The feduction of the army became very common at this time. No lefs than feventy of the Monaghan militia were corrupted at Belfaft. At laft, the practice became fo common, fo general, and fo fatal to the military, that the following, among other regiments, offered rewards for difcovering and profecuting any perfons concerned in it The 9th dragoons, the 1ft fencible cavalry, the Angusfhire fencibles, the Kilkenny, Antrim, Longford, Tyrone, Wexford, and Waterford militia.

* Report of the secret committee of the houfe of commons, p.19.

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The difaffected refted the fuccefs of their caufe very much on the attachment of the king’s troops to it. At a provincial meeting held ai Ballynahinch the twenty-third of November, 1797, orders were iffued to every county delegate, to procure an exact account of the number of military, whether regular regiments, militia, or yeomen, whom they might confider as their friends.

At a provincial meeting held at Armagh, the fourteenth of November, the number of the king’s troops with their refpective quarters, and ou how many in each they might depend, was prefented. From the following returns, it appears that their hopes from the difaffection of the king’s troops were very high: In the county of Antrim, four thoufand, of which feven hundred were friends to the people: In Tyrone, two thoufand feven hundred, and one thoufand were attached to them: In Down, one thoufand one hundred, of which one thoufand were friends: In Armagh, four thoufand two hundred, among whom they reckoned only two hundred friends: In Donegal, two thoufand, and feven hundred of them were friends.

The different delegates were afked by the fecretary, if they thought their counties could difarm the military within themfelves? and they all faid they could, except in Armagh.*

At a provincial meeting held at Randalftown, the fourteenth of December, 1797, it appeared, .that they expected an invafion by the French. Orders were iffued to every county delegate to procure an exact account of the number of military, whether regular regiments, military, or yeomen, and the quarters where they lay, and to bring it to the next provincial meeting; as alfo how many of them they could reckon their friends. The county delegates were to procure this information from the baronial members, at the next county meeting.†

At a meeting of colonels held at Rathfriland, the twenty-eighth of March, 1798, they were afked individually, whether they were able to difarm the military within the bounds of their own regiment? and they all agreed that they were.;

At a provincial meeting held at Belfaft the firft of April, 1798, it was faid that the national committee were determined to have a rifing, though the French expedition fhould be fruftrated. The Leinfter delegate

* Report of the secret committee of the houfe of commons, Appendix XIV. p.1^3 t Ibid. p.108. † Ibid. p.120.

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had received a letter from Bartholomew Teeling, who was one of their delegates in France, and he recommended a rifing at all events; as the citizens of Dublin, with the affiftance of the army, could at any time feize the caftle of Dublin.*

At a provincial meeting held at Armagh, the county delegates were afked, whether they could difarm the military in their refpective counties? and they faid, they could in Derry, Donegal, and Louth; but not in Down, Antrim, and Armagh, and the upper half of the county of Tyrone.† The reafon of this probably was, that in the three former the mafs of the people are papifts; but in the latter, the proteftants and Orangemen were numerous.

A very intelligent gentleman of the North affured me, that fuch of the linen merchants of the North as were members of the union, and wifhed for a revolution, imagined that it would be effected quietly, and without violence, as the army was attached to their caufe. Their property being perfonal, lying moftly in their bleach greens, they were averfe to any meafures that might end in rapine and plunder.

In the county of Tyrone there were five thoufand yeomen, of which above four thoufand were orangemen; and in that large body there were not more than two hundred Roman catholicks, and four-fifths of the body were prefbyterians.

There were regular returns made by the baronial members to the county delegates, by them to the provincial, and by the provincial to the executive, of the number of men organized and armed in their refpective diftricts, and of the money collected, and in the hands of the treafurers of each.

Thus lord Edward Fitzgerald gave a paper in his own hand writing to Mr. Reynolds, which was a return to a national committee held the twenty-fixth of February, 1798. It ftated the number of armed men in Ulfter, Leinfter, and Munfter, to be two hundred and feventy-nine thoufand eight hundred and ninety-fix; the fum of money in the hands of the treafurers to be £1,485. 4s. 9d. ‡

It is not furprifing that the confpirators fhould be confident of fuccefs, when they were perfuaded that a great portion of the military were

* Report of the fecret committee, of the houfe of commons, Appenilix XIV. page 121. † Ibid. p.124. ‡Ibid. p.141.

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warmly attached to their caufe; and that they could difarm thofe who continued loyal.

The above return, delivered to Mr. Reynolds by lord Edward, was confined merely to the men who were armed; for in the popish counties, all the farmers, peafants, and mechanicks to a man, were fworn, organized, and warmly attached to the union.

It appeared that the county of Kerry regiment required one hundred conftitutions in the year 1796.* This shewed that they muft have been very much difaffected.

They did not begin to organize Munfter till the fpring of 1797;† and as popifh fanaticifm gave wings to treafon, it was reported to be in a good ftate of organization the fourteenth of September following. ‡

Neilfon fays, in his evidence before the committee of the lords, that the affiliated fyftem of organization began in 1792; and that Ulfter was completely organized the tenth of May, 1795.| It appears that there were four executives in November, 1797,§ one for each province.

To fhew how far popifh fanaticifm was concerned in the rebellion, what an impulfe it gave to the mind, and how much it extinguifhed all moral principle, I will relate a few circumftances of a confpiracy formed by James Dunn and Patrick Carty, with others, to affaffinate the earl of Carhampton, on the twenty-fifth of May, 1797; becaufe he had always evinced the moft unabated zeal and activity, both as a magiftrate and an officer, to maintain focial order in his neighbourhood, and in checking the progrefs of rebellion.

The former was a blackfmith and farrier, who lived on his lordfhip’s demefne, and in his fervice for many years, and had conftantly experienced the moft ftriking inflances of kindnefs from him.

Notwithftanding thefe obligations, James Dunn repaired to the houfe of Maurice Dunn, a relation in Dublin, who kept a cabaret, on Sunday the feventh of May, and offered to a committee of fixteen united Irifhmen who were then fitting there, to do out his friend and benefactor, the earl of Carhampton. This was a common cant expreffion among the united Irifhmen, for murdering a perfon.

* Report of the fecret committee, Appendix II. p.46; † Ibid. Appendix XXXI. p.272.
| Ibid. p.280. § Ibid. p.106.

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When he made the propofal, one perfon faid it was great news; another, glorious news; another, the beft news he had heard a long time.

Left a concourfe of fo many people fhould excite fufpicion, they appointed feven perfons as a committee of affaffination to concert meafures with Dunn.

As money would be neceffary to procure weapons and horfes, application was made to one Burke, the fecretary of finance, who was clerk to Myles Duigenan, a grocer in Grafton-ftreet; but he poftponed granting their requeft, till Mr. O’Callaghan, at the head of the finance, fhould recover, being confined with ficknefs. It was at laft agreed, that Dunn and Carthy, a labourer on his lordfhip’s demefne, and feven more perfons, fhould affaffinate him on the fucceeding Sunday, the fourteenth of May.

Three of them on horfeback, having loofe coats with blunderbuffes under them, and fix mounted as yeomen cavalry with piftols, were to fire into his lordfhip’s carriage, as it paffed through a narrow road near Lutterelftown; and at the fame time to murder his fervants, and any perfons who might be with him. Ferris, who was at the head of the committee of fixteen, and the only proteftant member of it, ftruck with horror at the atrocity of the plot, difcovered it, and Dunn and Carthy were hanged.

While Dunn was in prifon, lord Carhampton went to fee him, and faid, Confidering the kindnefs I shewed you, I did not imagine you would have been concerned in an attempt on my life. To his lordfhip’s utter aftonifhment, he replied, without hefitation, that he thought it a good act. On afking him, whether he himfelf had propofed to murder him? he anfwered, that he never had; but that he was fworn to execute it; and if he were out again, he would perpetrate it if he could. He faid, though you might think it a good act to murder me, why fhould you fhoot a poor innocent poftillion? Why! faid he; to do the thing completely, He afterwards gave much the fame anfwers to the fame questions, to lord Carhampton in the prefence of the earl of Ennifkillen.

On May the thirteenth, there was an engagement between the North Britains and defenders near Forkhill in the county of Armagh, where thirteen of the former were killed, and eighteen defperately wounded.

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On the feventeenth of May, a proclamation iffued againft the commiffion of atrocities and difturbances in general, and offering pardon to all perfons who had been feduced, or entered into illegal affociations; provided they, before the twenty-fourth of June, appeared before a magiftrate, furrendered themfelves, took oaths of allegiance, acknowledged their errors, and entered into a recognifance to keep the peace, and be of good behaviour.

On the twenty-fecond of June, the time for taking advantage of this proclamation was extended to the twenty-fourth of July.

This wife meafure was attended with the moft falutary effects; for it induced thofe who had become united Irifhnen, from motives of terror, to renounce the connection; it confirmed in their allegiance thofe who were wavering; and it infpired the rebels with fear, left thofe who repented, and took the benefit of the proclamation, would betray them.

Notwithftanding this meafure of mercy and warning to the difaffected, in the latter end of the fame month a general infurrection in Ulfter was decided on, and the plan of attack for each county was arranged.* At the fame time the inconfiftency of the difaffected could be equalled by nothing but their effrontery and malignity, in accufing government of wanton and unneceffary feverity, by which the people were ftimulated to commit acts of outrage and licentioufnefs.

The practice of feducing the military ftill continued fo much, that in the fpace of one month, the following foldiers were fhot for treafonable plots: Four of the Monaghan, at Blaris camp; two of the Wexford regiment, at Cork; two of the Kildare, in the Phoenix park, near Dublin; and two of the Louth, near Limerick.

It was difcovered, that houfes of entertainment were kept open in Dublin, Cork and Athlone, at a confiderable expence, for the feduction of the foldiers. They were regaled there gratis, with the moft delicious fare; and even proftitutes were kept there to work on their affections.

In the month of May, feveral committees were furprifed in the act of forming treafonable plots in Dublin; and it was difcovered that the blackfmiths there were bufily employed in making pikes.

* Report of the fecret committee of the houfe of commons, Appendix XIV. p.123.

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In the month of June, the pay of the military was encreafed, which at this critical time was a very politick meafure, as the united Irifhmen were endeavouring to feduce them with unceafing fedulity.

One Murtagh McCanwell, fent from the North to the South for that purpofe, was known to be fo expert, and had done fo much mifchief in that way, that a general court-martial, fitting at Limerick, offered one hundred and twenty-five guineas for difcovering and apprehending him. The defenders were fo terrifick at this time, in the counties of Meath, Weftmeath, Kildare and Longford, that many of the proteftants were obliged to fly to the metropolis for protection.

As the members of oppofition in the houfe of commons could not fucceed in their plans of parliamentary reform and catholick emancipation, and in defeating the falutary meafures of coercion which the government had adopted for the prefervation of the kingdom, they feceded from parliament in the month of May.

It was difcovered, that there was to have been an infurrection of the defenders on the night of the twenty-fourth of May, in the counties of Meath, Cavan, Longford and Monaghan, for the purpofe of murdering the army, the yeomanry, and all the loyal fubjects in them. It appeared that one of their emiffaries circulated four or five hundred letters, to apprize them of the precife time of rifing.

On the feventh of June, Mr. Barber a prefbyterian minifter, of Rathfriland, noted for turbulent and feditious principles, was committed to the gaol of Belfaft.

On the fourteenth of October, William Orr, a noted propagator of the doftrines of the united Irifhmen, was hanged at Carrickfergus; and as he was one of the moft active agents of the Irifh union, great efforts were made to fave his life; but when they failed, the judge who tried him was reviled, the jury and the witneffes were calumniated, and the government was univerfally vilified by the difaffected, for having, as they faid, facrificed the life of this honeft and innocent man to the vengeance and acrimony of party.

His death was deplored from one end of the ifland to the other, as much as that of father Nicholas Sheehy, a noted rebel, who was hanged at Clonmell in the year 1762; and all the difaffected, in memory of him, wore fome kind of emblem in rings, lockets, or bracelets.

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WHAT PROGRESS THE LEADERS OF THE CONSPIRACY
MADE TO THE END OF THE YEAR 1797, IN UNITING
THE PRESBYTERIANS AND PAPISTS.

It is obfervable, that the defenders exifted as an organized and armed body, at least three years before the united Irifhmen; for their plan, or profpectus, found on captain Sharky, in the county of Armagh, was dated the twenty-fourth of April, 1789; and as there were fimilar focieties in the county of Louth, affiliated with them, we may prefume that it required fome time to bring them to a perfect ftate of organization; and reference is made in that profpectus to oaths which they had taken formerly.

It appeared alfo, that they exifted at the fame time in the counties of Antrim, Down and Monaghan; as general Euftace was fent there to fupprefs them.

The united Irifhmen held their firft feffion at Belfaft, in the month of October, 1791; in Dublin, in the month of December.

The former, who were exclufively papifts, never appeared in any county except where popery predominated. They never exifted in any part of the county of Down or Antrim, except in the barony of Iveagh in the former, and in Carey and Glenarm in the latter, in which Roman catholicks are numerous. The only fpring of action with them was a hatred to proteftants. The main object of the united Irifhmen was, to unite the prefbyterians, and, if poffible, the members of the eftablifhed church with the Roman catholicks, for the purpofe of overturning the eonftitution. Their oaths were quite difterent. The Catholick committee fhewed much zeal in promoting this junction; but the exterminating fpirit which their fectaries fhewed during the rebellion, in the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, Wicklow, Wexford, Mayo and Sligo, proved that they were not sincere, and that they meant to eftablifh exclufively their own religion on the abohtion of every other. We may fairly conclude then, that they meant merely to lull the fears and fufpicions of the prefbyterians, and not to unite with them.

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Samuel Neilfon, the moft aclive member of the union, declared, that the affiliated fyftem began in fpring 1792, and that it was not completed in Ulfter till the tenth of May, 1795.* The flow progrefs of the organization in that province arofe from the very great difficulty of uniting the prefbyterians and papifts, between whom there exifted fo great an antipathy, that it is more than probable it never could have been accomplifhed, if the leading confpirators had not prevailed on the clergy of both to forward the intereft of the union; and yet, we have very good reafon for faying, that the amalgamation of the two fects was fo imperfect, that the united Irifhmen and defenders in the Northern counties continued as feparate bodies, even fo late as the end of the year 1797. For, at a meeting of the former, held at Belfaft, it is ftated, “that the provincial committee promifed to give to the county committee, the number of defenders in the kingdom;”† and the zeal of the latter muft have been very great, when it was faid, “that a defender up the country promifed to give four thoufand guineas for the ufe of the united Irifhmen; and all he afks is, three or four of the united Irifhmen as fecurity for that fum.”‡

In the fame provincial report, it is faid, “the orangemen in the county of Tyrone are taking the arms from the defenders.” This fhews a laudable zeal in the orangemen in difarming this banditti, and the intereft which the united Irifhmen took in their concerns.

We find alfo, in a provincial report, at the fame period, that it was confidered as a matter of mornent, “to make friends of catholicks and orangemen, as it is doing a great deal of good in Armagh.”§ This was the grand object of the united Irifhmen and Catholick committee in the North. This meeting was held at Belfaft the twenty-feventh of December, 1797.

In the fame report it appears, that at a meeting of captains on the thirty-firft of July, 1797, at Downpatrick, great fears were expreffed, that the catholicks and diffenters would become two feparate parties.” ||

In May, 1797, orders were iffued by the executive directory, that all the captains in the different baronies fhould affemble to chufe field officers,

* Examination before the secret committee of the houfe of lords, Appendix, No. V. † Ibid. Appendix, No. II. p.27. ‡ Ibid. § Ibid, p.29. || Ibid. Appendix, No. XIV. p.103.

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and that office was performed by Jofeph Leftie, in the barony of Loughinfholen, in the county of Derry; but having fummoned proteftants only, the Roman catholicks remonftrated warmly, and he was obliged to change the day for affembling, and to fummon indifcriminately perfons of both perfuafions. Though the two orders co-operated, they never were cordially united. The maffacres in the province of Leinfter evinced the fecret defigns of the Romanifts, and, by opening the eyes of the Northern prefbyterians, completely difunited them.

The inhabitants of Glenarm, in the county of Antrim, who were papifts, were organized according to the defender fyftem. During the rebellion, they were advancing in a body to join a party of united Irifhmen on Belair-hill, who were headed by one Achefon, a prefbyterian minifter; but when the Glenarm rebels difcovered them, they difbanded, and faid, they never would fubmit to be commanded by a proteftant.* The fame circumftance occurred in the rebel camp at Carrickbyrne, Vinegar-hill, and Gorey, in the county of Wexford, where the priefts and the other popifh leaders denounced proteftants, and defired that they fhould not be admitted into their ranks; but we cannot have a ftronger proof of the insincerity of the Romanifts, and their determination to extirpate every order but their own, than the wanton and cold-blooded murders committed by them in the counties of Dublin, Kildare, Wicklow, Carlow and Wexford; and the earneft intention which they fhewed to do fo in Mayo and Sligo, and which they would have effected, but for the humane interference of the French.

By the following refolution, feized by Mr. Fox in a committee of united Irifhmen at Belfaft, and dated the eleventh of April, 1797, it appears, that they did not confider the defenders as united with them:* “Refolved, that the provincial (meaning committee) form a plan for the fupport of poor families, that they get us the number of defenders in the kingdom, who are not united Irifhmen, and if they will act with united Irifhmen.”†

Charles McFillin, a papift, declared upon oath, before Sir George Hill, baronet, that he attended as a delegate at a provincial meeting at

* To this the falvation of that part of the county of Antrim was imputed. † Secret report of the houfe of commons» Appendix, No. II. p.31.

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Garvagh, in the county of Derry, in November, 1796; and that he was chofen a delegate, at four or five provincial meetings; and the reafon he affigns for it is, to infpire the Roman catholicks with confidence, as the fyftem was to unite all religious perfuafions, to overturn the conftitution. McFillin was the only papift at thefe provincial meetings, and there was confiderable jealoufy between the two orders.*

In almoft every inftance where the prefbyterians confiderably exceeded the papifts in point of number, the latter were apparently loyal, or at least did not enter into the union; and they frequently, when thus circumftanced, were the only perfons who gave information againft the confpirators, but more from motives of fear, hatred, or envy, than a pure and genuine fpirit of loyalty. McFillin’s evidence is to be accounted for on no other principle.

In the fame manner, where the Roman catholicks very much predominated in point of numbers, the prefbyterians were faithful. For this reafon, fmall colonies of the latter in Meath, Cavan, Longford, Mayo and Sligo, were not only loyal, but very active againft the defenders.

In fuch parts of the counties of Down and Armagh, where there were many of both orders blended together, the antipathy which always exifted between them, produced ftrife and bloodlhed, in the ftiape of defenderifm and peep-of-day boys: But it is obfervabl’e, that while the county of Armagh was dreadfully difturbed by them, the town of Lurgan and its vicinity were perfectly tranquil, becaufe it abounds with proteftants of the church of Ireland, the only fect who have been fteadily and uniformly attached to the king and conftitution.

Both the defenders and united Irifhmen in their turn attempted to organize the county of Fermanagh, and they made fome progrefs, and formed fome plots there; but perceiving the futility of their fchemes, they defifted, becaufe they knew that the proteftants of the eftablifhed church are fo numerous, fo loyal, and courageous, that they would have been cut to pieces, had they attempted to rife in rebellion, which was the ultimate object of their machinations.‡

* Secret report of the houfe of commons, Appendix, No. VI. p.77. ‡They knew what achievements were performed in the year 1641, by the bravery and loyally of the Ennifkilleners.

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In fome parifhes in the diocefe of Dromore, where the majority of the inhabitants are of the eftablifhed church, and in others where they form a large portion of them, the people are moral, fober, and induftrious; becaufe thofe who are inclined to be difaffected, knew that the proteftants would rifk their lives and fortunes in fupport of the conftitution, and in the prefervation of peace and good order.

When the French were at Colooney, and fhewed an intention of marching towards the metropolis, the Roman catholicks in the vicinity of Belturbet, in the county of Cavan, shewed a difpofition to rife, in order to join them; but as the proteftants of the eftablifhed church in that county are numerous, loyal, and well armed, and as they were moftly united in Orange lodges, they would have cut the infurgents to pieces, had they rifen there; they retired then to the Ballinamore mountains, about feven miles diftant, and affembled there. Though the county of Cavan was in general very much difturbed by the defenders, they, for the above reafon, never dared to appear in the neighbourhood of Belturbet.

I mentioned before, the zeal of the prefbyterian minifters and the popifh priefts, to unite both their orders in the confpiracy.

This appeared in a very ftriking manner in the year 1797, particularly in the difturbed parts of Armagh and Down, whofe inhabitants were fo hoftile to each other, as peep-of-day boys and defenders, and to reconcile whom the united Irifhmen and Catholick committee shewed fo much earneftnefs.

In the fummer of 1797, an itinerant friar continued to preach in thefe counties, at Portaferry, in the barony of Lecale, and thence to Newtownards, to the populace of both perfuafions, both in popifh chapels, and in the fields; and to recommend to them union and fraternity, on grounds of chriftian benevolence.

His audience was always very numerous; but Mr. Savage of Portaferry, having been informed that he preached feditious doftrines, threatened to commit him to prifon, unlefs he quitted the country immediately.

I mentioned before that doctor Dickfon, a prefbyterian minifter, at Portaferry, gave evening ledtures to his flock, in the year 1797, as he faid, to enlighten them; but they were in fact political difcourfes,

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fimilar to thofe delivered by Thelwal, and were calculated for no other purpofe, but to diffeminate republican principles. It turned out afterwards, that he was an adjutant-general in the rebel army, for which he has been tranfported.

Many Northern gentlemen of fagacity have affured me, that they confidered the prefbyterians as sincere in fraternizing with the Roman catholicks, for the purpofe of forming a republick; and for this reafon, that if the government were fubverted by their united ftrength, they could not hope to fubjugate, and make them fubfervient to any finifter defigns which they might have entertained from the great fuperiority of their numbers.

When Dickey, a rebel leader, and a diffenter, was on the point of being hanged at Belfaft, he declared, that the eyes of the prefbyterians had been opened too late; and that they were convinced by the maffacres perpetrated by the Romanifts in the province of Leinfter, that they muft have had to contend with them, if they had fucceeded in overturning the conftitution.

A gentleman of great fagacity and judgment, who took a very active part in checking the progrefs of the confpiracy in the North, gave me this as his decided opinion: “That the Catholick committee hoped to fucceed in their ambitious fchemes, by alarming the government through the defenders; but finding that the prefbyterians would oppofe them with fuccefs, they endeavoured to gain them over to affift them in fubverting the conftitution, though in fact they only meant to lull them, till their object was accomplifhed, and then to have extirpated proteftants of every denomination.”

The clerk of the crown informed me, that he afked the reverend doctor Porter, a prefbyterian minifter, at Newtownards, a fhort time before he was put upon his trial, how a perfon of his education and connections came to be embarked in fo dreadful a rebellion? and he candidly acknowledged, that republican liberty was his object; and that when he faw that the French were actuated by nothing but a defire of conqueft and plunder, and not by the generous defign of promoting univerfal liberty, which they evinced by their treatment of the American deputies, he refolved to renounce his connection with the confpirators; but he found it too late, as his life would have fallen a facrifice to any attempt to do fo.

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He at the fame time attempted to defend his conduct, on the ground that every perfon had a right to form his own opinion on the eligibility of what kind of government he would wifh to live under. This doctrine has been inculcated by Price and Prieftley. This man was hanged in the rear of his conventicle at Gray Abbey.

I ftated before, that the flow progrefs of the organization of the North arofe from the great difficulty of uniting the prefbyterians and papifts. The following: aneedote will illuftrate it

A Romanift, who had been an active leader of the defenders, being in converfation, in the year 1794, with a prefbyterian, who was much addicted to French republican principles, in a mountainous parifh of the county of Tyrone, informed him, that the Romanifts had received orders from their committee, to confider the prefbyterians in future as brethren, and that they were both to fraternize. On which the latter, who had a gun in his hand, afked him to affift him in driving fome cattle from the mountains: To which the Romanift replied, “What! truft myfelf alone - with a prefbyterian with a gun!” So rooted was the antipathy of the Romanifts to the diffenters!

Samuel Neilfon ftated in his evidence before the fecret committee of the houfe of lords, that the military organization began in Ulfter in the autumn of 1796, and that the object of it was to carry meafures by force; and they muft have collected arms with great celerity, for it appears, that before the clofe of that year, the confpirators had, in Belfaft alone, five hundred and twenty-fix guns, three hundred and ninety-nine bayonets, eighty-eight piftols, five hundred and fixty-feven pikes, twelve thoufand one hundred and thirty ball-cartridges, fifteen thoufand nine hundred and fifty-three balls, five hundred and fixty-fix pounds of powder, fix cannon and one mortar; and in the county of Antrim, twenty-three thoufand and fifty-nine men, two thoufand fix hundred and fifty-nine guns, nine hundred and eighty-two bayonets, two hundred and four piftols, two thoufand three hundred and forty-eight pikes, eighty-five fwords, eighteen thoufand two hundred and fifty-three ball-cartridges, two thoufand three hundred and fifty-eight balls, fix hundred and twenty-eight pounds and an half of powder, eight cannon and one mortar.*

* Report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. II. p.23, 44.

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The reader may conceive, to what extent the people were armed, when, in the county of Kildare alone, fourteen thoufand nine hundred and feventy-three pikes were furrendered in the year 1797, in confequence of the pardon offered by government to the repentant, and of the falutary rigour and coercion exercifed againft thofe who were obftinate in guilt; and it was not doubted but that a much greater proportion was retained.

In other counties it was not doubted, but that the preparation for arms was as extenfive as the organization itfelf, from the number feized in different parts of the kingdom, which amounted to no lefs than one hundred and twenty-nine thoufand.*

The adoption of the military organization produced fuch an encreafe of robbery and affaffination in the Northern counties, as to induce a neceffity of enforcing the infurrection law in them; and accordingly Down and Armagh were proclaimed in November, 1796, Derry and Donegal in February, 1797

Regular returns were made by the baronial to the county, and by the county to the provincial committee, and by them to the executive, of the quantity of arms and ammunition in their poffeffion; and of the fums of money in their treafurers’ hands.

For this, and the manner of making the returns, I fhall refer the reader to the report of the secret committee, beginning at Appendix, No. II. p.21.

They had a regular chain or gradation of officers, from a general down to a ferjeant; and about the latter end of the year 1797, or beginning of 1798, they inftituted the office of adjutant-general, whofe duty may be feen in the report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. XVII. p.142.

They ufed unremitted endeavours, and fpared no expence in defending the confpirators who were to be tried; for which purpofe, a fub-committee attended regularly at every affizes to fuperintend the appropriation of the money collected for that purpofe.

John Hughes was fent by Mr. James McGuchin, an attorney, to Dublin, in order to get a licenfe for counfellor Curran to be concerned for the prifoners, then in the feveral gaols, on the North-Eaft circuit, in the Lent affizes of 1797, charged as united Irifhmen; and he paid him £50 as a retaining fee, and £200 for different licenfes to plead,

* Report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. XXXIX. || Ibid. Appendix, No. XV. p.116.

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The following report was made to a county of Down committee, of law expences on the trials of confpirators, June 8th, 1797:

At a provincial meeting held at Randalftown, December the fourteenth, 1797, it appeared, that the executive committee “had advanced £137. 8s. for conveying thirteen prifoners from Belfaft to Dublin, in the benefit of the habeas corpus act.” They had alfo advanced £185. 4s. for the prifoners’ trials in Armagh and Carrickfergus; and as they could not get money to defray the expence, they had thoughts of forming a lottery, the benefit of which was to be applied to faid purpofes;‡ but on the feventeenth of January, 1798, they rejected that plan, as it encouraged immorality in the people, and refolved to raife money by fubfcription. ||

I mentioned before that they endeavoured to baffle juftice by ftrlking terror into all loyal fubjects, and procuring fuch of them as had taken an active and confpicuous part in executing the laws, to be murdered. To render this fyftem more certain, they publifhed, in the fummer of 1797, a paper, entitled, The Union Star, which appeared at irregular periods; and of which the object was, to point out for affaffination fuch perfons as had been eminently ufeful in developing the fecrets, or in checking the machinations of the confpirators. Each number began with the following paragraphs:

“As The Union Star is an official paper, the managers promife the publick, that no characters fhall be hazarded, but fuch as are denounced

* Report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No, XIV. p.100. || Ibid. p.ic* ^. || Ibid. p.109.

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by authority, as being the partners and creatures of Pitt, and his fanguinary journeyman Luttrell, (meaning the earl of Carhampton.) The Star offers to publick juftice the following deteftable traitors, as fpies and perjured informers. Perhaps fome are more lucky than the reft, may reach his heart, and free the world from bondage.”*

This paper was fecretly, and in the night, difperfed in the city of Dublin, and in different parts of the country, but without any printer’s name annexed to it; and it pointed the dagger of the affaffin to the breaft of many a loyal fubjeft.*

They alfo fet on foot, in the winter of 1797, a newfpaper, called The Prefs, for the purpofe of vilifying the government, of reprobating its leading members, and of inciting perfons to murder them; of condemning, as founded in tyranny, every falutary meafure adopted for checking the progrefs of rebellion, and of traducing every loyal man who had courage enough to affift in doing fo.

So fure were the leaders of the united Irifhmen in Dublin that they had attained the^ grand object, that of uniting perfons of different religious orders, that the following paragraph appeared in The Prefs of the twenty-fixth of December, 1797:

“The catholicks and prefbyterians. are united in indiffoluble ties, like dying martyrs, in a common caufe, priding themfelves in mutual good offices, and for ever abjuring the barbarous fanaticifm that made them hate each other. From the proteftants of the eftablifhment, every man of worth, of talent, or of honour, has ranged himfelf by their fide; and nothing now remains, againft Irifh union, but twenty-five thoufand, aa near as may be, of bigots, hirelings, and dependents; juft enough to furnifh the lord lieutenant with addreffes.”

One of the main defigns of thefe infamous prints was, to paint England in the blackeft colours; to vilify her conftitution, as founded in defpotifm; and to reprefent her people as knavifh, artful and tyrannical: An extraordinary return to that glorious nation, for having., given to the favages of Ireland their conftitution, || as far as a kingdom, in her fubordinate ftate, could participate of it for having attempted to reclaim her people from

* Report of the fecret committee. Appendix, No. XXVTI, p.117.

|| The union has given it to them in the fulleft extent. Without it, they were flaves, depending on the breath of a minifter for the freedom they enjoyed.

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downright favagery, and for having introduced among them every art that can adorn or improve civil life! Thefe invectives againft England were uttered to encourage a feparation from her.

Much to the difgrace of government, this infamous paper, called The Prefs, was fuffered to diffeminate treafon and fedition, from the beginning of October, 1797, till the fixth of March, 1798; when, in confequence of information received that Mr. Arthur O’Connor, the fworn proprietor and owner of it, had been feized at Margate, in the actual attempt of taking his paffage for France, with Quigley the prieft of Dundalk, on whom treafonable papers were found, alderman Alexander, on Tuefday the fixth of March, feized the papers and printing materials of The Prefs.

Another feditious print inftituted at Cork by the united Irifhmen, and called The Harp of Erin, did infinite mifchief in Munfter.

To injure public credit, they publifhed printed notices, not to ufe excifeable commodities; not to take bank notes; and not to purchafe quitrents, as government had propofed to fell them. In thefe they faid, “In our opinion the iffuer of thefe notes is a bankrupt, who in all likelihood muft fhortly fhut up and run away. When the government goes down, thefe fine notes of theirs, with ftamps of hundreds and thoufands upon them, will not fetch a penny a pound in a fnuff-fhop.”

I think it right to inform the reader, that there is a more equal intermixture of proteftants of the eftablifhed church, of prefbyterians and papifts, in the counties of Donegal, Derry, Tyrone and Armagh, than in any other part of the kingdom; for this reafon the difaffected fhewed more boldnefs of enterprize and vigour of exertion in them, than in moft other parts of the kingdom, during the progrefs of the confpiracy; for the prefbyterians engaged in it, were men of fome education and improved intellect, and directed the operations; and the perfons who executed them were of the lower clafs of Roman catholicks,. who were defperate and fanguinary;* but the rebellion, had it broken out in them, could not have been very deftructive or of long continuance, the yeomen and orangemen were numerous, and were vigilant and active in detecting and baffting the fchemes of the traitors; befides the maffacres in the province of Leinfter made fuch of the prefbyterians, as were difaffected, unite with the

♦ The reader will not be furprifed at this from the maffacres which took place in the province of Leinfter.

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A practice, which I before mentioned, of affembling the people to dig the potatoes, or reap the corn of their leaders, took place often in thofe counties. It anfwered two purpofes, that of trying the fincerity of the people, and of convincing them of their ftrength, by the facility with which a number of them could be colletted in a fhort time. No lefs than fix thoufand perfons affembled to dig an acre and a half of potatoes, the property of one McClury, near Newtownlimavady in the county of Derry.

This body was regularly divided into companies, which were fubdivided into ten, with officers appropriated to each divifion.

This McClury was tried for having, with a numerous gang of affaffins, murdered one McClufky, and burnt his houfe, in the county of Derry, becaufe he would not join in a combination againft the rector of the parifh.

The jury, from motives of fear or corruption, acquitted him, though his guilt was evident; on which the lord chief baron recommended to the next of kin to bring an appeal of murder. It often occurred that the witneffes and jurors were afraid to do their duty.

The executive directory formed the higheft expectations of fuccefs in the beginning of the year 1797, from the number and zeal of their partizans, who were well armed and organized.

Robert Moore, of the city of Derry, ironmonger, who had been deputed from the county of Derry to the provincial meeting of Ulfter as their delegate, attended the next county meeting in November, 1796, at Garvagh, in order to impart to them the orders of the provincial. He informed them, that the French were expected immediately; that they muft array themfelves in companies of one hundred men each, with a captain, two lieutenants and five ferjeants; that they muft exercife conftantly, and procure arms by every means in their power; and he particularly recommended pikes.

They immediately began their nocturnal depredations in the counties of Tyrone, Derry, Donegal and Armagh, fo that no night paffed without fome dreadful enormities committed by them. To compel people to j-oin them by terror, they demolifhed or burnt houfes and haggards, deftroyed cattle, dragged people from their beds, cropped off their ears, ducked, maimed, or murdered them.

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ln December, 1796, they deftroyed the property and cut off the ear of one Lanaghan, in the barony of Loughinfholin, and county of Derry; at the fpring affizes of 1797, he profecuted three of them, but the jury acquitted them, it is fuppofed, from motives of terror.

In the month of December, 1796, a man unguardedly informed his family, that he faw a number of them exercifing in the night; which being reported to them, the moft moderate of them infifted on his leaving the country; but in attempting to do fo, he was murdered at Magilligan, in the county of Derry.

In January, 1797, Sir George Hill, with a party of the military, furprifed a body of rebels in the night, after they had plundered many houfes of arms near Derry, killed fome of them, and took others prifoners. Of the latter, a young man of the name of Bordman became approver. At the affizes, Sir George introduced him into a room, where the crown lawyers were, that he might relate to them the fubftance of his evidence. Seeing his examinations in the hands of Sir George Hill, he rufhed forward, fnatched them from him, tore them in pieces, and afterwards denied every thing he had fworn. He knew that he and all his family, who were numerous and refpectable, would have been affaffinated if he had profecuted.

Whenever the military affembled in the night, at Derry, to patrole the country in detachments, fignals were made by lights, through whatever diftrict: they paffed. In the winter of 1796, and the beginning of 1797, before thofe counties were proclaimed, thoufands were obliged to compromife with the rebels, to deliver up their arms, and to take the oath of fecrefy, to fave their lives; and gentlemen of good landed property were among thofe who did fo. At laft the well-difpofed called out for protection, which the introduftion of the infurrection law, and the inftitution of Orange focieties contributed materially to afford them. Anonymous letters were frequently written to loyal perfons, threatening them with deftruction, unlefs they became members of the union.

In the beginning of the year 1797, whole corps of yeomen were difarmed. At the fpring affizes of that year, very few delinquents could be convicted, as the witneffes and jurors, fome from terror, others from attachment to the caufe, acquitted them. At Omagh, Lifford, and Derry,*

* The county towns of Tyrone, Donegal and Derry.

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the acquittals were celebrated by bonfires in the night, for thirty miles round the country.

The day before the affizes at Derry, on the thirteenth of April, 1797, the county delegates held a meeting, and paid in large fubfcriptions, which had been previoufly collected for the ufe and defence of the prifoners in gaol, and appointed a fub-committee to manage and appropriate it.

In the winter of 1797, they became fo numerous and daring, that they ufed to patrole the country by night, in immenfe numbers, plunder houfes of arms, and cut down great quantities of afh trees to make pike handles.

In a diftrict called Fanet, in the county of Donegal, two thoufand of them affembled, and laid a plan to murder the reverend Mr. Hamilton, of which he received information upon oath from one of the party. He could not get a meffenger to convey a letter to Derry for a reinforcement of troops, and he had but a few foldiers in his houfe. He and a Mr. Smyth who commands a revenue cutter, difguifed themfelves in rags, as beggars, paffed the picquet guard of the rebels, which they kept conftantly, with the utmoft regularity, arrived fafe at Derry, and obtained an additional guard of one hundred men, which faved himfelf and his houfe for that time; but he was murdered in a fortnight after, within eight miles of Derry, by forty farmers who have since gone to America.

In fuch counties where the perfons poffeffed of property were proteftants of the church of Ireland, and of courfe were loyal, and the lower clafs of people were papifts, the confpiracy was not fo terrifick; becaufe the latter, who were engaged in it, wanted leaders of improved intellects.

Large fums of money were fent from Belfaft to Derry, to corrupt the military, and their fchemes were attended with very great fuccefs, particularly in the Tipperary regiment.

A plot of a very extenfive and dangerous natul^ for taking that town was difcovered, and that fome of the privates and non-commiffioned officers of that regiment were deeply engaged in it. Three or four publicans were to have intoxicated fuch of the foldiers as were not fworn. A chofen band were to have murdered the earl of Cavan, colonel Bagwell, and Sir George Hill, and to have feized the magazine.

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The confpiracy was to have been carried into execution on a market day, when ten thoufand of the country people were to have entered the town under the pretext of bufinefs. Different perfons, both foldiers and peafants, concurred exaftly in their relation of this plot.

The great linen bleachers were almoft univerfally obliged to countenance the converfion of their overfeers and workmen to the united caufe, that they might continue their bufinefs; but fome did fo from pure attachment to it. Such of them as were ftedfaft in their loyalty, were under a neceffity of difcontinuing their bleaching for the feafon.

As the reverend John Hill, brother of Sir George Hill, had diftinguifhed himfelf by great activity and courage in checking the progrefs of rebellion in the county of Tyrone, all the loyalifts in his neighbourhood lodged their arms in his houfe, which was guarded by four of the Queen’s county militia, and in which he had maintained his poft for many months.

One night in the month of June, 1797, when he happened to be abfent at Derry, five hundred rebels attacked his houfe, overpowered the guard, and carried off a large quantity of arms and ammunition, a confiderable portion of which had belonged to the military and yeomen; but Mr. Hill, at his return, partly by menaces, and partly by fevere and vigorous meafures, againft the rebellious inhabitants of the diftrict, compelled them to reftore the whole of what they had plundered.

In the barony of Ennifhowen, in the county of Donegal, (noted for defenders in the year 1793) the rebels cut down, and carried off, forty full grown afh trees for pike handles, and foon after difarmed half a yeomanry corps and many fmall parties of foldiers, as they went to their out-quarters in the country; but the burning of three houfes in that rebellious diftrict ftruck fuch terror into its inhabitants, that they returned all the arms they had taken, and furrendered many pikes.

The proclamation which iffued the feventeenth of May produced the beft effects in thefe counties; as it induced thoufands to repair to magiftrates to renounce their error, and to feek for protection.

In the month of January, 1797, the Ulfter provincial meeting was held at Stewartftown in the county of Tyrone, and they were very much offended becaufe a member of the executive did not attend. The famous father Quigley, afterwards hanged at Maidflone, being a member

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of the provincial, faid he knew where they fat at that time, and he conducted them to Dundalk, where they were then fitting. The provincial infifted on feeing them, which they refufed, but fent one of their members to confer with them. One of the directory commonly attended each provincial meeting, to receive money, to iffue out orders to the inferior focieties, and to obtain reports from them; but the whole of them were never known to any of the inferior focieties. Quigley muft have been very deep in their confidence, when he was entrufed with the time and place of their affembling.

Bartholomew Teeling was at that time a member of the directory.

In the counties of Fermanagh, Tyrone, Derry and Armagh, there were fourteen thoufand yeomen, and moft of them orangemen; and they were fo loyal, and fo well difciplined, that general Knox who commanded at Dungannon reported in the fummer of 1798, that he would reft the fafety of thefe counties on their fidelity and bravery; and, much to the honour of the prefbyterians, three-fourths of them were of that order.

In Tyrone, there were about five thoufand yeomen, the majority of whom were prefbyterians; and there were about four thoufand two hundred orangemen among them. In fo large a body there were not more than from two hundred to three hundred papifts.

Though the prefbyterians lay under a general imputation of being difloyal, it appears that a great portion of them were fteadily attached to the conftitution, and were ready to draw their fwords in its defence againft foreign and domeftick foes. After many minute enquiries, I could not difcover an inftance of a prefbyterian yeoman having violated his oath of allegiance; but it will appear that many fhameful inftances of the kind occurred among the Romifh yeomen in Leinfter, Connaught and Munfler. Though many diffenting minifters of the counties of Down and Antrim were difaffected, great numbers of them are diftinguifhed for exalted piety and unimpeached loyalty.

I have been affured by many gentlemen of fagacity and found judgment, who are well acquainted with the North, that moft of the prefbyterians feparated from the papifts in the year 1797, fome from principle, fome becaufe they doubted the sincerity of perfons of that order; and others, forefeeing that the plot muft fail and end in their deftruction,

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fook advantage of the proclamation of the feventeenth of May, and renounced their affociates. Numbers withdrew, becaufe they doubted of fuccefs without foreign affiftance.

The prefbyterians of the counties of Down and Antrim, where they are very numerous, and where they were warmly attached to the union from pure republican principles, thought they could fucceed without the papifts.

Many perfons, defirous of palliating the treafonable defigns of the union, have faid, that the reafon of their eftablifhing a refident agent at Paris was, the rejection of a plan of reform which was propofed in the houfe of commons in 1797, which would have fatisfied the people; but the palpable falfhood of this affertion, is evident from the journals of the houfe of commons; for the leaders of the confpiracy have all agreed, that their agent was difpatched to Paris in April, 1797, with directions to negotiate a treaty with the directory of France; and the motion for parliamentary reform, to the rejection of which they afcribe the million of Lewins, was not made till the fifteenth of May.* They have alfo attempted to palliate the treafonable defigns of the confpirators, and the enormities committed by them, by afcribing them to the feverity of the infurrection law; but it did not pafs into a law till the twenty-fourth of March, 1796, and was not enforced till the fourteenth of November following; and it was enacted, in confequence of a fyftem of midnight murder, robbery and outrage, begun in the year 1792, and brought to maturity in the year 1796, under the influence of the Irifh union, the leaders of which began a correfpondence with the French directory, between the month of June, 1795, and the month of January, 17965! which was long before either of the above events took place.

It fhould be recollected alfo, that fome of the leading members of the union were deeply concerned in the confpiracy with the reverend Mr. Jackfon, who came here from Paris in the year 1794, to lay a plan for invading the kingdom.

The leading principle of the confpirators in the provinces of Munfter, Leinfter and Connaught, was to join the French and extirpate proteftants,

* Report of the fecret committee of the houfe of lords of 1798, p, 13 and 14. † Ibidem.

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which the events that occurred in the courfe of the rebellion will prove in the two laft; and for a proof of this in the former, where the active and feafonable exertions of the magiftrates and the military prevented it from exploding, I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XI. where he will find the ftate of the counties of Clare, Tipperary, the county and city of Waterford, and the county and city of Cork.*

In the year 1798, the moft unqualified treafon and fedition continued to be diffeminated in all the jacobin prints, and had a very great effect in inciting the people to commit crimes of very great enormity. In the metropolis, and in the counties of Dublin, Meath, Kildare and Wicklow, and in many parts of Munfter, affaffination and the robbery of arms were conftantly perpetrated, and the difaffected continued to form traitorous combinations.

The fpeech of the viceroy fet forth the woeful and alarming ftate of the kingdom; and both houfes of parliament, in their addreffes, affured his excellency of their attachment to the king and conftitution, and their determination to rifk their lives and fortunes in fupport of them, and in maintaining the connexion between the two kingdoms.

In the month of January, the King’s county was fo much difturbed, that the gentlemen and freeholders, affembled by the fheriff on the fifth of February, entered into ftrong refolutions, and fubfcribed large fums of money for fuppreffing infurrections and maintaining focial order.

On the ninth of February, colonel St. George and a Mr. Jafper Uniacke were murdered by a popifh banditti at Arraglyn, in the county of Cork, in the houfe of the latter.

This month, Mr. Doolin, a proteftant, was barbaroufly murdered in his own houfe, in the King’s county, while fitting in the evening with his family; and it was discovered that fome of his own domefticks were concerned in the horrid deed.

As the mafs of the people in Dublin was at this time infected withtreafon, and as popifh fanaticifm feemed to be chiefly inftruraental in forwarding the progrefs of it, the proteftants formed Orange lodges, and united for their preservation in the month of January, 1798; and as the difaffected propagated malicious reports, that they had fecretly entered

into

* Doctor McNevin, a member of the directory and a Romanift, accounts for that in his evidence before the houfe of lords, by faying, that the Catholick priefts were well if cited to the caufe. Report of the fecret committee of the houfe of lords of 1798, Appendix, No. Ill,

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into combinations hoftile to the Romanifts, both the orangemen of Dublin and thofe of the province of Ulfter, to vindicate themfelves from fuch afperfions, publifhed a declaration of their principles in the publick prints.*

In the month of January, a foldier of the Tyrone militia, while ftanding as a centinel at Tralee, in the county of Kerry, was affaffinated by a man difguifed in woman’s clothes.

On Thurfday the twenty-fourth of January, a young man of the revenue corps of yeomanry was fired at near Blackrock, from behind a hedge, and was very badly wounded.

In the beginning of February, two ruffians of the names of Come and Carbery, were committed to MulHngar gaol for having confpired to murder George Clibborne, efquire, captain of the Moate cavalry; and four more to Philipftown gaol, for having combined to affaffinate Richard Holmes, efquire, of Prospect; two gentlemen diftinguifhed for their fpirited exertions in enforcing the execution of the laws. Thefe affaffins were fent from Dublin by the united Irifhmen, to commit thefe horrid crimes.

An attempt was made on the life of Mr. Darragh, of Eagle-hill, in the county of Kildare, an active magiftrate, who was fo obnoxious to the rebels on account of his zealous loyalty, and many plots were formed againft his life; but in order to provoke the vengeance of the difaffected, a report was circulated that he had taken an oath not to defift in his exertions, till he had waded up to his ankles in the blood of Roman catholicks. This report was propagated while he was abfent in England. At his return he made publlckly an affidavit, that he had never harboured fuch a fentiment. But this would not do; for he was condemned to die by a committee of affaffination that fat in the neighbourhood.

When walking in his lawn, in the month of March, a man in the guife of a fuppliant, prefented him a paper, under a pretext of feeking for juftice; and when he was engaged in perufing it, he drew a piftol, and having fired it at him, the ball entered his groin; and while in a difabled ftate, and writhing with pain, he drew another piftol, and fired it into his back, with the muzzle fo clofe, that both the ball and the wadding entered his body, and has never been extradted. Ever since this misfortune he has dragged on a miferable exiftence, having fuffered a great

* See it in Appendix, No. V.

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diftortion of his limbs, and being subject to dreadful fpafms, attended with excruciating pain.

At a provincial committee, held at Shanes-caftle, the firft of February, 1798, it was announced, “That three delegates had arrived from France; that the French expedition was going forward, and was foon expected; that three delegates had been fent from the united Britons to the national committee; and that from that moment they were to confider England, Scotland and Ireland, all as one people, acting for one common caufe; that there were legiftators now chofen from the three kingdoms to act as an executive for the whole; that they were now fure of obtaining liberty, though the French fhould never come; that the delegates fhould caufe the men to hold themfelves in readinefs, as the hour of action could not be far diftant; and that they fhould collect the names of all their enemies, and their places of residence.”* This was done moft effectually; and the loyal perfons were pointed out for affaffination in The Prefs and The Union Star.

On Saturday the feventeenth of February, the following advertifement was found by a gentleman ftuck againft the wall of St. Mary’s church, in Dublin:

“Liberty!” “Erin go braugh!”§ “You proteftant hereticks! Take notice, that mafs will commence in this church by the firft of May next; your blood fhall flow, and your fouls fhall be fent to the devil your grandfather.”

In the month of February, the earl of Moira came to Ireland, with a profeffed defign of appeafing the difturbances which difgraced his native country, by recommending to government to difcontinue the fyftem of rigorous coercion which they had for fome time adopted, and to which he attributed thofe evils; and by advifing them to relax the penal laws recently enacted, and to ufe mild and conciliatory meafures, as the only means of reftoring peace and focial order; and on the nineteenth of February, after having expatiated on, and enforced thefe fubjects in the houfe of lords, and recommended catholick emancipation and parliamentary reform, which he reprefented as neceffary to allay the difcontents of the people, he moved, “That an humble addrefs be prefented to his

* Report of the fecret committee. Appendix, No. XIV. p.iii. §This is Irifh, and fignifies, Ireland for ever!

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excellency the lord lieutenant, to ftate, that, as parliament had confided to his excellency extraordinary powers, in order to fupport the laws, and defeat traitorous combinations in this country, we feel it our duty, as thefe powers have not produced the defired effect, to recommend the adoption of fuch conciliatory meafures as may allay apprehenfion and difcontent.” He was oppofed by the earl of Clare, who, in a moft eloquent fpeech* refuted his lordfhip’s affertions, and traced the origin of the riots and infurrections of Ireland to their real fource. His lordfhip’s motion was negatived on a divifion of thirty-five to ten.

Experience has since evinced how much his lordffhip was miftaken; and the following incident proves how vain, how futile, and abfurd it is, for any perfon of high birth and large fortune to expect to gain the affections of the populace by ftooping to flatter their prejudices. His lordfhip had courted popularity in the county of Down, where he had refided and his eftate lay; and nobody can doubt but that he really merited it, from his humane and beneficent difpofition: And yet, at a county meeting of united Irifhmen held at Saintfield on the fourth of February, 1798, the following paragraph appeared in the courfe of their proceedings on that day:

“Nothing particular was done, except that earl Moira’s character was difcuffed at full length, to know, whether he was a man that could be depended on, or not, by the people? It was agreed, that he was as great a tyrant as the lord lieutenant, and a deeper defigning one!”†

On the fifth of March, Sir Laurence Parfons, in a long fpeech in the houfe of commons, recommended an enquiry to be made into the caufes of difturbance, and into the demands of the people, that they may conciliate them by conceding thofe demands, if they were reafonable, or by convincing them of the contrary, if they were inadmiffible. He recommended parliamentary reform and catholick emancipation as the moft likely means to allay the diftractions which then exifted; and he imputed them to the fevere and unneceffary fyftem of coercive rigour which the government of Ireland had exercifed for many years past. He ended his fpeech with the following motion: “That this houfe do forthwith refolve itfelf into a committee of the whole houfe, to confider whence the

* It is fo full of information, that I would recommend it to the perufal of every friend of Ireland, and of the empire. † Report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. XIV. p.1 14.

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difcontents in this country arife, and what are the moft effectual means of allaying the fame.” Lord Caftlereagh, in a long, an able, and an animated fpeech, contradicted his affertions, and refuted his arguments, by taking a retrofpect of the ftate of Ireland for many years preceding; and by deducing, from incontrovertible facts, that the only object of the traitorous combinations, unremittingly attended by nocturnal robbery and affaffination, was the fubverfion of the conftitution, and the feparation of the two kingdoms. On a divifion there appeared but nineteen members in fupport of the motion, and one hundred and fifty-fix againft it.

We cannot fufficiently applaud the wifdom and firmnefs of parliament, in refufing their affent to fuch wild and fatal conceffions, propounded by the earl of Moira and Sir Laurence Parfons; and if any proof of this were neceffary, it would be fupplied by a refolution entered into by the rebel provincial committees of Ulfter and Leinfter on the fame day, the nineteenth of February, 1798, and both in the fame words, one at Armagh, the other at Dublin: “That we will give no attention whatever to any attempt made by either houfe of parliament, to divert the publick mind from the grand object we have in view; as nothing fhort of complete emancipation of our country will fatisfy us.”

This dreadful confpiracy, which aimed at the deftruction of Ireland, its feparation from England, and confequently the fubverfion of the Britifh empire, was discovered and defeated in the following manner by the wifdom and mercy of Providence:

Mr. Thomas Reynolds, of the county of Kildare, where he had numerous and refpectable connexions, was bred to the bufinefs of a filk manufacturer, which he followed very extenfively for many years in the city of Dublin; but having acquired a landed property at Kilkea caftle, in his native county, he retired and refided there, fome years previous to the rebellion, and had confiderable influence among the Romanifts.

Lord Edward Fitzgerald and Oliver Bond, two leaders in the confpiracy, having, for thefe reafons, confidered him a proper perfon to affift in forwarding their treafonable defigns, practifed every art of feduction to attach him to their caufe; and having at laft fucceeded, be was fworn an united Irifhman at the houfe of Oliver Bond in Dublin, in the beginning of the year 1797, was induced to accept the commiffion of colonel,

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the offices of treafurer and reprefentative of the county of Kildare, and at laft that of delegate for the province of Leinfter.

Soon after he was raifed to this elevated fituation in the union, having difcovered that the confpirators, inftead of intending to reform the abufes of the ftate, and to abolifh all religious diftinctions, which was their profeffed object at firft, meditated the fubverfion of the conftitution, the maffacre of the leading members of government, and of fuch perfons as fhould oppofe their defigns, he refolved to defeat them, by embracing the firft opportunity of communicating them to fome perfon in whom he could confide.

He had very great friendfhip and refpect for Mr. Cope, an eminent merchant of the city of Dublin, who, having lamented to him in the courfe of converfation, the crimes and atrocities which were conftantly committed, and which were undoubted fymptoms of an approaching rebellion, Mr. Reynolds, upon whom his converfation made a very deep impreffion, faid, that he knew a perfon connefted with the united Irifhmen, who, he believed, would defeat their nefarious projects, by communicating them to government, in order to make an atonement for the crime he had committed in joining them. Mr. Cope affured him, that fuch a perfon would obtain the higheft honours and pecuniary rewards that the adminiftration could confer; and that he would be admired and applauded by the moft virtuous and valuable portion of fociety. But Mr. Reynolds faid, that nothing could tempt him to come forward and avow himfelf. However, after the moft earneft and preffing folicitations repeatedly made on the part of Mr. Cope, for whom he had filial reverence, he faid, that his friend would appear in perfon, and difclofe the particulars of the plot, on the following conditions: That he fhould not profecute any united Irifhmen; that the channel through which the information came fhould be kept a fecret, at leaft for a time; that as his life would be in danger upon its being known, and he muft leave the country and go to England till matters were fettled, which would derange his affairs, and put him to confiderable expence, he expected to receive fome compenfation. Mr. Cope then told him, that he might draw on him for any fum not exceeding five hundred guineas. On that, he told Mr. Cope, that the Leinfter delegates were to meet at Oliver Bond’s, on the twelfth of March, to concert meafures for an infurrection, which

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was fhortly to take place; but did not at that time acknowledge that the information came directly from him; but infinuated that it was imparted by a third perfon.

In confequence of this, juftice Swan, attended by twelve ferjeants in coloured clothes, arrefted the Leinfter delegates, thirteen in number, while fitting in council in the houfe of Oliver Bond in Bridge-ftreet, on the twelfth of March, 1798; and feized at the fame time the papers in Appendix, No. XII.* which led to the difcovery of the plot, and the intended infurrection; and on the fame day, Thomas A. Emmett, a barrifter, William James McNevin, Meffrs. Bond, Sweetman, Henry Jackfon and Hugh Jackfon: And warrants were granted againft lord Edward Fitzgerald, Richard McCormick and counfellor Sampfon, who were all leaders in the confpiracy; but the three laft made their efcape.

It is certain that the leaders of the confpiracy did not intend to bring forward an infurrection till the French came to their affiftance; and they meant in the mean time to continue to encreafe their numbers, and to add to their ftock of arms; but in the fpring of 1798, the delufion of the people was fo rapidly and fo extenfively yielding to the wife meafures of government, who, while they treated with feverity the obftinately guilty, in every inftance held forth mercy to the repentant; that the chief confpirators both in Dublin and in the provinces began to perceive that their caufe was lofing ground, and that they had no alternative but to hazard a general rifing, or to relinquifh their hopes.

The arreft of the Leinfter committee, and of many other leaders on the twelfth of March, tended fo much to the difclofure of their fatal defigns, and to break the links of their organization, that the confpirators found themfelves under an abfolute neceffity of making a defperate effort. A plan was therefore digefted by the military committee for a general rifing, in which it was propofed to feize Dublin,† the camp at Laughlinftown, and Chapehzod, the ftation of the artillery, on the fame night; and the counties of Dublin, Wicklow, and Kildare, were to co-operate in this attack.‡ The infurrection being commenced in the metropolis and its vicinity, the fignal for announcing it to the

* Report of the secret committee, Appendix, No. XIX. † Ibid. Appendix, No. XIV. ‡Ibid.

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North and South, which would alfo rife, was to be the detention of the mail coaches.*

During the months of February, March and April, robbery and affaffination continued to be perpetrated in different parts of the kingdom, and fhocking outrages were committed in the metropolis, particularly in Francis, Thomas, and James’s-ftreet; where the centinels on guard were frequently fired at.†

On the twenty-eighth of February, Arthur O’Connor and father Quigley, and three more traitors, were arrefted at Margate, when they were on the point of embarking for France, whither they were going to accelerate an invafion of Ireland, which the French republick at that time meditated, at the inftance of the Irifh executive directory.

On the feventh of March, Sir Henry Mannix, who had made himfelf obnoxious to the rebels by his activity as a magiftrate, was fired at and wounded near the city of Cork; where the confpiracy was more extenfive and terrifick than in Dublin.

Major Allen was ferved in the fame manner in the county of Kildare.

On the thirteenth of March, Mr. Buckley, a proteftant, and noted for his loyalty, was murdered near Rathcoole, in the county of Kildare, and butchered with ferocious barbarity; and it has been difcovered, that fome of the popifh yeomen of that place were concerned in the perpetration of this horrid act. One of their bayonets was found fticking in his body. About the fame time Mr. Burchell of Kilteele in the fame county was affaffinated. This month a centinel was murdered on his poft at Armagh.

It would exceed the extent of my defign, and fill the reader with horror and difguft, if I were to enumerate the affaffinations which took place at this time.

Every night great quantities of pikes were difcovered in the metropolis by the magiftrates; and fo eager were the leaders of the confpiracy to encourage the fabrication of them, that blackfmiths were detected in the act of making them even in the day.

So prone to infurrection were the lower clafs of people in Dublin, that in the month of April, a numerous mob of rebels rofe in the

* Report of the secret committee, Appendix, No. XIV. † The reader may form fome idea of the ftate of Dublin, from an affidavit in Appendix, No. XIII.

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liberty, and attempted to pull down the houfes of fome loyal perfons there, but were prevented by the yeomen.

An active and intelligent magiftrate of the city of Dublin informed me, that when he was granting licenfes to fome publicans in March, 1797, they boafted, with a ftern and infolent air, that that was the laft time they would apply for them; and that they made the fame declaration in March, 1798. So fure was the mafs of the people, that a complete fubverfion of the government would take place!

On the thirtieth of March, the lord lieutenant iffued a proclamation, giving the moft pofitive and direct orders to the officers commanding his Majefty’s forces, to employ them with the utmoft vigour and decifion for fuppreffing the traitorous confpiracy, for the deftruction of the conftitution, and the eftablifhed government, which broke out into acts of open violence and rebellion.

On the fixth of May, Mr. Reynolds was arrefted at Caftledermot by a party of the military, and conveyed a prifoner to Dublin.

On the eighth of the fame month, the united Irifhmen, by fome means or other, having difcovered that he had revealed, and in a great meafure defeated their machinations, formed many plots againft his life. He therefore found it neceffary to put himfelf under the protection of government, who provided him with apartments in the caftle.

As the members of the union, during his refidence there, circulated the moft infamous calumnies againft his character, he refolved, in its vindication, and to bring thofe mifcreants to condign punifhment, to difclofe the whole of their plots, and to profecute them.

Sometime in the month of April, 1798, Matthew Dowling, Meffrs. Bird, Stoyte, O’Neil, Bacon the tailor, and others, held a conference at Harold’s Crofs, about carrying off the children of lord Camden, or lord Clare, as hoftages; but they preferred thofe of the latter. One of the parties made a full confeffion of this to alderman James.

About the fame time, major Sirr received a pofitive information, which I drew, of a confpiracy to fhoot the lord chancellor, as he went to the courts.*

On the twenty-fecond of April, alderman Jenkin arrefted thirteen united Irifhmen fitting in deliberation in a wherry in the port of Dublin; for they found it unfafe to hold, their committee in the city, from the

* It was planned by one of the traitors fent to Scotland.

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great vigilance and activity of the magiftrates, who purfued and difcovered them in their lurking holes, and moft fecret receffes.

As it was difcovered through various channels of information, that lord Edward Fitzgerald was the principal leader of the confpiracy; and as it appeared by papers found in his writing defk, that his defigns were of a moft dangerous and malignant nature, a proclamation iffued on the eleventh of May, offering a reward of £1,000 for apprehending him.

As great numbers of people, charged with feditious and treafonable practices, had fled from different parts of the kingdom to Dublin, for the purpofe of fecreting themfelves, and eluding juftice, the lord mayor, on the fame day, iffued a proclamation, requiring all houfekeepers in the city or liberties thereof, to return a lift of fuch ftrangers as fhould be lodged or entertained by them.

On Wednefday the ninth of May, fheriff Hone feized fome pike heads in the houfe of Mr. Sweetman, who had been fo long the fecretary of the Catholick committee.

On the night of May the eleventh, juftice Swan, major Sirr, and captain Ryan difcovered and feized five pieces of cannon, two fix-pounders, and three four-pounders, in a brewer’s yard in North Kingftreet; and on Thurfday preceding, major Sirr feized in Bridgefoot-ftreet, five hundred pike handles, from nine to fourteen feet long.

It was obferved that the confpirators kept the pike heads and the handles feparate, at leaft in the metropolis, as they could mount them with the utmoft celerity; and the lofs of one did not involve that of the other.

On the twelfth of May, feven delegates were fent by the united Irifhmen from the metropolis to Chapelizod, to feduce the corps of artillery, and attempted to fwear them to fpike the guns; but much to their honour, they difclofed the infernal fcheme of thefe traitors, who were arrefted and committed. On the fame day a large quantity of arms was feized in a houfe on the Cuftom-houfe quay by juftice Swan, an active and intrepid magiftrate, by whofe zealous exertions the moft effential fervice was rendered at this alarming and critical juncture.

On the night of that day, a man of the name of Lynch was found murdered in Watling-ftreet.

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On the night of the thirteenth of May, Mr. Sirr, the town major, and captain Ryan, two magiftrates diftinguifhed for their unabated zeal and undaunted courage, feized four pieces of cannon in a houfe in Townfend-ftreet, and next day a fwivel concealed at Ring’s-end.

On the eighteenth of May, juftice Drury feized a blackfmith in Thomas-ftreet at noon day, in the act of forging pikes; and he led him through the ftreets to the Caftle, with his head and fhoulders garnifhed with a number of them, and thence with two of his affiftants to prifon.

As lord Edward Fitzgerald had abfconded ever since the twelfth of March; as government had the ftrongeft reafons for thinking that he was unremittingly attentive in forwarding the confpiracy in which he was fo deeply engaged; and as he had always difplayed great courage, and confiderable abilities as an officer, they were under apprehenfions that he was doing very great mifchief wherever he happened to be.

On the eighteenth of May, major Sirr having received pofitive information that he would pafs through Watling-ftreet that night; that he would be preceded by a chofen band of traitors, as an advanced guard: and that he would be accompanied by another, repaired thither, attended by captain Ryan, Mr. Emerfon of the attorney’s corps, and a few foldiers in coloured cloaths. The met the party which preceded him, and had a fkirmifh with them on the quay at the end of Watling-ftreet, which fome fhots were exchanged; and they took prifoner, one of them who called himfelf at one time Jamefon, at another time Bond.

The arreft of lord Edward Fitzgerald, which was effected next day, the mneteenth of May, in the following manner, tended very much to defeat the malignant defigns of the confpirators, as he was the chief projector of the intended infurrection, and they entertained the higheft opinion of his courage and military abilities:

Government, having received pofitive information that he had arrived in Dublin and was lodged at the houfe of one Murphy, a featherman in Thomas-ftreet, fent major Sirr to arreft him. He, attended by captain bwan of the Revenue corps, and captain Ryan of the Sepulchre’s, and eight foldiers difguifed, about five o’clock in the evening repaired in coaches to Murphy’s houfe. While they were pofting the foldiers in fuch a manner as to prevent the poffibility of an efcape, captain Swan, perceiving

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a woman run haftily up flairs, for the purpofe, as he fuppofed, of alarming lord Edward, followed her with the utmoft fpeed; and, on entering an apartment, found lord Edward lying on a bed, in his dreffing jacket. He approached the bed, and informed his lordfhip that he had a warrant againft him, and that refiftance would be vain; and he affured him, at the fame time, that he would treat him with the utmoft refpect.

On that, lord Edward fprang from the bed, and fnapped a piftol, which miffed fire, at captain Swan. He then clofed with him, drew a dagger, gave him a wound in the hand, and different wounds in the body; one of them under the ribs was deep and dangerous, and bled moft copioufly.

At that moment captain Ryan entered, and miffed fire at lord Edward with a pocket piftol; on which he made a lunge at him with a fword cane, which bent on his ribs; but affected him fo much, that he threw himfelf on the bed, and captain Ryan having thrown himfelf on him, a violent fcuffle enfued, during which lord Edward drew a dagger, and plunged it into his fide. They then fell on the ground, where captain Ryan received many defperate wounds; one of which in the lower part of his belly was fo large, that his bowels fell out on the floor. Major Sirr, having entered the room, faw captain Swan bleeding very much, and lord Edward advancing towards the door, while captain Ryan on the floor, and in the woeful ftate which I defcribed, was holding him by one leg, and captain Swan by the other, he therefore fired at lord Edward with a piftol, and wounded him in the fhoulder, on which he cried out for mercy, and furrendered himfelf. His lordfhip was then conveyed to the caftle, but was on the point of being refcued before he left Thomas-ftreet; for Edward Ratigan, a major of the rebels, affembled a great number of them, and gave them a confiderable quantity of carbines and pikes out of St. Catherine’s watchhoufe, of which he was a director, and called on them to refcue lord Edward; and which they would have effected, but that major Sirr received the affiftance of the Rainsford-ftreet guard, and the picquet guard of the caftle, confifting moftly of cavalry, for which he had feafonably fent a meffenger.

Samuel Neilfon confeffed afterwards, that he was in another quarter with five hundred pikemen, and that he would have attempted a refcue, had not the guards arrived in due time.

Edward

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Edward Ratigan, and Patrick Gallagher a rebel colonel, feized Mr. Cufack, a loyal fubjeft of the Revenue corps, that evening, kept him a prifoner fome time, and threatened his life if he gave information of what he had feen of their conduct.

In confequence of this, major Sirr, who was fometime convinced of the difaffection of Ratigan, fearched his houfe on the Monday following, and having found there many ftand of arms, a large quantity of ammunition, and fome thoufand printed oaths of the united Irifhmen, demolifhed his houfe, and burnt a large quantity of timber which he found in his yard.

Captain Ryan received no lefs than fourteen wounds, of which he died a few days after, univerfally and defervedly lamented; as he was a man of great probity and firmnefs of mind, and a zealous loyalift.

The arreft of lord Edward vifibly occafioned a ftrong fenfation among the mafs of the people in Dublin, as their hopes of getting poffeffion of the metropolis on the approaching infurrection which they meditated, refted much on his valour and fkill as an officer. Numbers of them were feen going from one part of the town to the other, with a quick pace and a ferious countenance. Others were perceived in fmall parties, converfing with that ferioufnefs of countenance and energy of gefticulation, which ftrongly indicated the agitation of their minds. A rifing to effect a refcue was expected that night; the yeomen therefore, and the garrifon, which it was to be lamented was very thin, remained on their arms all night, and were fo judicioufly difpofed as to prevent the poffibility of an infurrection.

By the papers found in lord Edward’s writing-box, and on his perfon, the extent of the plot, and the malignant defigns of the perfons engaged in it, were difcoverable.*

Major Sirr found in his lodgings at Murphy’s a green uniform, turned up with black, and a curious cap of the fame colour, which he was to have worn when he headed the infurrection; and at the fame time the official feal of the Irifh union.

The plan for taking a city, found among lord Edward’s papers, alludes to Dublin, shews the bold defigns of the rebels, and how terrifick the

* See them in Appendix, No. XIV.

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infurrection would have been, but that it was defeated by the vigilance of government.

Meffrs. Henry and Jahn Sheares, brothers, both barrifters, and natives of Cork, and Patrick Byrne, a bookfeller of Grafton-ftreet, were arrefted and committed on charges of high treafon, on Monday the twenty-firft of May. In the houfe of the former a magiftrate found a proclamation,* which shewed the fanguinary defigns of the rebels. It was to have been publifhed and circulated the morning after the intended infurrection and maffacre had taken place.

On the morning of the twenty-firft of May, lord Caftlereagh, by the defire of the lord lieutenant, wrote to the lord mayor to acquaint him, “That his excellency had difcovered that the difaffected in the city and neighbourhood of Dublin, had formed a plan of poffessing themfelves, “in the courfe of the prefent week, of the metropolis, and of feizing the “executive government, and thofe in authority within the city.”

The government and the loyal fubjects ftill continued in an awful ftate of fufpenfe, as the frequent difcovery of the fabrication of pikes, even at noon-day, and of treafonable committees forming plans of infurrection, unqueftionably evinced that the volcano was on the point of burfting.

On the twenty-fecond of May, 1798, lord Caftlereagh prefented a meffage to the houfe of commons, from his excellency the lord lieutenant, “That his excellency had received information that the difaffected had been daring enough to form a plan, for the purpofe of poffeffing themfelves, in the courfe of the prefent week, of the metropolis, of feizing the feat of government, and thofe in authority within the city; that, in confequence of that information, he had directed every military precaution to be taken, which feemed expedient; that he had made full communication to the magiftrates, for the direction of their efforts; and that he had not a doubt, by the meafures which would be purfued, the defigns of the rebellious would be effectually and entirely crufhed.”

To this meffage, the houfe of commons voted an addrefs, “To affure his excellency that the intelligence which it communicated, filled them

* Appendix, Nu. XIII.

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with horror and indignation, whilft it raifed in them a fpirit of determined refolution and energy; that they relied on the vigilance and vigour of his excellency’s government which they trufted would continue unabated, until the confpiracy, which fo fatally exifted, would be utterly diffolved.”

The fpeaker and all the members immediately waited on his excellency with the addrefs; and to fhew their zeal, and to encreafe the folemnity of the proceeding, they walked through the ftreets on foot, two and two, preceded by the fpeaker, the ferjeant at arms, and all the officers of the houfe.

The government and the loyal fubjects ftill continued in a woeful ftate of fufpenfe and tribulation, not knowing on what night the infurrection would take place; and it is probable that they would have been furprifed and murdered in their beds, but that it was fortuitoufly difcovered a few hours before the rebels were to have rifen.

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THE BREAKING-OUT OF THE REBELLION.

THE earl of Ely commanded a corps of yeomen cavalry at Rathfarnham, a village about three miles diftant from Dublin, of which a ferjeant and twelve men mounted guard every night, and patroled through the adjacent country.

Lord Camden, having received information that the rebels meant to attack and cut off that fmall party, on the night of the twenty-third of May, 1798, recommended to the commanding officer that the whole troop fhould mount guard, which, eventually, was very fortunate; for foon after they were affembled, a man, about nine o’clock, went to lieutenant Latouche, who commanded on that night, and offered to conduct him to a place where two hundred rebels were affembled; but on arriving there, there was no appearance of them. It proved afterwards, that the defign of this traitor was to have led the patrole, confifting of a ferjeant and twelve men, into an ambufh, by which they would have been cut off; but a numerous body of rebels, who meditated their deftruction, intimidated by the unexpected arrival of the whole troop, concealed themfelves in the adjacent hedges.

At their return to Rathfarnham, they were informed by a perfon, fuppofed to be connected with the rebels, that the village would be attacked, and that they would be difarmed by a numerous body of them, who were affembling on the mountains. Lieutenant Latouche having urged the neceffity of communicating this intelligence to the viceroy, Samuel Bennet, a private in the corps, and fon of Samuel Bennet, a coachmaker in Aungier-ftreet, with laudable ardour, offered his fervice on the occafion, and carried a letter to the viceroy; who returned for anfwer, that no troops could be fent to them, as an infurrection in the metropolis was apprehended and his excellency defired that exprefs fhould be fent to him, if the rebels fhould appear to move towards the city.

The corps, having heard two fhots fired, proceeded to Harold’s-crofs, and were informed there, that the rebels, about five hundred in number,

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and varioufly armed, had paffed through Rathfarnham in their abfence, and had proceeded towards Crumlin, headed by David Keely, a deferter from their troop.

Mr. Bennet returned to Rathfarnham in the abfence of his rroop, and having heard a great fhouting at a place called the Ponds, he repaired there, and faw a great concourfe of rebels armed with mufkets, pikes and piftols, and was on the point of being furrounded by them. They had two carts laden with pikes and ammunition, which they were to have diftributed among fuch rebels as fhould join them in their progrels. He therefore, with great fortitude, and with that zealous loyalty which would have procured wealth and fame for a perfon in a lefs humble fituation, undertook the perilous fervice of communicating to the viceroy what he had feen; and it was really perilous, for the rebels in great numbers were rifen, and were in the road and in the adjacent fields as he went to Dublin. In the city, particularly in the fuburbs, he faw a great number of rebels with pikes, in gate-ways, alleys and ftable-lanes, waiting the beat of their drums, and the approach of rebel columns from the country, which they expected; and as he paffed, they frequently cried out, animating each other, “Come, on boys! who’s afraid?”

A lady, refident at Rathfarnham, informed me, that they paffed clofe by her houfe, with two carts filled with pikes, which made a dreadful rumbling noife, and which, joined to their yells, filled her with horror. As they proceeded they cried out frequently, “Liberty, and no king!”

Befides the above Keely, they had as leaders two men of the names of Ledwich and Wade, Roman catholicks, and deferters from lord Ely’s corps, Edward Keogh and James Byrne, all of the fame perfuafion, and In very good circumftances. They proceeded to the Fox and Geefe common near Clondalkin, where a numerous body of rebels were to have affembled, and to have proceeded thence to Dublin, for the purpofe of co-operating with its difaffected inhabitants, in a general infurrection.

The corps of yeomanry, at their return to Rathfarnham, having difcovered that the rebels had rifen, immediately fent intelligence of it to the viceroy, who communicated it to the lord mayor, and to the principal civil and military officers in the metropolis, and ordered them to take the moft decifive and vigorous meafures to defeat the malignant defigns of the infurgents.

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The yeomen, in number about three thoufand five hundred, and the few military who were in garrifon, repaired to their refpective alarm-pofts, with uncommon celerity; and as it was known, that a ftrong fpirit of difaffection had exifted among the troops quartered at Lehaunftown camp, feven miles from Dublin; and as it was fufpected that they would come to the affiftance of the infurgents in the metropolis, the lord mayor, alderman Thomas Fleming,* pofted the city of Cork regiment, noted for its loyalty, with their two battalion guns, at the North fide of Stephen’s-green, and remained all night at their head.

It very fortunately happened, that the two canals formed a complete fortification on the North and South fides of the city, being fifty feet broad, and twelve deep. The Royal canal, extending from the river Lilfey to the Broad-ftone on the North, and the Grand canal completely environed the South, from the river on the Eaft fide, to the Royal hofpital. The bridges on it, which the troops occupied, were at fuch diftances, that they could have flanked the intermediate fpace, and prevented an enemy from paffing over the canal; and in a day or two after the rebellion broke out, pallifades and gates were erected on the bridges; however it was afterwards difcovered that many rebels had paffed over the bridges before the troops took poft on them. The bridges on the river which bifected the city, were alfo occupied, and difconcerted the rebels by cutting off all communication between them on either fide.

It has been fince difcovered and proved, that the rebel drums were to have beaten to arms, an hour after ours; and it is well known, that if they had preceded us by ever fo fmall a fpace of time, the fate of the city and its loyal inhabitants would have been decided; for the mafs of; he people, armed with pikes and other weapons, were lurking in lanes, alleys and bye-places, ready to ftart forth on the firft beat of their drums, and would have occupied all the ftreets, and affaffinated the yeomen before they could have reached their refpective ftations; and the fafety of the metropolis depended chiefly on them, as there were but few regular troops in it.

* I think it is a tribute due to this gentleman to fay, that he difplayed fitigular fagacity, Rood fenfe and firmncfs at this alarming period; and his attention and humanity to the laffering proteftants, who fled to Dublin from the daggew of the affaffins, after the lofs »f their property, fhould never be forgotten.

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There were many alarming indications of the defperate defigns of the rebels, even before the alarm was given by the viceroy. The doors of the loyal fubjects, particularly the yeomen, were marked with chalk, to point the rebel vengeance againft them; and knowing that darknefs would be favourable to the accomplifhment of their traitorous purpofes, they prevailed on the lamp-lighters not to do their duty.

The lord mayor, being very much alarmed at perceiving that the lamps were not lighted, fent to the board that fuperintends that bufinefs, to know the reafon of it; and they returned in anfwer, that the lamp-lighters were deeply concerned in the plot the yeomen therefore compelled thefe traitors, at the point of the bayonet, to light the lamps.

The gate-ways and lanes in Church-ftreet, and Mary’s-lane, were crowded with pike-men. Numbers were feen in the way leading to the burial ground of St. Michan’s, and pikes were found concealed there next morning.

As the rebels expected that the Rathfarnham corps of cavalry would come to the relief of the city, they planted a number of men with mufkets behind a wall in New-ftreet, to fire on them as they entered.

It was proved that two fmiths, employed in the ordnance, had been reduced and bribed to fpike all the cannon there.

In the watch-houfes of St. Luke, St. Catharine, and Vicar-ftreet, the carabines were left charged, that the rebels might feize them.

It is a pofitive fact, that near three thoufand men entered the city on the North fide of it, through one turnpike, on the evening and the night of the twenty-third of May, for the purpofe of joining the infurgents.

Samuel Neilfon meditated an attack upon Newgate, for the purpofe of refcuing lord Edward Fitzgerald, and other ftate prifoners who were confined there; and he was to have been affifted by a numerous band of rebels, to whom he had affigned their different ftations the preceding night,*

Southwell McClune, a rebel colonel, who had furrendered himfelf to government, and obtained his pardon, declared upon oath, that Neilfon had affembled at a houfe in Church-lane, a noted rendezvous for rebels, fifteen colonels; and having produced a map of Dublin, affigned to each the poft which he and his regiment were to occupy that night.

* John Sheares oppofed his defign. See his letter found in Neilfon’s pocket, Appendix XIII.

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A numerous party of his followers were about Clontarf, and in the demefne of Sir William Newcomen; another party in the fields contiguous to Eccles-ftreet.

When Neilfon went to reconnoitre Newgate, about ten o’clock at night, he formed a line of pofts at certain intervals, in order to have them called fpeedily to his affiftance.

It appeared afterwards by information upon oath, that the officers of the rebel corps, pofted near Eccles-ftreet, were one Kearney of Abbey-ftreet, a member of the Merchants corps, who held the rank of colonel in it; one Byrne of the hotel in Earl-ftreet, was lieutenant colonel, and one Whelan was major, all Roman catholicks.

Captain Medlicote of the Rotunda corps of yeomanry feeing a large body of people affembled in Eccles-ftreet, defired them to difperfe, on which one of them fnapped a piftol at him.

A party of the Merchants corps of cavalry, who were ordered to patrol at Clontarf, hearing the drums beat to arms in Dublin, returned rapidly to it, thinking that the infurrection had begun. They fortunately went by the Strand road; for had they gone by the upper one, near Sir William Newcomen’s, they would have been cut off by a numerous party of rebels, who were on each fide of the road.

Neilfon, in his attack upon Newgate, was to have been feconded by a large body of rebels, headed by one Seagrave, who was to have taken poffeffion of Mr. Halpin’s diftillery, at the corner of Pettycoatlane, the windows of which flanked it, and were to have kept up a conftant fire on the front of the prilon; while another party fcaled its walls in a different quarter.

Mr. Gregg, the gaoler of Newgate, perceiving a perfon reconnoitreing it between nine and ten o’clock, approached him; but jon doing fo, he turned away, and endeavoured to conceal his face. Gregg, on clofing him, recognifed Neilfon; and having feized him, a fcuille enfuvd, in the courfe of which he proftrated him on the ground, and threw himfelf oh him. After ftruggling fome time, Neilfon drew a piftol from his bofom, and endeavoured to fire it; but Mr. Gregg was fo fortunate as to let the powder out of the pan.

While this conflict lafted, he expected to be perforated by the doggers of the affaffins, which probably would have been the care, but

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that two yeomen came up, drew their fwords, and defired Mr. Gregg to do his duty. At laft, with their affiftance, he overpowered and committed him. On this fortunate event, fome thoufand rebels, who were to have co-operated with him, and were on the tip-toe of infurrection, having loft their leader, difappeared.

The large body of rebels armed with pikes and mufkets, which had affembled in Eccles-ftreet and its environs, were fo terrifick to the inhabitants of that quarter, that a number of well-dreffed women fled in the greateft confternation about ten o’clock to Mr. John Claudius Berefford’s riding fchool, and claimed the protection of his corps.

Major Sirr ftopped a man on Cork-hill, about ten o’clock at night, with fix pike heads, which he was going to get mounted. Sir John Macartney, in proceeding to Smithfield, the alarm-poft of the Attornies corps, which he commanded, and of the Lawyers and Barrack corps, having obtained intelligence that numbers of fufpicious perfons were affembled in Greek-ftreet, near Pill-lane, went thither with fix or feven of his corps, and perceiving a man paffing by, he feized him by the breaft, and hearing fomething rattle under his coat, about a dozen pike heads of excellent workmanfhip, tied up in a piece of cloth, fell to the ground; and captain Furlong of the fame corps who was of his party, caught as many more falling on his other fide. He faid his name was Murphy, and that he had received thofe pike heads from one Ryan a ftone-cutter. Keeping Murphy a prifoner, they proceeded to Greek-ftreet, where they heard fome rebels were affembled; but they being alarmed, went through a back paffage to Church-ftreet, and crossing the tops of fome houfes, they were fired at by another party of the Attornies corps, who foon after apprehended a man concealing himfelf in St. Michan’s church-yard, with feveral pikes lying by him.

On examining this man at the guard-houfe, he faid that his name was Ryan, and that he was a ftone-curter; but declared that he was perfectly ignorant of Murphy: that he knew nothing of pikes, or pike heads; and that he fled into the church yard merely to avoid the firing: and Murphy, on being confronted with Ryan, pretended that be was unacquainted with him; but on receiving a few lafhes with a cat-and-nine tails, their recolleftion being reftored, they acknowledged that Murphy was ferjeant in a company of united Irifhmen, of which Ryan

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was captain; and that they were waiting for the orders of Neilfon to rife in arms that night, in concert with fome thoufands of that body, to liberate the prifoners in Newgate and Kilmainham, and to furprife the caftle and the city.

In confequence of the intelligence received from Murphy and Ryan, they repaired to a yard in Dirty-lane near Thomas-ftreet, and found a great quantity of ready-made pikes, fome pike-heads and pike-handles, a paper of new nails, and a hammer clofe to it, for the purpofe of mounting thofe weapons; and feveral newly-finifhed pikes.

In the fame yard, they found a travelling forge, which, from its conftruction, appeared to have belonged to his Majefty’s board of ordnance; but the motto written on it at that time, in chalk, was, God damn the king.

On the information of Ryan and Murphy, they apprehended many united Irifhmen, and feized arms of various defcriptions; one parcel of pikes in particular, in an obfcure garden behind Eccles-ftreet, buried about two feet and a half under ground, and cabbages planted over them. They were fifteen feet long and perfectly well finifhed.

Great numbers of men having pike-heads concealed were thus difcovered in going from one part of the city to the other.

The caftle was to have been attacked in front and in rear, by two defperate bands of ruffians, armed with piftols and cutlaffes. A felect band was to have afcended with long ladders into the bed-chambers of the principal members of government, and to have murdered them, or carried them off as hoftages.

The city was to have been fet on fire in different places; and the bafon, which fupplied it with water, and the pipes through which it was conveyed were to have been deftroyed.

As it was intended that the infurrection fhould be general all over the kingdom, and as foon as poffible after it took place in Dublin, it was agreed that the rebels in remote parts fhould rife, if the mail-coaches which fet out daily from the metropolis did not arrive at their refpective deftinations as ufual.

The Belfafh coach therefore was deftroyed and burnt near Santry, the Cork mail coach at Naas, and that going towards Athlone at Lucan. The perfons who performed that fervice at Santry, defired the inhabitants of

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the neighbouring cottages to rife and join them; having affured them that the caftle and city of Dublin were at that time in poffeffion of their friends.

Near the Curragh of Kildare, the rebels murdered the guard, and the coachman of the mail-coach going to Limerick.

Numerous bodies of rebels were advancing towards Dublin, from Kilcock, Maynooth, Leixlip and Chapelizod;* another party from towards the Black Bull; but bdng informed by their fpies and videts that the garrifon was under arms, they retreated. Holt, a rebel leader, was to have defcended from the Wicklow mountains, as foon as he had received intelligence that the rebels had rifen in Dublin.

For fome nights, previous to the twenty-third of May, fires were feen on the Wicklow mountains, whofe luminous appearance by night, and whofe fmoke by day, ferved as fignals to the difaffected in the metropolis, and in all the adjacent country. The fame praftice took place on all the mountains which extend from the Scalp in the county of Wicklow, to Mount Leinfter in the county of Wexford.

From a houfe in an elevated fituation in Dublin, I could difcern them at a great diftance with a telefcope; and it is aftonifhing with what celerity they encreafed or diminifhed the number of them, by which they anfwered in fome degree the purpofe of a telegraph.

From the circumftances which appeared on the trials of Weldon, Brady, Hart, the confpirators againft Hanlon, and thofe of Dunn and Carty, which I have already quoted, the reader muft be convinced that the mafs of the Roman catholicks in Dublin harboured the moft fanguinary defigns againft their proteftant fellow-subjects, whom they meant ultimately to have extirpated, though they had inveigled a few of them.

The wanton barbarities indifcriminately committed by them on all perfons of the eftablifhed religion, in the counties of Wexford, Wicklow, Carlow and Kildare, muft remove every doubt in our minds on that fubjeft.

We may well conceive then how far the licentious and deftructive rage of the popifh multitude in the metropolis would have extended, but that the feafonable difcovery of the intended infurrection, by the wifdom and

* It appeared by the papers found on the perfon of lord Edward Fitzgerald, that he planned this before hand.

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mercy of Providence, enabled the yeomen to come forward with their united force, and to prevent it from taking place.

The fun never rofe on fuch a fcene of carnage and conflagration as the metropolis would have ex:hibited on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May; for it appears from various fources of information, prefented to the publick by the fecret committee of the houfe of commons, that the inhabitants of the counties of Dublin, Wicklow and Kildare, were to have rufhed into the city as foon as the infurgents had fucceeded in getting poffeffion of it, or as foon as the conflict had begun; and it was expected, that the North and South would have rifen in confequence of the detention of the mail-coaches, which was the fignal for that purpofe.

The proclamation found in the houfe of the Meffrs. Sheares,* and which they intended to have circulated on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May, will fhew the reader the malignant defigns of the leaders of the confpiracy; and we cannot entertain a doubt, but that the inferior rebels would have exceeded and prevented their wifhes and expectations.

All the loyalifts would have been affaffinated; their wives would have been violated by the ruthlefs pikemen, that murdered their huftands; the accumulations of induftry would have been pillaged; every monument of the elegant arts would have been defaced or deftroyed; and whatever might have efcaped the rapacious and deftructive rage of the rebel plunderer, would probably have fallen a prey to the flames.

The dangers which impended over the metropolis, were very much encreafed by the following circumftance:

It was difcovered that near nine-tenths of the Roman catholicks in the yeomanry corps were united Irifhmen, and had taken an oath to be true to the rebels, in direct contradicthon to their fworn allegiance;† and that many of them, after having taken the united oath, had, by deliberate and predetermined perjury, joined the yeomanry corps for the purpofe of getting arms in their hands, learning the ufe of them, and turning them againft the loyalifts, perhaps, in the very moment of danger.

The confequences might have been horrible, had they not been prevented by a timely difcovery; for if any of the projefted nightly infurrections had taken place, the loyal yeoman, roufed from his bed, might have treacheroufly fallen by the bayonets of thofe whom he haftened to join as friends and fellow-foldier.

* Appendix XIII. See alfo lord Edward Fitzgerald’s plan of attacking a city, Appendix XIV. † See pages 39 and 40. This sanctioned by the Romifh church.

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It is remarkable, that in the city of Dublin, above two thoufand catholicks folicited admittance into the feveral yeomanry corps during the fix weeks immediately preceding the infurrection; and that moft of them were propofed by catholick yeomen, who afterwards either proved to be rebels, or were difarmed on ftrong fufpicion.

In one company of the Rotunda divifion infantry, there were, at the .breaking-out of the rebellion, twenty-two privates yeomen catholicks; and of thefe fourteen were proved to be fworn united Irifhmen, fome of them deeply concerned in the plans of infurrection and maffacre; fix others were difarmed on fufpicion of the ftrongeft kind; fo that two only remained faithful out of twenty-two. All thefe men had frequently and anxioufly endeavoured to introduce feveral of their friends into the corps, infomuch as to produce ftrong diffenfions in the company.

The popifh yeomen of the St. Sepulchre’s corps confpired to affaffinate their proteftant officers and fellow-foldiers, who were the minority of that corps, and they were therefore difarmed.

In the Coolock corps, there was fo much diffatisfaction from the fame caufe, that they were difarmed; and its loyal members enrolled themfelves in another body of yeomanry.*

In the county of Wicklow it was difcovered by an accident, which I fhall more fully explain hereafter, that the Roman catholick yeomen did not confider an oath of allegiance prefcribed by law to a proteftant ftate, as obligatory, and that they would refufe to take a teft oath framed by their officers. The captain of a corps in that county prefented fuch a teft to the members of it, and nineteen out of twenty of the Roman catholicks refufed to take it, and were therefore difmiffed.

The fame experiment having been made with many corps in Dublin, they refufed to fwear it, though they had taken the ufual oath of allegiance; and therefore were difbanded, or voluntarily laid down their arms.

The dangers which hung over the city of Dublin were very much encreafed by the following circumftance: It was difcovered that the popifh fervants, both male and female, with very few exceptions, had taken the united oath, and were to have affifted in the infurrection and maffacre on the night of the twenty-third of May, by which domeftick fecurity was completely deftroyed; for, while the loyalift trufted to the protection of his houfe, his domefticks in the dead hour of the night would have

* About one half of the Rathdown corps were in this predicament.

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admitted the affaffins, who would have butchered him in his bed. A friend of mine, who had his fervant arrefted, affured me, that he acknowledged that he knew of twenty thoufand fervants, fworn and attached to the united caufe, who were to have joined in the infurrection.

A proteftant houfekeeper of my acquaintance, who had a popifh kitchenmaid, prone to ebriety, informed me, that fhe, when intoxicated, faid to her, about a fortnight before the rebellion broke out, “Miftrefs, you had better go to mafs; for the pikemen will foon come into the city, and pike all of you proteftants.”

The lord mayor was to have been murdered by his own fervant, and a body of ruffians whom he was to have admitted into the mayoralty-houfe in the dead hour of the night; and as a reward for his treachery, he was to have fucceeded his mafter. To prevent the lord mayor from defending himfelf, he drew the charge of the piftols which he kept by his bed-fide.

Information of his treachery having been given to the honourable captain Cavendifh and captain Beresford, they arrefted him about midnight: The lord mayor arofe, affured them that he had not a doubt of his fidelity; that there muft be fome miftake as to the charge againft him, and he requefted that they would treat him with tendernefs; but the information which they received turned out to be well founded, and even the delinquent acknowledged the truth of it.

Though the firft effort of the rebels to rife in the metropolis was defeated by the vigilance of government, and by the fpirit and loyalty of the yeomen, as it was well known that they entertained the moft fanguinc hopes of fucceeding in another attempt, general Lake, commander in chief, publifhed the following notice on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May:

NOTICE.

“Lieutenant General Lake, commanding his Majefty’s forces in this kingdom, having received from his excellency the lord lieutenant full powers to put down the rebellion, and to punifh rebels in the moft fummary manner, according to martial law, does hereby give notice to all his Majefty’s subjects, that he is determined to exert the powers entrufted to him in the moft vigorous manner, for the immediate fuppreffion of the fame; and that all perfons acting in the prefent rebellion, or in any

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wife aiding or affifting therein, will be treated by him as rebels, and punifhed accordingly.

“And lieutenant general Lake hereby requires all the inhabitants of the city of Dublin, (the great officers of ftate, members of the houfes of parliament, privy counfellors, magiftrates, and military perfons in uniform excepted) to remain within their refpective dwellings from nine o’clock at night till five in the morning, under pain of punifhment.

By order of lieutenant general LAKE,
Commanding his Majefty’s forces in this kingdom.
G. HEWETT, adjutant-general.”

Dublin, adjutant-general’s office,
24th May, 1798.

The better to fecure the peace of the city, the lord mayor publifhed the following proclamation:

By the right honourable the lord mayor of the city of Dublin.

A PROCLAMATION.

THOMAS FLEMING.

“Whereas the circumftances of the prefent crifis demand every poffible precaution: Thefe are therefore to defire all perfons who have regiftered arms forthwith to give in, in writing, an exaft lift or inventory of fuch arms at the town clerk’s office, who will file and enter the fame in a book to be kept for that purpofe; and all perfons who have not regiftered their arms are hereby required forthwith to deliver up to me, or fome other of the magiftrates of this city, all arms and ammunition of every kind in their poffeffion: And if, after this proclamation, any perfon having regiftered their arms fhall be found not to have given in a true lift or inventory of fuch arms; or if any perfon who has not regiftered, fhall be found to have in their power or poffeffion any arms or ammunition whatever, fuch perfon or perfons will, on fuch arms being difcovered, be forthwith fent on board his Majefty’s navy, as by law directed.

“And I do hereby defire that all houfekeepers do place upon the outfide of their doors a lift of all perfons in their refpective houfes, diftinguifhing fuch as are ftrangers from thofe who actually make part of their family; but as there may happen to be perfons who, from pecuniary embarraflments, are obliged to conceal themfelves, I do not require fuch names to be placed on the outfide of the door, provided their names are

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fent to me. And I hereby call upon all his Majefty’s fubjects within the county of the city of Dublin immediately to comply with this regulation, as calculated for the publick fecurity; as thofe perfons who fhall wilfully neglect a regulation fo eafy and falutary, as well as perfons giving falfe ftatements of the inmates of their houfes, muft, in the prefent crifis, abide the confequences of fuch neglect.

Given at the Manfion-houfe, the 24th day of May, 1798.
Signed by order,
JOHN LAMBERT, fecretary.”

In confequence of the intelligence received by lord Camden, that the rebels had rifen at Rathfarnham, his excellency font lieutenant O’Reily, with a troop of the 5th dragoons, in purfuit of them, and he was joined by the earl of Roden and lieutenant-colonel Pulefton of the Ancient Britons, as volunteers; and having been informed at Rathfarnham, that they had gone towards Rathcool, they proceeded in queft of them; and in their way they met a corps of yeomen, who were retreating after having attacked the rebels, and been repulfed by them.

Lieutenant O’Reily having halted the troop for the purpofe of confulting what was moft advifable to be done, it was agreed that lord Roden with one half of the troop fhould take the road to the right, and that lieutenant O’Reily fhould proceed to the left, in order to furround the rebels.

Lord Roden’s party came up with them at the firft turnpike gate on the Rathcool-road, and after a fhort flcirmifh drove them to the place where lieutenant O’Reily was pofted; and he having fallen in with them, killed two, and wounded a good many of them, after which the main body made their efcape; for the country was fo much enclofed, as to prevent the poffibility of a purfuit.

The bodies of James Byrne and James Keely, two of their leaders, whom they killed, were brought into the caftle-yard, and exhibited to publick view; and Edward Keogh, another of their leaders, was brought in there defperately wounded.

Ledwich and Wade, the two deferters from lord Ely’s corps, were hanged on the Queen’s-bridge in Dublin, on Saturday the twenty-fixth of May.

On the night of the twenty-third of May, lieutenant-colonel Finlay patroled with a party of foldiers near Clondalkin, four miles from Dublin,

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where he met a body of rebels, proceeding to join thofe from Rathfarnham. After a flight fkirmifh, he killed three of them, whofe bodies were fufpended next morning in Barrack-ftreet, as an example to the difaffecteded inhabitants of that quarter of the city.

So fure were the rebel inhabitants of the country, adjacent to Dublin, that their fellow traitors would overpower the government and get poffeffion of it, that a number of them remained under arms till eleven o’clock in the morning near Artane, within two miles of the city, expecting a fummons to co-operate with them; and they threatened the lives of fome loyal subjectls in the neighbourhood of that village.

On Saturday the fecond of June, Thomas Bacon, a tailor, of the proteftant religion, was hanged at Carlifle-bridge, purfuant to a fentence of a court martial.

Though deeply concerned in the confpiracy for fome years, he declared in his laft moments to major Sandys and other gentlemen, that he did not difcover, till the rebellion broke out and the maffacre of proteftants took place, that religious bigotry had a prevailing influence in it; and that he meant for that reafon to have withdrawn himfelf from it. He was bred a proteftant and died in that profeffion. He was reputed an honeft man, and in extenfive bufinefs, till volunteering made him an idler and a fpeculatift in politicks; and at laft, a rage for political innovation led him from a peaceful induftrious fphere into the vortex of rebellion.

In the country, for many miles round Dublin, the rebellion broke forth in various places, made a formidable appearance, and produced the moft fatal effefts.

The right honourable David Latouche had between feventy and eighty labourers employed in his work, at Marlay, the twenty-third of May, and the whole, except about ten, attended the Rathfarnham rebels.

A party of rebels entered the houfe of Mr. Minchin at Grange, headed by Curran his gardener, and McDonagh his gate-keeper, about feven o’clock in the evening, when he and his family were in Dublin. They plundered it of various articles of houfehold furniture, which they carried off in two of his carts. Curran declared that all Ireland was rifen that night, and that he would return in a day or two, and take poffeffion of the houfe and demefne as his own.

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Major Sirr the elder, the father of Mrs. Minchin, who had paffed a very long life in the fervice of his Majefty, and a female fervant of the name of Middleton, were the only proteftants in the houfe at that time; and the latter overheard the wife of McDonough declare, that fhe would cut their throats, which fhe probably would have effected, but that fome other women, who affifted her in plundering the houfe, diffuaded her from it.

It was proved afterwards, and acknowledged by fome of the affociates of Curran and McDonough, that fome affaffins had been pofted that evening with mufkets in the avenue leading to the houfe, who were to have fhot Mr. Minchin as he approached it; but it fortunately happened that he remained in Dublin.

On the fame evening, a large party of rebels fhot at Tibbradden, about two miles beyond Rathfarnham, Mr. Philip Proffor, a proteftant, formerly an eminent filk-throwfter in Dublin, and who then refided there, becaufe he refufed to deliver up his fowling-piece.

All the farmers and peafants in that large tract of country, between Dublin and the Wicklow mountains, were in a ftate of infurrection, waiting the fignal which they expected, to enter the metropolis, and affift their fellow traitors there; and in the mean time, they continued to commit various acts of outrage. In every other part of the adjacent country the rebels were equally terrifick and deftructive.

A numerous body of them, varioufly armed, entered the town of Dunboyne, feven miles from Dublin, on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May, murdered its proteftant inhabitants, and rifled and plundered their houfes; but did not injure the perfon or property of any Roman catholick.

In the police-houfe there were fix conftables on guard, of whom they affaffinated three, who were of the eftablifhed religion; but did not moleft the remainder who were papifts.

They then proceeded to the houfe of the reverend Mr. Duncan, vicar of Dunboyne, the only remaining proteftant in that town; but he having made his efcape, they plundered it of various valuable articles to the amount of £500.

Mr. Wynne, of Clonfillagh, having been informed by two of the yeomanry corps, which he commanded, of the infurrection and of thefe

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atrocities, proceeded about fix o’clock in the morning, with four of them, and eleven highlanders, commanded by lieutenant George Armftrong of the artillery, to Ratoath,* where the rebels were in force, and had in their cuftody captain Gorges, member for the county of Meath, Mr. Corbally the lieutenant of his corps, and fome of his privates, whom they furprifed, and were on the point of hanging.

Mr. Wynne, having been at this time feafonably reinforced by Mr. Frederick Falkiner, with eighteen of the fifth dragoons, they charged and difperfed the rebels, and killed thirty-five of them in the purfuit.

Soon after they fet out to return home; and the dragoons having left them, the rebels, perceiving the diminution of their numbers, purfued them as far as Clonee-bridge, where the highlanders under lieutenant Armftrong difplayed prodigies of valour; fix of them having been killed in attempting to ftop the progrefs of the rebels.

On the fame day, they murdered fix of the Angusshire fencibles, who were guarding the baggage of that regiment, and were on their route to Dublin.

A large party of rebels, headed by one Gihhahan, a popifh farmer, entered the town of Dunfhaughlin,! in the county of Meath, and fearched for arms in a fmall barrack in which they had been depofited; but having been informed that they were removed to the oppofite houfe, in which the reverend Mr. Neilfon lived, they, after firing a volley at the windows, rufhed into it, killed Mr. Neilfon, his brother-in-law Mr. Pendleton, and a gardener, all of the proteftant religion. They then plundered the houfe of arms, and of every valuable article of furniture which they could carry off. They did not injure the perfon or property of any popifh inhabitant of that town; but did not fpare one of thofe of the proteftant religion.

A party of ruffians, headed by Thomas Connor, and Thomas Atkinfon, entered and plundered the houfe of Mr. John Braffington of Ballymacarney, in the county of Meath, of arms and other articles, and carried off four horfes.

On the trial of thefe men, by court martial, held the twelfth of July, 1798, at the barrack of Dublin, Meffrs. John and James Braffington proved upon oath, that Connor and Atkinfon declared, at their

* See plate 1.6. † Ibid.

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houfe, that they were ordered to kill all hereticks,* and to wade in their blood; and they boalted that they had killed the police-men at Dunboyne, and the Ray fencibles at Clonee-bridge.

On the fame morning, they entered and plundered Woodpark, the feaT of Mrs. Shell, near the Black-Bull, of various valuable articles; and robbed mifs Bradfhaw, her gueft, of a large fum of money. One of their leaders declared, that his orders were to put all proteftants to death.

Twenty of the Fermanagh regiment were quartered at Weftfieldftown, near Balbriggan, under the command of enfign Cleland. As he was returning to his quarters on the evening of the twenty-third of May, he was fired at from behind a bridge, by a ruffian with a blunderbufs; but though feverely wounded in different parts of his head and body, he was able to ride to Swords,† where his wounds, which appeared to be mortal, were dreffed.

On the fame evening, his detachment at Weftfieldftown, was furprifed by about two thoufand rebels, who difarmed and carried them off as prifoners, after having wounded fome of them.

As the inhabitants of Ballyboghill, noted for difaffection, were principally concerned in this outrage, a company of the Fermanagh regiment joined the Swords yeomanry, and burned the houfes of the difaffected in that village. While major King was engaged in doing fo, an officer arrived, and informed him of the difafter which had befallen the detachment at Weftfieldftown; he therefore purfued the rebels, who carried them off, for about fix miles, and found that they had plundered and deftroyed in their progrefs the houfe of every proteftant which had come in their way, and compelled great numbers of people to join them.

The major took prifoner a rebel leader, of the name of Carroll, a cotton manufacturer, in good circumftances, and of the Romifh perfuafion, whom they found in arms, and he was hanged the twenty-fixth of May, on one of the bridges in Dublin.

Mr. Sherwood, a revenue officer, feeing, on the night of the twenty-third of May, a number of rebels affembled near Dalkey, who were on the point of going to attack the camp at Lehaunftown, in which they

* Thefe expreffions are to be feen in the bloody oath found upon the rebels in different parts of the province of Leinfter. † Plate I. 6.

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expected the affiftance of a number of foldiers attached to their caufe; with laudable zeal, though at the rifk of his life, harangued them for the purpofe of diffuading them from fo bafe and fo dangerous an enterprife.

On the night of Friday the twenty-fifth of May, a party of rebels attacked and entered Mr. Blair’s extenfive iron works at Lucan, carried off a confiderable quantity of arms and ammunition, and compelled fome of his artificers to attend them to the hill of Tara. This party was headed by George Cummins, a popifh yeoman, of the Clonfillagh corps, who became a traitor on the breaking-out of the rebellion, though he had taken the oath of allegiance; for which he was tried in Dublin the tenth of July, 1798, and hanged.

The following paragraph appeared in the Dublin Journal the twenty-fourth of May:

ROMAN CATHOLICKS. “An addrefs to the lord lieutenant, intended to be immediately prefented, and containing a declaration of political principles applicable to the circumftances of the prefent moment, lies, for fignature, at Fitzpatrick’s, bookfeller, Ormond-quay; at the earl of Fingall’s, Great George’s-ftreet, Rutland-fquare; lord vifcount Kenmare’s, Great George’s-ftreet; Malachy Donelan’s, efquire, Mountjoy-fquare; and counfellor Bellew’s, No. 6, Upper Gardiner’s-ftreet, Mountjoy-fquare. All fignatures muft be given in, on or before Saturday next. May 24th, 1798.”

A yeoman officer, and a magiftrate, who patroled the country for four miles round Rathcoole, in the county of Dublin, affured me, that he did not find a fingle man but one in above a hundred cabins and farm houfes, which he fearched for arms, the night before the rebellion broke out; their inmates having affembled, in order to concert meafures for the general infurrection.

Captain Charles Ormfby, who commanded the Rathcoole infantry, confifting of forty-three privates and three officers, was ordered to maintain that poft at’ all rifks.

The rebels intended to attack Rathcoole on the night of the twentythird of May, when all the garrifons in the county of Kildare were furprifed; and captain Ormfby ‘s corps, who were all, with a few exceptions.

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tions, papifts and traitors, intended to have murdered him, his brother who was his lieutenant, and one or two more proteftants, who were privates in it, and to have joined the rebels on the firft attack; but they were fortunately deterred from perpetrating their nefarious defign by the following incidents:

Twenty of the Armagh regiment, brave, loyal, and well-difciplined, were ftationed with him, and twenty of the fame corps at Newcaftle, at the diftance of about one mile and a half. The Rathcoole cavalry commanded by captain Kennedy, of whom many were proteftants, compofed alfo part of his little garrifon.

The rebels, whom they could difcern, in great numbers, every evening exercifing on the adjacent hills, had appointed many different nights to make the attack, in which captain Ormfby’s traitorous yeomen, who kept up a conftant correfpondence with them, were to have joined; but they were intimidated by the few brave men of the Armagh who were pofted there.

General Lake, confidering the importance of the place, and the fmall force deftined for its defence, fent there a reinforcement of eighty of the Angusfhire fencibles, commanded by colonel Hunter, an experienced officer, which completely put an end to the hopes of the rebels to furprife that poft.

Captain Ormfby difcovered the confpiracy of his corps in the following manner: The garrifon being fhort of provifions, he went to a hill over Rathcoole with a party, to forage; and finding there a fhepherd’s boy, who was conftantly watching his flock, he afked him, whether he had feen any people affembled on that or the adjacent hills? and he anfwered in the negative. On which he feized him by the fhoulder, gave him three or four ftripes with the fcabbard of his fword, and faid, that he had told him a falfehood. The boy immediately exclaimed, “Oh! fir, take me from this place, and I’ll tell you the whole truth!”

Having led him to Rathcoole, he next day acknowledged that he had feen frequent meetings of the rebels on the hills, to the number of two or three thoufand, and among them feveral men with crofs belts; and he alfo pointed out John Shee and his brother, privates in the corps, to whofe father he had been fhepherd.

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Captain Ormfby having taken up John Shee, and having given him a few ftripes, he difclofed the whole of the treafonable defigns of the corps, whom he inftantly ordered to parade, in prefence of a party of the Cavan regiment under arms, and he difarmed them; and committed ferjeant Walfh, corporal Dillon, corporal Byrne, John Shee and William Harvey, leaders among the rebels, and principals in the plot.

Walfh, foon after he was committed, confeffed the whole of their treafonable fchemes; and that he and ferjeant Rourke had been fworn by Mr. Clinch, a Romanift, and the fecond lieutenant of the corps.

Felix Rourke, the permanent ferjeant, had been early appointed a colonel of the rebels, and had deferted to them fome days before the rebellion broke out. His brother had been a competitor with lieutenant Clinch for a captaincy in the rebel corps of Rathcoole; but the influence of Felix was fuch, as to obtain fuccefs for his brother; and the zeal of Clinch in the rebel caufe was fo great, that he continued to ferve in it as a ferjeant.

Lieutenant John Clinch was the fon of a very wealthy man, had received fome education, was naturally humane and benevolent, but was perfuaded by the malignant influence of father Harold, his parifh prieft, to violate his oath of allegiance, and to become a traitor; for which he was tried and executed in Dublin the fecond of June.

He acknowledged the juftice of his fentence, and died loading with curfes father Harold, his parifh prieft; at whofe inftigation, he faid, the inhabitants of Rathcoole, and all the adjacent country, had fwerved from their allegiance, and became traitors. He declared alfo, that the organization of rebellion had taken place at his houfe, which was conftantly the rendezvous of the rebel leaders; and yet, that very prieft frequently exhorted his flock to loyalty from the altar, for three months before the rebellion broke out; and on Sunday preceding that event, he preached two fermons eminently loyal, at the chapels of Sagart* and Newcaftle, in the prefence of captain Ormfby and lieutenant Chrifhopher Clinch† of the Rathcoole cavalry.

It was proved alfo, that Harold encouraged his rebellious fectories to furrender fome bad pikes, and to keep their good ones, in order to deceive the magiftracy.

* Plate I. 7. †This is a proteftant gentleman, confpicuous for his loyalty, and no way connedled with Clinch the traitor.

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As foon as the confpiracy at Rathcoole was difcovered, he and many of its popifh inhabitants fled; but having been afterwards taken, government offered him his choice, either to be tranfported, or to ftand his trial for his life; and confcious of his guih, he preferred the former,

I mentioned before that Mr. Buckley, a refpectable gentleman farmer, was murdered near Rathcoole, on the thirteenth day of March.

On the trial of the traitors of that town, the following circumftances were brought to light Being on his return from Dublin, through Rathcoole, he was prevailed upon by old Clinch, the father of the traitor, to continue drinking in his houfe till nine o’clock at night After which he was murdered, and his body mangled with favage barbarity, a little beyond that village, and near the houfe of Felix Rourke, in confequence of his noted loyalty.

Captain Ormfby having difcovered that a bayonet belonging to one of his corps was found fticking in Mr. Buckley’s body, ordered there to parade, but did not find that any of them wanted a bayonet.

Felix Rourke, who abfented himfelf, was believed to have been concerned in the murder.

Lieutenant Clinch, a fhort time before his execution, confeffed to captain Ormfby, that four of the corps had been concerned in the murder; and that he rofe on the night of its perpetration, and gave a bayonet out of the ftore, which was under his care, to one of the affaffins, to replace that which he had left fticking in Mr. Buckley’s body.

The roads leading to the metropolis were fo completely obftrufted by bands of rebels, who roamed through and pillaged all the adjacent country, that no mail coach arrived there from the twenty-fourth of May to the thirty-firft of the fame month.

On the firft of June, the lord mayor, attended by Mr. Dawfon the high-conftable, paffed above two hours in fearching the vaults and cellars under the parliament-houfe, left gunpowder or any other combuftibles fhould have been laid there by the rebels.

A minute recital of individual outrage committed in the neighbourhood of the metropolis would be tedious and difgufting to the reader: I fhall therefore proceed to defcribe fome of the achievements performed by the rebels in the county of Kildare, which gave ftronger indications of their boldnefs and malignity.

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In the year 1795, defenderifm had fpread fuch deftruction and difrnay in it, by the conftant Gommiffion of nocturnal robbery and affaffination, that many of the loyal families were obliged to fecure the lower windows of their houfes with bricks and mortar; and fuch of them as had been active in checking its deftructive progrefs, were obliged to introduce fome of the military into them for their protection; and as defenderifm had made the popifh multitude peculiarly fufceptible of the doctrines of the united Irifhmen, which were introduced into the county of Kildare in the year 1796; and as they were diffufed and fublimated by the refidence and the active malignity of lord Edward Fitzgerald, the rebellion broke out with deftructive rage in that county.

His lordfhip had laid a plan of furprifing all the military ports in it, which occafioned much carnage, though it fortunately did not fucceed in the extent which he expected.

In the beginning of the year 1797, the rebels robbed the houfes of proteftants of arms from Athy to Monaftereven, Kildare, Kilcullen, Dunlavin, Timolin, and Caftledermot;* and were fo fuccefsful, that none efcaped, but thofe who fortified their habitations, and maintained a party of the military in them.†

An encampment of fome regiments of cavalry on the Curragh of Kildare, in the fummer of that year, furnifhed a plaufible pretext to the difaffected of fpreading a report that orangemen, aided by the military, were to murder all the Roman catholicks; in confequence of which, numbers of the lower clafs of people, intimidated by fuch tales, propagated for the worft of purpofes, lay in the open fields, where they were fworn and organized.

The following fymptoms of the approaching rebellion appeared in the county of Kildare, in the years 1797 and 1798: Conftant nightly meetings which the utmoft vigilance of the magiftrates could not prevent The abftinence of the lower clafs of people from fpirituous liquors, to a degree of fobriety too unufual and general not to be fyftematick: The infrequent application to magiftrates in matters of difpute: The declining to pay rent or any debts whatfoever, by thofe who had means to do fo, and who had been before very regular: The conftant refort of the popifh multitude to the confeffion boxes of their clergy: The refufal to take bank notes,

* See plate I, 7 and 8, for thefe places. † This fulfilled the prophecy of Sir Laurence Parfons in the year 1795. See page 133.

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from an idea that the approaching convulfion by fubverting the government, would put an end to their currency.

I fhall now proceed to defcribe the operations of the rebels in that county.

THE ATTACK UPON NAAS.*

In the month of May, the garrifon of Naas confifted of one hundred and fifty of the Armagh militia, commanded by colonel lord Gosford, with two field pieces, thirty-five of the ancient Britons, commanded by major Wardell, twenty-four of the fourth horfe, and fixteen of the North Naas cavalry, commanded by captain Neville.

On the evening of the twenty-third of that month, two anonymous letters were received, one in the morning by the honourable lieutenant colonel Achefon, the other in the evening, by lord Gosford; informing them that the town would be attacked that night by three thoufand men.

In confequence of this information, the guards were doubled, and every meafure neceffary for their defence was adopted. As the garrifon continued unmolefted till two o’clock in the morning of the twenty-fourth, many of the officers went to bed, thinking the information they received was groundlefs; but about half paft two o’clock, a dragoon from an out-poft came in, and informed major Wardell, that a very large body of rebels were moving towards the town; on which the drums beat to arms, and the guards repaired to the different pofts which they were deftined to occupy.

Soon after, three thoufand rebels, who had been pofted at the quarries of Tipper, advanced rapidly and quietly to the town, and entered it at four different places, the greater part from the North, by the Johnftown road, and penetrated almoft to the gaol, where they made a moft defperate attack; but were repulfed by a party of the Armagh, with one piece of cannon, and a detachment of the ancient Britons.

Captain Davis having received fome pike wounds in the beginning of the action, of which he died the next day, his men were fo enraged, that they charged too foon, and prevented the cannon from playing on the enemy.

Large parties of the rebels, who dole unnoticed into the town, through the houfes and narrow lanes, fought fometime in the ftreets,

* Plate I. 7.

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and ftood three vollies from a party of the Armagh militia, pofted oppofite to the barrack, before they gave way; at laft they fled precipitately in every direction, when the cavalry charged, and killed a great number of them in the purfuit. Thirty of the rebels were killed in the ftreets; and, from the numbers found dead in back houfes and in the adjacent fields, a few days after, it is imagined that not lefs than three hundred could have fallen.

They dropped in their flight a great quantity of pikes, and other arms, of which a great number were found in pits near the town, where they alfo feized three men with green cockades, whom they inflantly hanged in the publick ftreets. Another prifoner, whom they fpared in confequence of very ufeful information which he gave, told them, that the rebel party was above one thoufand ftrong, and that they were commanded by Michael Reynolds, who was well mounted, and dreffed in yeoman uniform. He made his efcape, but his horfe fell into the hands of our troops.

One of the rebels concerned in the attack, who obtained the royal mercy by furrendering himfelf under the proclamation, informed me, that one of the gunners, who directed the cannon at the gaol, having been feduced by the rebels, elevated it fo much as not to injure the affailants.

ATTACK ON THE TOWN OF PROSPEROUS.

The rebels were more fuccefsful in this enterprife than in that at Naas, having contrived it with more ingenuity.

On Sunday the twentieth of May, captain Swayne arrived there, with a detachment of the city of Cork regiment, and immediately repaired to the chapel, where he, the reverend Mr. Higgins, parifh prieft, and doctor Efmond, a phyfician, fucceffively exhorted the people to return to their allegiance, and to furrender their arms; but as their exhortations produced no effect, he, agreeably to the order for exercifing free quarter, diftrained the cattle, and did fome injuries to the property of perfons well known to be difaffected, and to have concealed arms in their poffeffion; but it produced no other effecl than the furrender of two or three pikes and firelocks, on the morning of the twenty-third of May.

Father Higgins and doctor Efmond informed captain Swayne, that the people were become repentant, would have brought in their arms, and have

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left them in the ftreets during the night, but that they were afraid of the fentinels. The captain therefore, at his defire, ordered the fentinels not to challenge them, which order proved fatal to the garrifon.

Befides the city of Cork detachment in Profperous, there was a party of the antient Britons, confifting of a lieutenant, a quarter-mafter, and twenty privates. Twelve of them were lodged in a houfe oppofite the barrack of the city of Cork company, and the remainder were at fingle billets, except a few who flept over the ftable where their horfes were.

About two o’clock on Thurfday morning the twenty-fourth of May, the two fentinels were furprifed, and killed; and both the barracks were affaulted, while the foldiers were faft afleep. The barrack of the Cork company confifted of a hall, an apartment on each fide, the fame in the next ftory, and under ground offices. A party of the rebels rufhed into captain Swayne’s apartment, which was on the ground floor, and murdered him. Some foldiers, who flept in the oppofite apartment, alarmed at the noife, came forth with their firelocks, and expelled thofe ruffians from the barrack, after having killed two or three of them.

The houfe was at that time furrounded with a great number of rebels varioufly armed. A fierce conflict enfued between the affailants and the befieged; but it was foon put an end to by the following malignant device of the former: There was a great quantity of ftraw in the underground office, to which the rebels fet fire, and to increafe the flame introduced fome faggots into it. The foldiers were foon in a ftate of fuffocation; and the heat being fo great, that they could not endure it, they retreated to their comrades in the upper ftory; but the flame and the fmoke foon reached them there, as the rebels continued to introduce lighted faggots into the apartments under them. Enveloped with thick fmoke, and overcome with heat, fome of them leaped out of the windows; but were immediately received on the pikes of the affailants, who gave a dreadful yell whenever that happened.

At laft, the barrack being in a ftate of conflagration, the foldiers refolved to rufh forward, and fight their way through their affailants; but they, who were very numerous, formed a half moon round the front of the barrack, and received them on their pikes, fo that but few of them efcaped.

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Previous to this, the rebels were fo much galled by the conftant and well-directed fire of the foldiers, that, defpairing of fuccefs by force of arms, they fent two of their men into the hall, who cried out, “We will deal honourably by you; we will fpare fuch of you as defccnd and deliver up your arms:” But thofe who yielded to their delufive promifes, were inftantly perforated with pikes.

Nicholas Eldon, the deplity barrack-mafter, his wife and children, and the families of fome of the Cork foldiers, remained in one of the underground offices, during this fcene of carnage; having retired there for fafety. At laft they, preceded by Mrs. Eldon, endeavoured to efcape from the flames; when a ferocious ruffian, ready to difpatch them with his pike, exclaimed, “Let the heretick remain to be burnt,” They returned and continued to pray, till the flames forced them out again.

She rufhed out, and dropped on her knees, furrounded by three young children, having one of them in her arms. Her tears and entreaties, and her piteous fituation, altogether fufpended their fury for a moment. James McEvoy, a young man of humanity, though a rebel, arrived, and conducted them to the houfe of Hugh McEvoy, his father.

However, nothing could have faved them, if the following event had not taken place: A fhort time before, expreffes arrived from Naas and Clane, which the rebels had attacked the preceding night, to inform the people of Profperous, that their friends had been repulfed at both; and to defire that they would fpare the lives of the proteftants, and the foldiers wives and children, that they might be faved in their turn.

James McEvoy confeffed, that they intended to have burnt all the proteftants in the barrack, but for that fortuitous circumftance; and it was remarkable, that they had placed over their doors fentinels, who were withdrawn as foon as the expreffes had announced the above intelligence.

Mr. Brewer, an Englifhman, noted for his humanity and benevolence, had embarked very extenfively in the cotton manufacture at Profperous, where he maintained numbers of people, who had been fteeped in poverty. Hugh McEvoy was his foreman, and his fon was employed under him. They conducted Eldon and his family to the houfe of Mr. Brewer, who, feeing them almoft naked, inftantly fupplied them with fome of his own cloaths. He had remained alone at his houfe,

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vainly thinking that his active benevolence, and his charitable difpofition would be his beft fhield among the inhabitants of Profperous, whom he had fed and cloathed, by employing them in ufeful induftry. Hugh McEvoy informed Mr. Brewer and Eidon, that they had been both condemned, and that he feared he could not fave them; but that he would do his utmoft for that purpofe. He alfo faid, when he was leaving him, “Sir, if they afk you to fwear, by no means refufe them;’ and he promifed to comply.

During McEvoy’s abfence, Mr. Brewer’s houfe was furrounded by a large body of rebels, who broke in fome of the windows, and were proceeding to break open the door, when Mr. Brewer ordered it to be opened, not fufpectling that he could have an enemy in the country, and deriving great fortitude from religious faith. When the mob entered his houfe, James Tobin, an inhabitant of the town, and a tailor by trade, rufhed into his apartment, and made a lunge at him with a pike, fo vehemently, that he perforated his body, and turned the edge of the weapon againft the wall, fo much, that he had fome difficulty in extrafting it. Having then drawn a fcymitar, he cleft his fkull from his ear to his forehead; then aided by one Patrick Farrell, a native of the town, he carried the body to the front door, when Andrew Farrell,* who was leader of the party, cried out aloud, “Behold the body of a heretick tyrant,” which was repeated by the whole party, who gave three cheers.

Barnaby Dougall, a cotton weaver, employed by Mr. Brewer, attended there on the horfe of captain Swayne, fully accoutred, and faid, he was a much better man than the captain.

When Hugh McEvoy returned, he exclaimed, “Oh! you villains, have you murdered the good man who kept us all from ftarving? If I knew the man that did fo, I would fhoot him, though I were to lofe my own life by it.” McEvoy had great difficulty in faving the life of Eldon, as Andrew Farrell fwore he would kill him, and made a ftroke of a fabre at him.

At that inftant an alarm was fpread among the rebels of Profperous, by an exprefs from their friends at Clane, who called for a reinforcement, as they had been defeated there. They therefore marched towards

* He was a defecter from the Clane corps, and had affifted in attacking the town that morning with doctor Efmond.

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Clane, and put Eldon, live of the ancient Britons who were their prifoners, and fome other proteftants in their front rank; but when they had advanced a fhort way, they found their friends retreating and difperfed.

The attack on Downings, the houfe of Mrs. Bonynge, about half a mile from Profperous, was attended with circumftances of brutal ferocity. One Dunn, a deferter from the Clane corps, galloped up to it in his uniform, at the head of a large party of rebels. This villain, a traitor to his king and country, called out for Mr. Johnfton, who was hateful to them, on account of his noted loyalty and zeal in the publick fervice. He was a member of the Clane corps, and was then defending that town from three attacks which the rebels made on it. Dunn was foon convinced of his abfence, by figns made by the popifh fervants of the houfe, who were attached to the caufe of the union.

As Mrs. Bonynge had fed fome of the Cork foldiers the preceding night, Dunn, fuppofing them to be in her houfe, infifted on having them delivered up to him; but being difappointed in this, he vowed deftruction againft the houfe, unless Mr. Stamers was furrendered to him. He was proprietor of the principal part of Profperous, and went there occafionally to receive his rents. Mrs. Bonynge, who preferved the moft unfhaken prefence of mind, had previoufly infilted on his concealing himfelf in the back yard; and on her declaring that he was not there, they difmounted, and in a turbulent manner fearched every part of the houfe. On being difappointed, they were on the point of fending for an additional party to demolifh the houfe and furniture, when Mr. Stamers generoufly came forth and furrendered himfelf, to fave the houfe in which he had been fo hofpitably entertained. Falling on his knees, he implored the fanguinar wretches to fhoot him there, as an act of mercy, rather than put hirn to a cruel death, which their menaces and their furious appearance gave him reafon to dread; and he alfo befought them to fpare the houfe, and its inhabitants; all of whom conjured them, in the moft pathetic manner, to fpare the life of that worthy and unoffending gentleman. They promifed compliance, but infifted on conducting him among his towns-people. One fellow, who had captain Swayne’s horfe, required (as a matter of kindnefs) that he fhould ride him; but he fubmitting quietly to his fate, walked through the town, and was fhot at the other end of it.

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I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XV.* for a defcription of the horrors of Profperous on that woeful morning. The rebels, on leaving Downings, vowed vengeance againft captain Williams, a half-pay officer, and nephew to Mrs. Bonynge, for no other reafon than that he was a loyal subject.

It is remarkable that lieutenant Power of the Cork regiment, and his wife, both of the popifh perfuafion, remained unmolefted in Profperous, during this dreadful fcene of carnage.

The rebels murdered a man above feventy years old, who had ferved the greateft part of his life in the army as a ferjeant, and had retired on a penfion to Profperous; and merely becaufe he was a proteftant.

Of the city of Cork detachment they killed one captain, two ferjeants, one drummer, twenty-three privates, and wounded eight, of whom two died afterwards: The remainder of the company happened very fortunately to be fent on a party a day or two before, a few miles off.

The lofs of the Ancient Britons was, nine killed, five taken prifoners, and the remaining eight leaped out of the windows, and made their efcape over the bog of Allen.

A circumftance attended the attack on Profperous which evinces the force of fanaticifm even on perfons of enlightened minds, and of its baneful influence in extinguifhing all religious and moral reftitudc. Doctor Efmond, brother to Sir Thomas Efmond, was of a very antient popifh family in the county of Wexford. He fettled as a p hyfician in the county of Kildare, where he had confiderable practice, till he married a lady with fo large a fortune, that he became indifferent about the emolument arifing from his profeffion. Joined to a handfome countenance, and a very good figure, he had fuch urbanity of manner, and fuch attractive convivial qualities, that he was regarded as a very pleafing companion. In confequence of thefe mental and perfonal qualifications, Mrs. Efmond became enamoured of him. In private life, he was confidered as honourable and humane; but on this occafion, he yielded to the delufions of bigotry, which rendered him a traitor to his king, and infpired him with a malignant defire of fubverting the beft conftitution in the univerfe, and of erecting, on its ruins, the pandemonium of France, with all its concomitant horrors. Affuming the femblance of loyalty, he applauded the exertions of captain Swayne, and even cooperated

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operated with him in extinguifhing that fpirit of difaffection, which prevailed among the inhabitants of Profperous and its vicinity. He dined with him at an inn there on the twenty-third of May, and continued to enjoy the glow of focial mirth with him, till a few hours before the perpetration of that bloody fcene, which he had for fometime meditated.

“Talibus infidiis, perjurique arte Sinonis,” “Credita res.”

He was lieutenant of the Clane cavalry, commanded by captain Griffifth, and he perfuaded many privates of the corps to defert their colours, and to join him in the attack on Profperous, which is about three miles from Clane.

ATTACK UPON CLANE BY THE REBELS.

The garrifon there, confifted of a company of the Armagh militia, commanded by captain Jephfon, and a few of the Clane yeomen cavalry. Early on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May, the main, body of the rebels ftole into the town unperceived; but a drummer and the trumpeter having been alarmed, the former, after beating a few ftrokes of his drum, was driven into the guard houfe; however the trumpeter alarmed the garrifon.

Captain Jephfon, on looking out of his window, faw the ftreets crowded with rebels, armed with different weapons: The foldiers, who were at billets in the town, endeavoured to come forth; but as each houfe was befet by a body of pikemen, they were obliged fingly to fight their way through them; and in attempting to do fo, two of them were killed on the fpot, and five were badly wounded. However, the remainder, notwithftanding the furprife, affembled, and gallantly repulfed the rebels. In the fecond attempt which they made, fix rebels, dreffed in the cloaths and mounted on the horfes of the Ancient Britons, entered the town, with the view of impofing themfelves as yeomen, an artifice which in fome meafure fucceeded; for captain Jephfon approached them, laid his hand on the neck of one of the horfes, and afked the rider, whence he came? on which he damned him, drew his fabre, and made a cut at him; for which he was inftantly fhot by one of the foldiers, and the remainder were wounded in their retreat.

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About three o’clock captain Griffith received an exprefs at Milliccnt,fhh feat, by a yeoman, that a large body of rebels had attacked the guard at Clane: The captain arrived there in fifteen minutes, and found that, by the fteady conduct of part of his troop, who were armed with carbines, which they ufed with good effect, the infurgents had received fuch a check, as to afford time to about forty of the Armagh to turn out. The yeomen and militia had not fired more than three rounds, when the rebels difperfed; and the captain, on his arrival, found the troops purfuing them, and burning the houfes on the common, in which they had taken refuge. They killed a good many of them, and took fix prifoners of the popifh perfuafion, four of whom were captain Griffith’s tenants. One of them was condemned and hanged at the drum-head in Clane; the other five were hanged the fame day at Naas.

At his return to Clane, about five in the morning, he heard of the carnage at Profperous. On muftering the guard, he found his fecond lieutenant, a ferjeant and feventeen privates, one of whom was feverely wounded; the other three had deferted with their own arms, and thofe belonging to other yeomen of his troop. He had hardly time to draw up the yeomen and militia in the ftreet, when a party of rebels, mounted on the horfes and furnifhed with the arms and accoutrements of the ancient Britons, made a charge into the town. By one volley they brought down fix or feven of them; the remainder fled precipitately, and took fhelter behind a ftrong party of rebel infantry, which were approaching from Profperous, and which made a formidable appearance, not fo much from their numbers, though confiderable, as from the brightnefs of their arms, and the fcarlet coats and helmets of which they had plundered the foldiers at Profperous.

As they were not ftrong enough to attack fo numerous a party, and thinking it difhonourable to retreat, the captain, in concurrence with the militia officers, refolved to take poft on an elevated fpot near the Commons, where they could not be furrounded or out-flanked; and there they waited for the enemy, who began a fmart fire on them, but without effect, as the elevation was too great. Our troops, having returned the fire, killed and wounded a confiderable number of them, on which they fled in great difmay, and were charged by the captain and his fixteen yeomen, who cut down many of thofe whofe heads were ornamented

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with the helmets of the ancient Britons, or the hats of the Cork regiment. In their flight, they dropped a great quantity of pikes, pitchforks, mufkets and fabres.

He returned to Clane, refrefhed his men, and fet out for Naas, whither he had orders to march; but a fhort time before he left Clane, he was joined by one of his yeomen, of the name of Philip Mite, who fecretly delivered him a letter, in which he communicated to him the conduct of Efmond,who, he faid, had commanded at the attack of Profperous; and that he (Mite) had accompanied him to the entrance of that town, and then made his efcape. He had fcarce received this intelligence, when Efmond appeared and joined the troop, with his hair dressed, his boots and breeches quite clean, and fully accoutred. The captain had fortunately fufficient command over himfelf, to reprefs his indignation on feeing him, and to hold his peace till he arrived at Naas, where, having drawn up his troop in front of the gaol, he committed Efmond in five minutes after they halted.

When Mite was awakened, and was compelled to join the rebels, who were proceeding to Profperous, he objected againft attending them; on which Efmond, who headed the party, defired him to banifh his fears, as, he faid, the mafs of the people of Ireland would rife that night.

He was afterwards conveyed to Dublin, was tried by a court martial, and convicted of high treafon, on the cleareft evidence, and was hanged on Carlifte-bridge the fourteenth of June.

INSURRECTION NEAR DUNLAVIN.

On the night of the twenty-third of May, the rebels having broke open the gaol of Ballymore-euftace, one of the prifoners, who made his efcape, arrived at Dunlavin, and informed captain Ryves, who commanded a corps of yeomany there, that the town would be attacked by a numerous body of rebels that night, or early in the morning.

At the dawn he perceived large columns of them moving round the adjacent country, and many proteftant houfes on fire; and knowing, from the cruel and fanguinary fpirit which the rebels had difplayed at Ballymore-euftace, that they meditated the total extermination of all proteftants and loyalifts, he was driven to the neceffity of adopting a meafure, which nothing but motives of felf-prefervation and the emergency

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of the occafion could juftify. The only troops in Dunlavin were his corps of yeomen, and the light company of the Wicklow militia, commanded by captain Richardfon; and the number of prifoners confined in the gaol there for treafon far exceeded that of the garrifon.

The captain marched out of the town with a party of yeomen cavalry to encounter the rebels; but they were fo numerous and defperate, that he was obliged to return, after fome of his men had been piked.

The officers, having conferred for fome time, were of opinion, that fome of the yeomen who had been difarmed, and were at that time in prifon for being notorious traitors, fhould be fhot. Nineteen therefore of the Saunders-grove corps, and nine of the Narromore, were immediately led out and fuffered death.

It may be faid, in excufe for this act of fevere and fummary juftice, that they would have joined the numerous bodies of rebels who were moving round, and at that time threatened the town. At the fame time they difcharged fome of the above corps, in confideration of their former good charafters.

ATTACK ON BALLYMORE-EUSTACE.

As the united Irifhmen in the neighbourhood of Ballymore-euftacc were known to have an immenfe quantity of arms, captain Beevor was fent there on the tenth of May with detachments of the ninth dragoons, the Tyrone, Antrim and Armagh militia, to compel a furrender of them, by living at free quarters. He had every reafon to believe, that he had completely fucceeded in the object of his miffion, as he received three thoufand ftand of arms of different defcriptions; and particularly, as, on the morning of the twenty-third of May, four ferjeants of united Irifhmen marched in their quota of men, eleven each, with their pikes on their fhoulders, and received protections. As feveral committee-men had done the like on that and the preceding day, captain Beevor was fo convinced, that the people were sincere in their profeffions of renouncing their rebellious defigns, and of returning to their habits of peaceful induftry, that he fent off one hundred and twenty men of his garrifon, and kept but about forty, to lighten the diftrefs of the people, who were obliged to maintain them.

About the hour of one o’clock, he was awakened by the cry of a perfon, that the rebels would have his blood; and on rifing, two men rufhed

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into his bed-chamber, one armed with a piftol, the other with a pike.* The former, who fired at him, very fortunately miffed him; on which he feized a piftol, which lay at his bed-fide, and fhot him through the body. The other made a longe [sic] at him with his pike, which he ftrove to avoid, and received but a flight wound in the fhoulder. The ruffian, feeing that he was reaching for the fecond piftol, feized him in his arms, and carried him fome way towards the head of the flairs, where he faw a number of pikemen ready to receive him; but, being fuperior to him in ftrength, he got his arms loofe, refcued himfelf, and dragged the rebel into a room, where a yeoman was ftanding with his fword drawn, and whom he folicited to run him through the body, but he never offered to ftir. It appears that he was a papifh, and was afterwards difmiffed from his corps for noted difaffection.

At that moment, lieutenant Patrickson arrived, and ran him through the body. The pikemen, at the foot of the ftairs, finding that their two comrades had been killed, were making off, but were met by fome of the dragoons, who were rallying from all points round the captain’s quarters, and who killed moft of them. Twenty-eight dragoons joined the captain, and took poft in his houfe, which was attacked for near two hours by a large body of rebels, whom they at length repulfed, after having killed a number of them.

In the mean time, the rebels fet fire to feveral houfes in which the foldiers were quartered; and, affifted by the owners, who treacheroufly fecreted their arms, murdered feven dragoons and four of the Tyrone militia, and defperately wounded three of the former, and two of the latter.

At length, captain Beevor fallied out with twelve dragoons, and routed them in every direction. Lieutenant McFarland, of the Tyrone militia, a moft excellent officer, was fhot through the body and died.

They entered the houfe of Mr. Henderfon, a revenue officer and a proteftant, and fhot him in his bed.

Next morning they took a rebel prifoner, who gave the following information, as to their number and their mode of attack: The foldiers were quartered in eight different houfes, each of which was to be attacked at the fame moment, by the fignal of a gun fired in the churchyard. The number of the affailants was eight hundred. They loft

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three captains, and near one hundred men. Captain Beevor’s fervant was fhot in his bed. He, lieutenant Patrickfon, cornet Maxwell, and all the privates of the dragoons and the militia, difplayed fingular fpirit and intrepidity againft fo great a fuperiority of numbers.

INSURRECTION AT KILDARE.*

For fome days previous to the twenty-third of May, the inhabitants of Kildare and the adjacent country continued in great numbers to furrender arms, to take oaths of allegiance, and to obtain protections.

About two o’clock in the afternoon of that day, general Wilford ordered the troops under his command at Kildare to march to Kilcullen, for the purpofe of reinforcing general Dundas, who had had an engagement with the rebels.

John Conftable, a private of captain Neville’s corps of yeomen cavalry, who conveyed the orders to him for that purpofe from general Dundas, was fhot outfide the town; yet he lived to deliver his difpatch, but dropped dead foon after.

On leaving the town, general Wilford ordered Mr. Cooper, innholder, to collect his baggage, and that of the Suffolk fencibles, and to lodge them in the guard-houfe. He alfo fent orders to captain Winter, commanding a detachment of the Suffolk, and a fmall party of the 9th dragoons at Monaftereven, to follow him.

When captain Winter arrived at Kildare, he received written orders from the general, to burn all the camp equipage lodged at Kildare; but Mr. O’Reilly, late major of the Kildare, having reprefented to him the danger of fetting fire to the town, and having informed him that its inhabitants would protect the baggage, which they treacheroufly promifed to do, he defifted from burning it.

In about an hour after the king’s troops had left the town, the inhabitants rung the market bell, as a fignal for a general infurrection, which accordingly took place.

About two thoufand† rebels, headed by one Roger McGarry, marched into the town, and feized all the officers’ baggage and the camp equipage, which had been lodged in the guard houfe, and a confiderable

* Plate I. 7. † Their pikes had croffes painted on them.

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quantity of pikes and fire arms, which they had furrendered a few days before, as a proof of their fincerity to renounce their treafonable defigns, which they promifed by oath to do. The proteftant inhabitants, fearing that they fhould be maffacred, immediately fled to Naas or Monaftereven, for protection, and on their departure, their houfes and their property were plundered and deftroyed. Mr. Cooper loft to the amount of £2,000 in Kildare and the Curragh.

The following horrid circumftances attended the murder of George Crawford, and his grandchild of the age of fourteen years. He had formerly ferved fo long in the fifth dragoons, as to be entitled to a penfion, and was at that time a permanent ferjeant in captain Taylor’s corps of yeomen cavalry. He, his wife, and granddaughter, were stopped by a party of the rebels as they were endeavouring to make their efcape, and were reproached with the appellation of hereticks, becaufe they were of the proteftant religion. One of them ftruck his wife with a mufket, and another gave her a ftab of a pike in the back, with an intent of murdering her. Her hufband, having endeavoured to fave her, was knocked down, and received feveral blows of a firelock, which difabled him from making his efcape. While they were difputing whether they fhould kill them, she ftole behind a hedge, and concealed herfelf. They then maffacred her hufband with pikes; and her granddaughter having thrown herfelf on his body to protect him, received fo many wounds in the breafts, the head, and thighs, that she foon after expired. Thefe circumftances of atrocity have been verified by affidavit fworn by Crawford’s widow the twentieth day of Auguft, 1798, before alderman Jenkin. The fidelity of a large dog, belonging to this poor man, deferves to be recorded, as he attacked thefe fanguinary monfters, and fought bravely in defence of his mafter, till he fell by his fide, perforated with pikes.

Mr. James Williams, a revenue officer, of the proteftant religion, having made his efcape, they plundered his houfe, and deftroyed his property; and having hung up his favourite dog, they fired many fhots at it, lamenting at the fame time, that they had not an opportunity of treating his heretick mafter in the fame manner.

About eleven o’clock that night, they ftopped and plundered the Limerick mail coach, and maffacred one of the paffengers, lieutenant William

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William Giffard of the 82d regiment, and fon to captain John Giffard of the royal Dublin regiment. The favages having fhot one of the horfes fo as effectually to prevent the coach from effect without hefitation, that he was an officer, proceeding on his way to Chatham, in obedience to orders he had received. They demanded, whether he was a proteftant? and being anfwered in the affirmative, they held a moment’s confultation, and then told him, that they wanted officers; that if he would take an oath to be true to them, and join them in an attack to be made next morning on Monaftereven, they would give him a command, but otherwife he muft die. To this the gallant youth replied, that he had already fworn allegiance to his king; that he would never offend God Almighty by a breach of that oath; nor would he difgrace himfelf by turning deferter, and joining the king’s enemies; that he could not fuppofe an army of men would be fo cruel as to murder an individual who had never injured them, and who was merely paffing through them to a country from whence poffibly he never would return; but if they infifted on this propofal he muft die, for he never eould confent to it. This brave and yet pathetic anfwer, which would have kindled fentiments of generous humanity in any breafts but thofe of Irifh rebels, had directly the contrary effect upon them: With the utmoft fury they affaulted him; he had a cafe of pocket piftols, which his natural courage, and the love of life, though hopelefs, prompted him to ufe with effect. Being uncommonly active, he burft from them, and vaulting over a fix-feet wall, he made towards an houfe where he faw light, and heard people talking. Alas! it afforded no refuge! it was the houfe of poor Crawford, whom, with his granddaughter, as before mentioned, they had juft piked for being proteftants. A band of the barbarians, returning from this exploit, met lieutenant Giffard; there he fell, covered with wounds and with glory; and his mangled body was thrown into the fame ditch with honeft Crawford and his innocent grandchild. Thus expired, at the age of feventeen, a martyr to religion and honour, whofe memory will ever be refpected by the virtuous and the brave!

While thefe blood-hounds continued their fanguinary orgies in the sight, they conftantly exclaimed againft hereticks and orangemen.

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About one o’clock in the mornings they marched for Monaftereven, from thirteen hundred to fifteen hundred in number, and commanded by captain McGarry.

As by far the greater part of the popish members of the yeomen corps in the county of Kildare joined the rebels, or were known to be difaffected, I think it right to mention that fourteen of that perfuafion in the Monaftereven corps, much to their honour, fhewed on all occafions the utmoft fidelity to their king and country.*

In their march to Monaftereven, they killed fuch proteftants as they could lay their hands on, and plundered their houfes. They gave many wounds with a pike to Thomas Birch, parifh clerk of Kildangan, a man above eighty years old; and then drove him into his houfe, which they fet fire to, with an intent to burn him; but he efcaped out of the back door, and recovered afterwards.

They murdered dean Keatinge’s parifh clerk, a very old man; and they took a proteftant boy of the name of Higginbotham to their camp at Knockallin, and fhot him there. They piked one Miley, a carpenter, near Dunlavin, and major Ponfonby’s fervant, one of the fifth dragoon guards, as he was croffing the Curragh.

ATTACK UPON MONASTEREVEN.†

In this town there was a corps of yeomen cavalry, another of infantry. Having received intelligence on the twenty-fourth of May, that one of their members was barbaroufly murdered, and that another was a prifoner with the rebels, they made circuits of feveral miles round the country, to give the loyal inhabitants an opportunity of retreating to the town. They met great numbers of rebels repairing to their refpective leaders, with whom they had fome fkirmifhes, and in one of which they were fo fortunate as to refcue three foldiers of the Ancient Britons, part of a detachment from Kildare, confifting of a warrant officer and four privates, one of whom they had barbaroufly murdered. One of the troop, who rafhly purfued fome rebels too far into a bog, received many defperate pike wounds. In their circuit they repaired to the houfe

* Mr. John Caffidy, a brewer of that town, and a Romanift, fhewed fingular zeal on all occafions, as a loyalift, in that corps.

† See plate I. 7.

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of Mr. Darragh, for the purpofe of efcorting him and his family to Monaftereven; but he was in fuch imminent danger, and fuch excruciating pain, that he could not be removed.*

Between four and five o’clock in the morning, one of the videts galloped into the town, with intelligence that the rebels were advancing; one column approached by the canal, covering the road to a great extent, and was oppofed by the infantry, commanded by lieutenant Eagot, who ordered his men to prefent; and the rebels having fuddenly halted, the infantry recovered their arms and advanced, on which the rebels retreated, with an intention of attacking the town in another quarter.

The cavalry, commanded by captain Hayftead, then came forward, turned down the road towards the turnpike, and fell in with another body, whom they routed, after killing many of them.

The third column advanced into the main ftreet, where the action became very ferious.

The infantry maintained a warm and well directed fire on the rebels, and at laft broke them.

The cavalry, taking advantage of their confufion, charged them, and purfuing the fugitives, killed and wounded a great number of them; no lefs than fixty rebels lay dead in the ftreets. On the part of the loyal yeomen, John Nicholfon, Chriftopher Cox, John Pilfworth, Edward Simpfon, and Richard Hetherington, and nine horfes, were killed.

I think it is a tribute due to the memory of thefe brave men, that their names fhould be recorded in the page of hiftory. It redounds much to the honour of the Monaftereven yeomanry, that they defended their town againft thirteen hundred rebels, well appointed with arms, without the affiftance of the militia or regular troops.

A prieft of the name of Prendergaft was hanged at Monaftereven, having been convicted on the cleareft evidence of being deeply concerned in the rebellion.

A day or two before it broke out, he called on a proteftant gentleman in its vicinity, for whom he had a particular regard, and informed him, that he was very defirous of faving him and his wife; but that he feared it would be impoffible to do fo, unlefs they would confent to be chriftened, to confefs to him, and to embrace the Roman catholick religion;

* See the attempt on his life, page 197.

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that on fuch terms he would fave alfo his brother; but that he could not fave his wife, as fhe was an orangewoman.*

When the rebels were entering the town of Monaftereven, they attacked, and were on the point of breaking into the houfe of Mr. John Chriftian, with a defign of murdering him, his family, Charles Browne, efquire, and his lady, Mr. and Mrs. Chriftian and their child, all proteftants; but were driven from it by the fire of the yeomen.

On the twenty-fourth of May, while Mr. Darragh of Eagle-hill was lying on the bed of pain and ficknefs, his houfe at Eagle-hill was attacked by a numerous body of rebels, who came from their camp at Knockalin-hill, about three miles off. It was defended by Mr. Dalton, his brother-in-law, two other gentlemen, two foldiers, and two fervants; the whole under the direction of Mr. Bolton, his furgeon, who fought with great bravery, the reft of his domefticks having joined the rebels. They had juft time to place the barricadoes to the windows, which Mr. Darragh had been obliged to make ufe of to defend his houfe for twelve months before, and to diftribute the ammunition. As the rebels approached the houfe, they fent forth a terrifick yell, like favages, and fwore they would carry off, on their pikes, all the heads of the inmates. They had but two guns, three piftols, and two fwords, befides the foldiers mufkets, for their defence. A furious affault was made immediately on the houfe, and many vollies were fired into the windows of the ground floor, and middle ftory; and fome balls found their way through the port holes, into the drawing-room, where Mr. Darragh lay, accompanied by Mrs. Darragh, her mother, fifter, the maid fervant, two men fervants, and two foldiers. They were fo fortunate as to rout the whole party, after killing and wounding a great number of them. The rebels carried off all the killed, except one ruffian, who fell when he was endeavouring to break open, with his pike,” a window near the hall. He had in his pocket captain Swayne’s protection, in confequence of having taken the oath of allegiance, and furrendered a pike, a few days before; and the following prayer:

“My God, I offer unto thee my fleep, fubmitting it with a pure intention to thy holy will; and that I may recover new vigour to ferve

* By this, he alluded to her being fifter to a gentleman of noted loyalty, who was very active in checking the progrefs of the confpiracy.

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thee.* I wifh that every breath I am to take this night, may be an act of praife and love of the divine Majefty, like the happy breathings of the faints and angels who never fleep; and fo I compofe myfelf to fleep in the arms of my Saviour.”

This wretch lived about a mile and a half from Eagle-hill, and had a fhort time before been brought through a malignant fever, and his life faved, by the benevolent affiftance of Mrs. Darragh, who fupplied him with medicines, wine, and other neceffaries and comforts.

He kept a fchool, and a nightly rofary, which was fome fuperftitous infttution like the fcapular, that ferved as a vehicle for treafon.

ATTACK ON RATHANGAN.

On Thurfday morning the twenty-fourth day of May, the inhabitants of the country for fome miles round Rathangan were in a ftate of infurrection; and as they approached the town, towards evening, in great bodies, and with much vociferation, captain Langton, who was quartered there with a company of the South Cork militia, fearing that he fhould be furprifed and cut off, kept patroles all that night on the different avenues leading to it, which was very fortunate, as they had fkirmifhes with, and repulfed different parties of the rebels who were advancing towards the town. Purfuant to orders which he had received from general Wilford, he would have marched that day to Sallins; but he was perfuaded to remain there by Mr. Spenfer, who promifed to excufe him to the general, and who fent a Mr. Gatchell to Kilcullen for that purpofe.

On his arrival there, he found that it had been evacuated by the king’s troops, and was in poffeffion of the rebels, who attacked and endeavoured to feize him; but he narrowly efcaped, after having been feverely wounded. He received intelligence on the road, that the mail coach had been deftroyed near Naas by the rebels; who, in large bodies, had been defolating the preceding night all the country contiguous to thofe towns with fire and fword.

The loyal inhabitants of Rathangan were in the utmoft confternation all that night, as they could difcern, from the tops of their houfes, a great number of habitations on fire in the adjacent country; and their owners,

* Every popifh rebel imagined that he ferved his God in oppofing a proteftant, or injuring his proteftant fellow-fubjects.

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who were all proteftants, came flocking into the town, after having narrowly efcaped with their lives. They could alfo perceive multitudes of the rebels moving round the fires; and could hear them uttering the moft dreadful fhouts and yells.

Captain Langton, having received a peremptory order from general Dundas, marched from Rathangan on Friday, about three o’clock in the afternoon, and endeavoured to perfuade Mr. Spenfer to accompany him, as he was very obnoxious, from his noted loyalty; but he refifted his earneft entreaties.

The inhabitants remained under arms on Friday night, expecting to be attacked every moment. It was not until Saturday the twenty-fixth, about three o’clock, that the rebels in great numbers, and varioufly armed, entered the town; of whom the principal part approached and furrounded Mr. Spenfer’s houfe, which he had barricadoed, and introduced into it fome of his labourers, in whom he thought he could confide, and three proteftant farmers, two of them yeomen. They broke in the window-fhutters with the butt ends of their mufkets, and thruft into the rooms large quantities of burning ftraw, on the end of their pikes. They alfo fet fire to the back-door, and to the windows of the under-ground offices. Mr. Spenfer perceiving that refiftance would be fruitlefs, affured them, from a window in the firft floor, that he would quietly furrender his arms. Having defired him to defcend, he complied with their wifhes, and approached them in a moft refpectful conciliating manner; on which a fellow, of the name of Doorley, to whofe family Mr. Spenfer had always been very kind, and whofe brother was a yeoman in his corps, approached him with a menacing afpect, and flourifhed a fcymitar over his head, ufing at the fame time fome infolent and opprobrious language. Mr. Spenfer afked him, “What he had ever done to offend him?” Doorley replied, “You would not give me a protection againft the foldiers, when they came into this country upon free quarters.” Mr. Spenfer affured him, “That he would have done fo, if he had applied to him for that purpofe.”

Mr. Spenfer, perceiving that they began to grow turbulent and furious, retired into his houfe, and was purfued by a party of them, who murdered him on his ftair-cafe, having shot him through the head, and mangled his body with pikes in a moft favage manner. They then carried it out, and laid it on the ground, in the front of the houfe, as if to fatisfy the rebel

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multitude, that their wifhes had been accomplifhed. Next day the fervants obtained permiffion to bury it; but \uithout a coffin.

Thus this worthy gentleman, who was an active and intelligent magiftrate, and as remarkable for the amiablenefs and afi’ability of his manners, as the benevolence of his heart, fell a facrifice to the fanaticifm of thofe favages, to whom he had been unremittingly a kind and generous benefactor.

As his houfe was a fhort diftance from the town, Mrs. Spenfer, who was led to it in the midft of thefe monfters, had the anguifh to fee the mangled corpfe of her hufband lying at his door.

When they killed him, they proceeded to maffacre George Moore, James his fon, and John Heastip his fon-in-law, the three proteftants who were in the houfe: The labourers joined the mob, and were not injured, for their religion preferred them.

Mr. Spenfer was captain of a yeoman corps, which made him hateful to the rebels, who were joined by almoft the whole of the popifh members of his troop. Of thefe, Martin Hinds, to whom he had been Angularly kind and generous, and Molloy, an opulent farmer, who was his fecond lieutenant, became leaders among the infurgents.

Mr. Moore, his firft lieutenant, was an Englifh gentleman, who had long ferved with reputation in the king’s fervice, and had retired to Rathangan, a very pretty village, in which a few refspectable families formed a pleafant fociety. On the approach of the rebels, he and about fifteea of the yeomen infantry, together with a few loyal inhabitants, retreated inte the houfe of Mr. Neal, a quaker, as it was more defenfible than his own. They afked him to furrender his arms, having affured him that his perfon fhould not be injured.

For fome time having refufed to comply, Mrs. Spenfer, and fome more refpectable females, went to the front of the houfe, and on their knees befought him to accept of the terms offered by the rebels; from a conviction that refiftance would be vain, and that it would terminate in the deftruction of the befieged. They at laft acceded to the terms which had been delufively offered; but thefe amiable females found, alas! that they had been deceived by thefe blood-hounds, whofe cruelty could be equalled by nothing but their treachery; for they murdered every proteftant in the houfe, by leading them into the ftreet, and butchering them with favage

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exultation: But it is remarkable, that they did not injure a fingle papift whom they found there.

They led Mr. Moore about the ftreets, mocking and infulting him. His wife, who lay-in three days before, had been removed to the houfe of captain Grattan five or fix hours previous to the maffacre; and, having conducted him oppofite to it, they refolved to affaffinate him there, to encreafe the bitternefs of death, and to wound the feelings of his innocent wife, whofe fenfibility was heightened by the delicacy of her fituation; but fome of the favages, more humane than the reft, objected to that refinement in cruelty. They then led him to another part of the town, and fhot him; and foon after they maffacred fix proteftants who had been in Mr. Ncal’s houfe with him; of whom the youngeft, of the name of Fofter, was but fourteen years old.

One of the Fofters efcaped in the following manner: While they were torturing his brother, he refcued himfelf by main force, darted from them into an adjoining houfe, clofed the door, and got into a little clofet under the flairs, where he remained above forty hours, almoft double; and when the favage pikemen purfued him, the maid fervant humanely faid, that he paffed through the houfe, and made his efcape; but I am forry to fay, that her fubfequent conduct: abated her merit very much; for afterwards, in a moment of cool deliberation, fhe expreffed concern at having faved a heretick.

On the whole, they murdered nineteen proteftants in that little village, and fome of them with fuch circumftances of cruelty, as nothing but fanaticifm, operating on the moft barbarous ignorance, could dictate.

They cut off the arm of Robinfon, a carpenter of the proteftant perfuafion, before they put a period to his exiftence.

On firing at one Whelan, a proteftant, he fell to the ground, and then received many pike wounds; and yet he recovered and is ftill alive. The ruffian who fired at him exclaimed, “There goes a proteftant!”

They killed one Coyle a fhoemaker, far advanced in years, becaufe he could not crofs himfelf; but on finding him to be a heretick, they compelled him to crofs himfelf as well as he could with his left hand, fuperftitioufly believing, that the doing fo would inevitably doom him to eternal damnation.

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They were inclined to kill Mr. Dawfon, a proteftant gentleman, who lived at Rathangan; but fome of them objected to it, and faid, “He is married to one of us,” meaning a papift.

A woman urged them to kill doctor Bagot, an aged and infirm gentleman, who never denied medical affiftance to the poor. One of the rebels objected to it, and faid, he is a good man: She replied, “You fhould get rid of him; for his children fing “Croppies, lie down.”’ However, they led him out to execution, and compelled him to wear a green wreath in his hat; but his wife faved him, by faying, he would be ufeful in dreffing their wounds. There is not a doubt but that he would have fhared the fate of the other proteftant inhabitants of Rathangan, if they had not hoped to avail themfelves of his fkill as a furgeon; for, through the courfe of the rebellion, they were careful of the lives of fuch perfons as were verfed in the medical art.

Thefe favages continued all night to exprefs the joy which they felt at their fuccefs, by fhouts and yells, uttered with barbarous diftbnance, and to boaft of their achievements in the prefence of thofe perfons whofe relations they had maffacred.

The following expreffions were related to me by fome ladies of undoubted veracity, who heard them uttered by thefe cannibals: “We have got rid of our friends, and have fent their fouls jumping to hell.” “We have at laft got what we had a right to, our own county to ourfelves,”* meaning the county of Kildare.

One of them, foon after the murder of Mr. Spenfer, afked one of his fervants, whether they were all Roman catholicks? and on her faying they were, the houfekeeper excepted, he replied, “The bitch muft be put an end to.*

Lieutenant-colonel Mahon of the 7th dragoon guards, marched to the relief of the town, on Monday the twenty-eighth of May, with a detachment of his regiment, and fome yeomen cavalry from Tullamore, which is feventeen miles from Rathangan. Sometime before he arrived there, he divided the fquadron into two parts, with a view of approaching the town by two different roads, in order to furround the rebels. One party arriving firft, paffed through it without any moleftation, and having joined

* The popifh multitude are taught to believe, that the proteftant* have no right to refide ia Ireland, or to any property in it.

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the other, they returned to fee that every thing was right; but in pafEng through if, they received a moft tremendous fire of musketry from the windows, by which three men were killed, and eleven were wounded; and fix horfes were killed, and twelve were wounded. It is furprifing that they efcaped fo well, as the fquadron, confifting of eighty, were clofe together; but the great duft which they raifed prevented them in fome meafure from being feen. Lieutenant Malone, whofe horfe was fhot under him in the ftreet, became their prifoner, and had a narrow efcape, as he was fhot through his cloaths, and received many fhots in his faddle and holfters. One of the favages was feen to give many ftabs of a bayonet to One of the dragoon horfes which lay dead in the ftreets; and every time he repeated it, exclaimed, “Take that, proteftant!”

On Monday morning one James Curry, a leader of them, and fuppofed to be mufter-mafter, cried out in the ftreets, ““What is become of the boys of Coolelan and Ballinure?* damn them, ftick them to the heart, for not joining us.” The favages fwore vehemently that they would do fo; and faid we are the boys that will do their bufinefs. That villain was between fixty and feventy; he was hanged in two hours after.

They fired up into the fteeple of the church, fuppofing that Wilfon the fexton was there; but he lay concealed in a hay loft, and eluded their favage fury.

On Sunday, one of their leaders, mounted on Mr. Spenfer’s horfe with all his accoutrements, arrived at Rathangan; and after haranguing them fometime, faid, “Let there be no more bloodfhed, as we have got poffeffion of the caftle and the barrack of Dublin.”

They frequently boafted of the murders they had committed. A young man having declared vauntingly, in the prefence of Mrs. Watfon, that he killed captain Moore, and committed other barbarities; fhe, who is a quaker, and has much religious fortitude, exclaimed: “Oh! thou wretch! If thou art fo great a monfter at thy age, what muft thy father be?”

On Monday afternoon, the city of Cork militia under colonel Longford, with a detachment of dragoons, and two field pieces, approached Rathangan. The rebels shewed the utmoft terror and confternation; fome were for giving battle, others for abandoning the town; one was heard

* Two town-lands in the county of Kildare. The inhabitants of every town-land were regularly enrolled ana regiftered.

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to fay, “I thank God I heard three maffes yefterday!” A large party of them called out for holy water; and having obtained it, retired to Mrs. Pym’s yard, went on their knees, and were fprinkled with it.

Lieutenant-colonel Longfield having appeared at fome diftance from the town, the rebels fent a man on horfeback, with a flag of truce, towards him; and major Millar having advanced to meet him, received a letter from, him for the commanding officer; importing, that they would inflantly put Mr. Malone, their prifoner, to death, if the king’s troops did not retire; but the colonel, difregarding their menace, advanced precipitately ,« after having fired fome rounds of cannon fhot at the town, which diflodged the rebels, and put them to flight; and fuch was their confufiony that they fled without injuring Mr. Malone.

Colonel Longfield obtained ample vengeance for the death of the loyalifts, having killed in the attack and the purfuit between fifty and fixty rebels, and hung fome of their leaders, who fell into his hands; among whom was Molloy, Mr. Spenfer’s renegado lieutenant.

They were on the point of hanging one Keogh, a glazier, who had been active among the rebels at Mr. Spenfer’s houfe. Having pleaded that he was compelled by force to join them, they fpared his life; but obliged him to execute thofe whom they fentenced to death.

When the military appeared, the rebels had begun to firip the lead from the roof of the church, for the purpofe of making bullets; and then they intended to have burned it.

Doorley owned afterwards, that in one day more they would have put all the proteftant women and children to death, if the king’s troops had not arrived; and there is every reafon to think fo, as their fanatical fury, inflamed by conftant ebriety, had fermented to a very high pitch.

The barbarous treatment of Michael Shenfi:one, a proteftant, deferves to be circumftantially related. He was led into the ftreet, with the other unfortunate proteftants, and received eighteen ftabs of pikes.

A woman of the name of Farrel, who was infamoufly active in this fanguinary bufinefs, informed them, that they did not know how to kill Orangemen; on which a ruffian ftepped forward, and trampled on the dead and dying. He then put a piftol clofe to Shenftone’s head, and the ball entering near the ear, came out under the eye, having fraftured the cheek-bone in a moft fhocking manner. In fome hours after he was put

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into a cart with the bodies of feventeen proteftants who had been murdered, and was conveyed to the church-yard to be interred; but fome alarm preventing it, he remained among the dead that night. Next morning, at the interceffion of fome of the rebels, his body was delivered to his wife, by whofe care and proper medicinal affiftance he recovered, and regained the ufe of his limbs. Thefe facts were related to me by a gentleman who faw Shenftone foon after; and they have been verified by his affidavit, fworn before Oliver Nelfon, a magiftrate, and by Mr. Bayly, curate of Rathangan, and Mr. Pym, his landlord.

I fhall mention here an incident, which throws great light on the fpirit;of the confpiracy and rebellion, and the fecret defigns of the great body of the rebels. One Dennis, an apothecary and a proteftant, was the county delegate, and the chief conductor of the plot in the King’s county,* which was to have exploded in a few days; but the wanton maffacre of proteftants at Profperous and Rathangan having convinced him that their extirpation was the main object of the Romanifts, though they had with fingular difhmulation concealed it from him, who was their leader, he repaired to Tullamore to general Dunn, who commanded in that diftrict, threw himfelf on the mercy of government, expofed the whole plot, and the names of the captains, who were immediately arrefted. He faid to the general, “I fee, fir, that it will foon be my own fate.”

ATTACK ON KILCULLEN.†

For a fortnight or three weeks previous to the twenty-third of May, the rebels continued to take oaths of allegiance, and to obtain protections, in confequence of having furrendered pikes and mufkets, which they did to the number of between ten and fifteen thoufand, to general Dundas, who refided at Caftlemartin, within half a mile of Kilcullenbridge. In confequence of this, the civil magiftrates, and the officers, were thoroughly convinced that the difaffected had completely renounced their rebellious defigns.

A perfon affured me, that he rode alone on the morning of the twentythird of May, from Tallagh-hill to Kilcullen-bridge, without feeing any perfons on the roads or in the fields; and yet at four o’clock in the afternoon, Mr. Robert Douglafs of Gormanftown, came into Kilcullen, and informed the garrifon, that about three hundred rebels had affembled

* See plate I. 7. † Ibid,

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at the Rath of Gilltown the preceding night; and that he was very well informed, that they meant in a large body to attack the town, and to take general Dundas prifoner by furprife. In confequence of this intelligence, patroles were fent to all the avenues leading to the town, and the army and the yeomanry were ordered to be in readinefs.

At half paft eight, two of captain Latouche’s corps, John Farange and Hugh Gribbin, were fent exprefs to Ballymore-euftaee, to apprife the garrifon there of the rifing. About midway, they fell in with five hundred pikemen, at a fudden turn of the road. They knocked Gribbin oft” his horfe, and gave him feveral flabs of pikes; however he is since recovered. Farange returned, and entered the town, crying out aloud, “To arms!”

About twelve o’clock, a prifoner was brought in, who, on being whipped, confeffed, that the rebels were at that time on the point of attacking Naas.

The town remained quiet till feven next morning, when general Dundas ordered forty cavalry of the 9th dragoons, and the Romneys, and twentytwo of the Suffolk fencibles, commanded by captain Beale, whofe conduct merited the higheft praife, to proceed to Old Kilcullen, where the rebels were affembled. Three hundred of them were ftrongly entrenched in the church-yard, which was defended on one fide by a high wall; on the other, by a quickfet hedge, with a dyke before it.

General Dundas ordered the Romneys and the 9th dragoons to charge the rebels, though it was up-hill, though the ground was broken, and many of the rebels were in a road clofe to the church-yard, in which not more than fix of the cavalry could advance in front.

They however charged with great fpirit, though their deftruction was confidered by all the fpeftators to be the certain and inevitable confequence of it; for what could cavalry do, thus broken and divided, againft a firm phalanx of rebels, armed with very long pikes; neverthelefs, they made three charges, but were repulfed in each; and at every repulfe the general urged them to renew the attack.

It was with the utmoft difiiculty that captain Cooks and captain Erfkine could prevail upon their men to renew the charge, after the firft defeat. In the laft charge, captain Cooks, to infpire his men with courage by his example, advanced fome yards before them; when his horfe having

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received many wounds, fell upon his knees; and while in that fituation, the body of that brave officer was perforated with pikes; and he, captain Erfkine, and twenty-two privates, were killed on the fpot, and ten fo badly wounded, that moft of them died foon after.

Had general Dundas waited for the arrival of twenty-two of the Suffolk fencibles, who were advancing, and joined them in a very fhort time, that affair would have had a more fortunate iffue.

Captain Beale, who commanded the Suffolk fencibles, with great coolnefs advanced within thirty yards of the rebels, broke and difperfed them with one well-directed volley, every fhot having taken place.

General Dundas, defeated at Old Kilcullen, retired with his little force to the village of Kilcullen-bridge, where he halted for fome time; but the rebels, elated with their fuccefs, determined to follow up their victory with vigour, and knowing that they could not hope to force the ftrong and narrow pafs of Kilcullen-bridge, defended by regular troops, they took a route fomewhat more circuitous; and fording the Liffey a little below Caftle-martin, marched up to the Turnpike-hill, and took a pofition between Kilcullen and Naas,* with intent to cut off general Dundas and his forces from the poffibility of retreating.

The general upon this occafion put himfelf at the head of twenty-feven Suffolk fencible infantry, his cavalry In the rear, and marched boldly up to the rebels, whofe fuccefs had encreafed their numbers to many thoufands.

The rebels were -drawn up in a regular line, three deep, with three ftands of green colours. They began the attack by firing four rounds, accompanied with loud fhouts. They were broken and difperfed by the fecond or. third difcharge of the Suffolk fencibles; on which the cavalry charged, routed them, and killed great numbers in the purfuit.

Mr. Latouche’s corps made a diftinguifhed figure in this affair, in which three hundred rebels were killed.

After the engagement, general Dundas abandoned Kilcullen, and marched to Naas, for the purpofe of concentering the forces under his command, as near the metropolis as poffible; having well-grounded apprehenfions, that it would be attacked by the enemy in great force.

Soon after the general marched from Kilcullen, the rebels plundered all the houfes of the proteftants in it and its vicinity, and murdered fuch

* Fourteen miles to the South of Dublin, Plate I. 7.

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of the inhabitants as coald not make their efcape. They killed quarter-mafter King of the 9th dragoons, a man feventy years old, who remained behind in the town; and two dragoons of the fame regiment, who guarded the reverend doctor Cramer’s houfe, were treacheroufly murdered by fome wretches who were drinking with them. They piked out one eye of a Mrs. Burchell, aged ninety; they alfo affaffinated fome wounded foldiers who had been left in the town, and a Mr. John Cheney at Donard. All the proteftants near Kilcullen, who were fo fortunate as to efcape from the favage rebels, fled to Naas, where they remained fome days in the utmoft diftrefs.

On the twenty-fifth of May, the houfe of the reverend Henry Annefley of Newpark, was furrounded by a party of rebels, headed by one Hetherington of Kildare, who, after taking a plentiful repaft, and plundering it of provifions and various articles, fet fire to it, and eight out-offices, which were foon confumed.

One of the leaders of this party was Laurence Byrne, a blackfmithj who lived under and was kindly protected by Mr. Annefley’s family, at Ballyfax. This ruffian made feveral attempts to ftab him with a pike, but was prevented. He repaired the fame evening to Ballyfax, with a cocked piftol, and compelled Mr. Annefley and his nephew to go to Knockallin camp.

All the proteftant clergy in the county of Kildare, except one,* were obliged to fly from their houfes.

On Saturday the twenty-fixth of May, the houfes of Mr. Eyre Lindfay, Mr. David Burchell, and Mr. John Jones, all proteftants, were burnt near Ballyfax.

There were fix rebel encampments in the county of Kildare,† one nt Knockallin near Old Kilcullen, one at Barnhill near Kildare, one at Hodgeftown, one at Hortland, one at Redgap, and one at Timahoe.

On Saturday the twenty-fixth of May, a rebel army, above three thoufand in number, who compofed for the greater part of thofe that had been ftationed at Knockallin and Barnhill, fent a deputation to general Dundas, to fignify that they would furrender their arms, and return to their refpective houfes, provided their prifoners that were taken were liberated; but he refufed tkefe terms. They then offered an unconditional

* The peculiarity of his connections protected him. † Plate I. 7.

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furrender; but he hefitated to negotiate with them without the fanction of government.

General Lake having been fent to him by lord Camden, the two generals received their arms and their fubmiffion, and granted them pardon; yet the greater part of them joined their friends in their different camps in the county of Kildare, with the protections of thofe generals in their pockets; and others repaired to the county of Wexford, to join their fellow traitors there.

It is univerfally allowed, that this negotiation of general Dundas with the rebels, though well intended, produced the worft effects; for it made them elate and infolent, by fhewing them that treafon might be committed with impunity; and it encouraged them in the commiffion of murder and rapine for many months after, which will appear in the fequel.

General Sir James Duff, quartered in Limerick, having heard that the infurrection was very general and terrifick, infomuch as to threaten the metropolis, and to obftruft all the roads leading to it, marched from Limerick with two light fix-pounders, feventy of lord Roden’s fencible cavalry, and two hundred and fifty of the city of Dublin regiment of militia. They were joined on their route by about two hundred of the South Cork regiment of militia, and their two battalion guns; and by about fifty of the 4th dragoon guards, and a party of gallant yeomen. They arrived at Kildare by forced marches in forty-eight hours, and then repaired to a place called the Gibit Rath, where the rebels were pofted in a Danifh fort.

General Wilford had been deputed by general Dundas to receive their fubmiffion; but, unfortunately for that body of rebels, Sir James Duff arrived there half an hour before him.

The general, on his arrival there, after having difpofed his army in order of battle, fent a ferjeant and twelve of the cavalry to the rebels, to defire they would quietly furrender their arms; but they wantonly and without provocation fired on the king’s troops, of whom they killed one, and wounded three; but ample vengeance was foon obtained; for above three hundred and fifty of the rebels were killed, and feveral wounded by lord Jocelyn’s fencible cavalry, who fell in with them pell mell; fo that the artillery and infantry were unable to act without the rifque [sic] of deftroying their friends.

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The reverend Mr. Williamfon, a proteftant clergyman of Kildare,:and the prieft of the parifh, repaired to general Duff on the part of the inhabitants of Kildare, to obtain the royal mercy for them, on condition of furrendering their arms, and returning to their allegiance; but the king’s troops, fufpefting their sincerity, and not knowing them, were on the point of hanging them, which probably they would have effected, but that colonel Sankey, of the city of Dublin regiment, and brother-in-law of Mr. Williamfon, arrived and undeceived them.

Next day, Sir James Duff, having received information that a large body of rebels were encamped at Blackmore-hill, whither great numbers of thofe pardoned by general Dundas had repaired with their protections in their pockets, he marched to attack them; and by a few difcharges of artillery they were routed, and a good many of them were killed.

No praife can equal the merit of Sir James Duff, and his gallant little army; for in forty-eight hours they marched feventy miles without halting. At Kildare, they found the murdered bodies of honeft Crawford, of his innocent grand-daughter, and of the gallant young Giffard, who preferred death to difhonour, and whom they interred with military honours.

It is to be lamented that the difaffection of the popifh yeomanry of the county of Kildare was highly difgraceful.

Of a corps of fifty yeomen cavalry at Caftledermot,* there were but five who were not implicated in the rebellion; and their lieutenant, Mr. Daniel Caulfield, was committed by government,

A neighbouring corps of yeomanry, called the Sleumarigue, under the command of Mr. Bambrick, with great modefty gave up their arms, confcious of the improper engagements they had made with the united Irifhmen.

A proteftant corps of the fame name, formed under the command of Mr. Gerald Fitzgerald, have rendered the moft effectual fervice to their country.

A well-mounted corps of fifty yeomen, called the Athy cavalry, were raifed under the command of Thomas Fitzgerald, efquire, of Geraldine, whofe commander was committed to the caftle of Dublin, where he remained a clofe prifoner for fome months; and foon after his arreft,

* Plate 1. 8.

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the corps were difarmed publickly, in the market fquare of Athy, for difaffection.

An attempt was made to admit fuch as were without cenfure, into the loyal corps of Ballylinan, commanded by Steward Weldon, efquire; but very few were found eligible.

All the Roman catholicks in the Rathangan corps joined the rebels.. Molloy their lieutenant, and feveral more were hanged; many were pardoned under the proclamation, and others of them abfconded.

In the North Naas corps, there were fo many implicated in the rebellion, that but fixteen could be depended on to do duty.

Though the Clane corps were fixty-fix ftrong, fuch difaffection prevailed among the Roman catholick yeomen, that but twenty-four muftered on the twenty-fourth of May.

ATTACK ON CARLOW.*

The mail coach from Dublin always reached Carlow in the morning, about eight o’clock; and, as its not arriving on the morning of Thurfday the twenty -fourth of May was to be the fignal for rifing there and ia its vicinity, the rebels could not make their intended attack on that town till the morning of the twenty-fifth.

About two o’clock on that morning they affembled in great force, moftly from Grange, Hacketftown, Tullow,† LeighHn,‡; and that part of the country between Rathvilly and Borris,§ headed by one Roach a farmer. They gave a moft dreadful yell as foon as they entered the town, where they were joined by moft of the lower clafs of the popifh inhabitants, and numbers of people who had been fecretly coming into it the whole of the preceding day and night. They marched, in number about two thoufand, through Tullow-ftreet, till they arrived at the potatoe market, where their progrefs was interrupted by two fentinels pofted at the collector’s door, and a loyal proteftant who joined them; and they, by a conftant and well-directed fire, defeated their defign of uniting with the Queen’s county rebels, (who were to have met them at Graigue-bridge) and drove them acrofs the potatoe market towards the gaol, where two fentinels, with equal fpirit, checked them in their career, and forced them to retreat through Bridewell-lane, towards the court-houfe; where

* Plate I. 8, and II. i. † Plate II. i. ‡ 4 Ibid. 3, 4. § Ibid. 7.

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having received a few fhots from the houfe of a loyal proteftant, they cried out that they were furrounded by the foldiers, threw down their arms, and, in the greateft confternation, endeavoured to retreat by the road through which they had at firft advanced; but, fearing to meet the army in that direction, numbers of them retired into the houfes in Tullow-ftreet, which it is believed were inhabited by their affociates; for when the foldiers fet fire to them, to make the rebels bolt, there was not a woman or child in any of them. Some rufhed out through the flames, and were fhot or bayoneted; others remained in the houfes till they were confumed. The other mifcreants who had taken different routes, were fhot by the loyal inhabitants from their windows; and fuck of them as efcaped, were purfued and killed by the foldiers and yeomanry; fo that the ftreets, the roads, and fields contiguous to the town, were ftrewed with carcaffes. That evening, and all next day, nineteen carts were conftantly employed in conveying the dead bodies to the other fide of Graigue-bridge, where four hundred and feventeen bodies were buried in three gravel-pits, and covered with quick lime. On the whole, it was believed, that no lefs than fix hundred of the unfortunate wretches perifhed, including thofe who were confumed in the houfes, and thofe who fell in the roads and fields, and were fecretly interred by their friends.

The Queen’s county rebels were to have met, and joined thofe of the county of Carlow, at Graigue-bridge; but having heard that there were two pieces of cannon pofted there, they changed their route; and, headed by one Redmond, and one Brennan, who had been a yeoman, they burned fome proteftant houfes in the village of Ballyckmoiler, and attacked the houfe of the reverend John Whitty, a proteftant clergyman, near Aries, about five miles from Carlow; but it was bravely defended, by himfelf and eleven proteftants, who kept up a conftant fire, killed twenty-one rebels, and baffled all their attempts to ftorm or burn it. The conflict continued from three till fix o’clock in the morning; when Mr. Whitty’s ammunition being nearly expended, he fent two of his party to a neighbour to borrow more; but they were furrounded and overpowered after a gallant defence. The corpfe of one of them, whom they killed, was mangled in a barbarous manner. They left the other, whofe name was Impey, fuppofing him to be dead; but he afterwards

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recovered: He afked for a draught of water from fome perfons who were prefent, but they would not relieve him, till he afked for a prieft, and then they fupplied him with it. This party was firft informed, by emiffaries from Carlow, that their friends were fuccefsful, and had got poffeffion of the barrack; on which they felt a degree of joy equal to madnefs, but it was only the delufion of a moment; for the difmay which they felt, on hearing the fate of their friends was fuch, as to check their fanguinary defign of immolating an unfortunate proteftant, whom they were on the point of fhooting.

Richard Waters, a member of Mr. Rochfort’s corps of yeomanry, fell into their hands; and they had him for fome time on his knees, ready for execution, when an account of the fad cataftrophe at Carlow arrived. He, taking advantage of the panick which it produced, reprefented to them the folly of continuing in their rebellious career; recommended to them to furrender their arms, and throw themfelves on the mercy of government; and his exhortation not only produced the defired effect, but faved his life.

The barony of Carbery in the county of Kildare, part of the adjacent country, including confiderable portions of the counties of Meath, and the King’s county, were dreadfully agitated, fo early as the beginning of the year 1795, by the defenders, who continued almoft without intermiffion, till the rebellion broke out, to levy money, to plunder of arms the houfes of proteftants, and often to murder their inhabitants; and this in fome inftances at noon day.

About the hour of twelve o’clock at night, on the fixth of May, 1797, they attacked the Charter-fchool at Caftlecarbery, in great numbers, broke all the windows, fired many hundred fhots into it, and attempted to force open the door; but were repulfed with the lofs, it is faid, of twenty men killed. The number who fell could not be well afcertained, as they carried off the dead bodies. They affumed the title of united Irifhmen fome time in the year 1796.

On the thirtieth of May, 1798, about two thoufand of them, headed by one Cafey, attacked and burned the fame charter-fchool, after having plundered all the property of Mr. Sparks, the mafter, which was confiderable. This man, remarkable for his humanity and tendernefs to the children under his care, was peculiarly the object of their vengeance, on

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account of the vigorous defence which he had made the preceding year. The fchool had been defended by a party of fencibles, till the twenty-fourth of May, 1798; and when they were withdrawn, Mr. Sparks and his family were obliged to abandon it; and the children took refuge in the bog of Allen, and in fome neighbouring cabins.

The day before the charter-fchool was burnt, the parifh prieft told fome of the children, and an old woman who attended them, that they need not be under apprehenfions that night; and that, at all events, they (meaning the children) would not be molefted. The charter-fchool, as proteftant inftitution, was peculiarly the object of hatred to the infurgents, who were exclufively of the popifh religion.

In confequence of the increafing outrages of the country, and the well-grounded belief, that a general infurrection would foon take place, lieutenant Tyrrell, commanding the Clonard cavalry, in the abfence of Mr. John Tyrrell, its captain, then in England, received an official letter on the tenth of May, ordering his corps on permanent duty at Clonard,* four miles from Carbery.

Mr. Thomas Tyrrell, at that time high fheriff of the county, finding his houfe at Kilreny, a mile and a half from Clonard, indefenfible; and as his noted loyalty and activity had made him obnoxious, he removed his family to the houfe of his kinfman, Mr. John Tyrrell, at Clonard; which he fortified, and where he kept a guard of one ferjeant and eighteen men, who were relieved every week.

About the fame time, captain O’Ferrall, of the Ballina cavalry, mounted a permanent guard at Johnftown; but as there were ftrong apprehenfions of a general infurrection, he was permitted to join the guard at Clonard every night for protection, and returned every morning at four o’clock to Johnftown.

At laft, the outrages and atrocities increafed to fuch an alarming degree, that lieutenant Tyrrell repaired to Dublin, and applied to lord Caftlereagh for a reinforcement of regular troops. His lordfhip affured him, that, from the peculiar ftate of the country, government could not comply with his requeft; but recommended to him to raife fome fupplementaries among the proteftants of the country, and told him that they fhould be fupplied with arms and ammunition.

* See Plate I. 6 and 7.

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During this reprefentation to adminiftration, the rebels burned the proteftant charter-fchool at Carbery, and feveral houfes of proteftants in it and its vicinity. They then proceeded towards Johnftown, burning all the proteftant houfes they met with in their progrefs, which terminated at Gurteen, where they plundered and burned the houfe of Mr. Metcalf.

Mr. Barlow, fecond lieutenant of the Clonard corps, marched out with part of his guard, and being joined by captain O’Ferrall, purfued the rebels to Gurteen; but finding that they were pofted behind hedges, at each fide of the road, which was fo deep and fo narrow, that the cavalry, though expofed to the enemy’s fire, could not deploy, or make any offenfive or defenfive operations, they were under the neceffity of retiring.

On the thirtieth of May, Mr. Tyrrell arrived from Dublin, and next day enrolled and armed nineteen well-affected proteftants, to act as infantry. By this time the rebels had collected in very great numbers, and encamped on an ifland in the bog of Timahoe,* and at Mucklin and Drihid; and for fome time they continued to plunder the houfes of all the proteftants in the neighbourhood, and carried off” all the horfes and cattle they could find; and even intercepted the fupplies of oxen and fheep which were going from remote counties to the capital.

Government, having received intelligence of thefe enormities, fent general Champagne, on the fifth of June, to confult with lieutenant Tyrrell, who was well acquainted with the country, on the beft and moft feafible mode of attacking the enemy’s camp. General Champagne was efcorted to Edenderry by lieutenant Tyrrell; but finding no troops there, he fent an exprefs to Philipftown, to order troops from thence to attack the enemy; and they arrived at Edenderry on the evening of the feventh of May; and on the next day, the general, having arranged his plan of operation, proceeded to attack the enemy with the following forces: A detachment of the Limerick militia, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Gough; the Cooleftown yeomanry cavalry, by captain Wakely; the Canal Legion, by lieutenant Adam Williams; the Clonard cavalry, by lieutenant Tyrrell; and the Ballina cavalry, by captain O’Ferrall.

The

* A gentleman who was a prifoner with them, informed me, that he faw a prieft there, who encouraged the rebels to perfift in the rebellion, by affuring them that all the people in Connaught were in a ftate of infurrection.

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The general difpofed the cavalry fo as to furround the bog, while the infantry attacked the camp, which was on an ifland in it. The conteft lafted for fome time, as the number of infantry was but fmall; however, their valour amply compenfated the paucity of their numbers; for the Limerick, led on by the gallant colonel Gough, and ably fupported by the Canal Legion, commanded by lieutenant Williams, at laft forced the camp, and difperfed the rebels; of whom great numbers were cut off, in their flight, by the cavalry.

Lieutenant Tyrrell having received information that a numerous body of rebels had taken poft on a hill near his houfe of Kilreny, where they were committing depredations and various enormities, went to Kinnegad himfelf for the troops quartered there, and fent an exprefs for thofe who were ftationed at Edenderry, to co-operate with them.

The following troops affembled on the thirtieth of June, and attacked the rebels, who, to the number of fix hundred, were pofted on Foxeshill: A detachment of the Limerick, the Cooleftown, the Canal Legion, and a fmall party of the Northumberland fencibles. They were foon routed with confiderable flaughter; and one Cafey, their commander, his brother, and another leader, were killed, and their bodies were expofed for fome days at Edenderry.

Cafey had been principally concerned in the atrocities committed at Rathangan; the uniform great coat of Mr. Spenfer, and the boots of Mr. Semple, a yeoman, murdered there, having been found upon him.

Lieutenant Tyrrell entertained the moft fanguine expectations that fuch decifive advantages againft the rebels would have reftored peace and tranquillity; but the arrival of four thoufand Wexford rebels in the county of Kildare, commanded by general Perry, and one Kearns, a popifh prieft, blafted all his hopes, and fpread defolation in the country which he was appointed to defend. I fhall poftpone a defcription of their progrefs and operations, till I have mentioned their defeat in the county of Wexford.

The following aneedote will fhew the reader to what a ftate of debafement the popifh multitude were reduced by the fanguinary and fanatical principles which were conftantly infufed into their minds, to prepare them for the approaching infurrection and rebellion; John North, of Nurney in the county of Kildare, a fellow of mean parentage, and plebeian

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manners, married a handfome young woman of the name of Carrol, of the proteftant religion, and refpectably connected; but whofe diftreffes compelled her to make fo difagreeable and unequal a connection. Being a bigotted papift, and of a ferocious difpofition, he became an enthufiaft in the caufe of the united Irifhmen, and gradually contradted an envenomed hatred againft his wife, on account of her religion; infomuch, that he ufed conftantly to beat her with great cruelty, and to reproach her with the appellation of heretick; and his relations, harbouring an inveterate averfion towards her for the fame reafon, would not fuffer her to fuckle her only child, a new-born infant. At laft, impelled by fanaticifm, he attempted to murder her with a knife, and would have effected it, but that his mother, on her knees, deprecated his anger.

He kept an inferior kind of publick houfe, which was the rendezvous of all the rebels of the adjacent country; particularly of one Prendergaft, a prieft, who was hanged at Monaftereven, on the breaking-out of the rebellion. As fhe heard them at their nightly meetings forming treafonable plots, and expreffing their determination to deftroy all hereticks, fhe was kept in a conftant ftate of terror.

At laft fhe found, among his papers, a letter from a rebel captain, advifing him to kill her, and to bury her in an adjacent fallow field; on which fhe fled, and repaired to her relations in the county of Wicklow.

Soon after, this ruffian having a quarrel with a proteftant yeoman of the name of Crofs, a challenge took place, and the combatants agreed to decide it with piftols. North fired firft, and miffed his antagonift, on which Crofs defired him to beg his life; but he fwore he never would do fo of an Orangeman; on which Crofs fired and killed him.

ATTACK UPON KILCOCK.

The day after the rebels furrendered their arms at Knockallin to general Dundas, a party of them, encamped at Timahoe, fent as their delegate the reverend father Murphy, a prieft, to Sir Fenton Aylmer, pofted at that time at Kilcock, with the Donadea cavalry which he commanded, confifting of one captain, one lieutenant, three ferjeants, and thirty privates; for the purpofe of affuring him of their penitence, and their determination of furrendering their arms; and to request that he would go to their camp, which he might do with the utmoft fafety, as they had

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the greateft refpect and regard for him: He, agreeable to their defire, having gone there, accompanied by one friend, and efcorted by two dragoons, had a long conference with their leaders; and in confequence of the ftrong affurance of their pacific difpofition, and of an ardent defire to return to their allegiance, he repaired firft to general Dundas, and afterwards to lord Camden, to obtain an amnefty for them.

While Sir Fenton Aylmer was conferring with the rebel chiefs in their camp, his friend perceived two of the inferior rebels fteal behind a hedge, and prefent their mufkets at him; on which he told the leaders, that he and his friend would inftantly fhoot them, if the affaffins did not immediately defift: On which the chieftains made an apology, and faid it was done without their knowledge. They then, at their inftance, accompanied them to a place about a mile from the camp; and as a proof of their sincerity, they obferved, that they had no arms; but they no fooner arrived there, than they faw fix rebels with their mufkets, going behind a hedge, to fhoot at them.

Notwithftanding his exertions to ferve them, they treacheroufly made an attack on him at Kilcock, with their whole force ftationed at Timahoe, which is feven miles diftant, on the Monday following; faying, “That all they wanted was the bloody Sir Fenton Aylmer, and Michael Aylmer his lieutenant, and their bloody Orange crew.”

One of his videts having informed him of their approach, he advanced with his corps, with an intention of charging them; but perceiving their great fuperiority of numbers, he founded a retreat, after having narrowly efcaped being furrounded by them.

The rebels, after entering the town, fearched every recefs, and every chimney in the inn, for him and his officers.

Sir Fenton Aylmer then fell back, and joined a fmall corps of yeomen infantry, commanded by captain Jones, about a mile at the other fide of the town, determined to give them battle.

On taking his ground, which was in Sir Percy Gethin’s lawn, he found, to his mortification, that the infantry had retreated, and that all his corps, except fourteen who were proteftants, had deferted him; the remainder, who were Romanifts, not being able, as they faid, to mount their horfes in the hurry, remained behind; and the rebels were fo friendly to them, that they only deprived them of their arms, without offering them any injury.

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The papifts in captain Jones’s corps retired to their refpective houfes, in the fame manner, without being molefted by the enemy. The rebels then burned the houfe of Jofeph Robinfon, a proteftant, an active conftable, and clerk of the parifh church of Donadea, then the barrack; and afterwards Courtown, the feat of lieutenant Aylmer; fwearing at the fame time, that they would burn the houfe of every bloody proteftant. They afterwards proceeded to Donadea, to burn the houfe of Sir Fenton Aylmer, but were diverted from doing fo, by being informed that their own friends had lodged many valuable articles in it for fafe cuftody; but they gave orders to have them removed, that they might execute, their malignant purpofe. But having been engaged in fome other enterprife, they fortunately forgot it.

Nicholas Newenham, one of Sir Fenton’s videts at Kilcock, having, from exceffivc zeal, advanced too far, was taken prifoner by the rebels, and was a witnefs of the deftruction of his father^s houfe, clofe to Donadea, which they burnt, becaufe he was a proteftant; for they publickly announced their determination to deftroy the property of every perfon of that perfuafion.

Having led young Newenham to their camp, they compelled him to dig his own grave; and during five or fix days they carried him often to the brink of it, and threatened to throw him in and bury him alive; and whenever they did fo, they compelled him to fay his prayers at the edge of it; and while performing his devotion, they mocked his religion, and curfed him, as a heretick; at laft one of them, more humane thaa the reft, fhot him, threw his body into the grave, and covered it lightly with earth.

Thefe facts have been fubftantiated by the affidavits of different rebels, who afterwards obtained their pardon.

About a month after, as Sir Fenton Aylmer was coming to Kilcock with fourteen dragoons, he was way-laid near Clane, and had a narrow efcape, as the hedges were thickly lined with rebels. Very fortunately for him, he had an advanced guard, confifting of four men, of whom they killed three, which alarmed them, and enabled them to make their retreat to Sallins. One of the advanced guard was Archibald Noble, a proteftant, and late of the Fermanagh militia, noted for his courage and loyalty; and fuch was their hatred towards him, that they fired

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the inftant they faw him, by which the remainder of the party were faved.

William Aylmer, a rebel general, declared afterwards, that he wou’d have cut off the whole of them by the ambufh which he had laid, but that he could not reftrain the impetuofity of his men.

Next day they lay in wait a fecond time for him and his party.

Of eighteen papifts in Sir Fenton Aylmer’s corps, eleven deferted on Sunday the eleventh of June, 1798, with their full arms and accoutrements. The other feven that remained faithful, were officers fervants, or perfons who immediately depended on proteftant gentlemen for their fubfiftence.

INSURRECTIONS IN THE COUNTRY NEAR ATHY AND NARRAGHMORE, AND COUNTY OF KILDARE.

On the feventeenth of March, 1798, John Glennan, a proteftant, was murdered near the Moat of Ardfcull; and a few days after, John Lucas, parifh clerk at Narraghmore, a man far advanced in years, was decoyed out of his houfe by his brother-in-law, and affaffinated.

Thefe atrocities, and the conftant robbery of proteftant houfes of arms, alarmed the loyalifts fo much, that they invited Mr. Rawfon, of Glaffealy near Athy, to command them; and he was foon at the head of one hundred and forty men, fteady in fupport of their king and country. By their active exertions and the difcoveries that were made under the direction of that excellent officer general Campbell, the leaders of infurrection were fpeedily apprehended in the vicinity of Athy. Many hardened rebels fought for chieftains in more diftant parts, and feveral hundreds acknowledged their crimes and furrendered their pikes.

Colonel Keating, a moft active magiftrate and intelligent officer, perceiving that the ftorm was gathering, raifed fixty yeomen cavalry and twenty infantry for the prefervation of the peace; and it is to be lamented, that the Roman catholick members of thofe corps, with few exceptions, proved afterwards to be difaffected; and that many of them, in violation of their oaths of allegiance, turned their arms againft their king and country.

This amiable gentleman went to the different popifh chapels, and frequently exhorted the multitude to renounce their treafonable defigns, and

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to return to their allegiance; but finding all his efforts fruitless, he left the country in defpair; an ill-fated event for the neighbourhood where he refided! for, had he remained, his good fenfe would have contributed much to avert the ftorm which hung over the county of Kildare.

In the month of January, 1798, captain Rawfon, to undeceive and conciliate the people, publifhed addreffes at all the chapels in his neighbourhood, of which fee a copy in Appendix, No. XV. and for this, his noted loyalty, and his active exertions as a magiftrate, he was condemned by a committee of affaffination, which fat in his vicinity; and the ruffian who made an attempt on the life of Mr. Darragh, having been employed to murder him, he lay in wait for him at different times, in a fhrubbery near his houfe, and would have affaffinated him, but that he was fortunately attended by his fon, who was armed.

On the memorable twenty-fourth of May, an exprefs arrived from Dunlavin to general Campbell, and intelligence was brought to captain Rawfon, that the popifh multitude were in a ftate of infurrection on every fide, and the proteftant inhabitants of Narraghmore requested to know what meafures they were to take for their protection. The general fent an exprefs to Dunlavin, with directions how to proceed; and captain Rawfon fent another to Narraghmore, with orders to the loyalifts to fall back on Glaftealy, with an affurance that a party would foon go to their affiftance; but both the expreffes were murdered by the way; and fuch of the unfortunate proteftants of Narraghmore as could not effect their efcape, remained in the village, without any affiftance.

General Campbell fent a detachment of the Suffolk fencibles, under the command of major Montrefor, by Glaffealy, to the affiftance of the Narraghmore loyalifts, while he went with another towards Mulloghmafthill.

Early in the day, James Murphy of the water-works, as principal in command, with a number of rebel captains, collected the whole country, men, women, and children; in fhort, every one capable of bearing a pike; and they, with their united force, proceeded to attack the yllage of Narraghmore. Nine loyalifts, who retired into the court-houfe, fuccefsfully refifted them for two hours, and at laft beat them off.

John Jefferies, the permanent yeoman ferjeant of the Narraghmore corps, having a houfe with much property, which he wifhed to defend,

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imprudently led his little party into it» The routed rebels were met by Daniel Walfh, a traitorous yeoman of that corps, who has been since defervedly hanged; and he rallied, and brought them back to the attack. Jefferies’s houfe being foon fet on fire, the loyalifts parleyed, and the rebels promifed that their lives fhould be fpared, provided they furrendered their arms; but the inftant they came forth, the pikemen fell to butcher them. No lefs than fix traitors were ftabbing together at Thomas Young; but the clafhing of their pikes, and the confufion which arofe from their eagernefs to fhed his blood, having fufpended his fate for a moment, Fitzpatrick, one of the traitors of the Narraghmore corps, cried out to the pikemen to clear his way; and he inftantly blew out the brains of his fellow foldier, with the mufket which he had received to; ferve his king and country he then feized a pike, and transfixed the body to the ground, crying out, “That’s the way to kill a heretick.”

Thomas Alcock, and Mofes Borroughs, an old man of eighty years, (whofe venerable locks fhould have protected him,) were next inhumanly butchered. The other fix were reierved to be hanged in the adjoining wood of Narraghmore. The rebels then fet fire to every proteftant houfe in the town, in which the women were particularly active. On their retiring, the mangled body of poor old Borroughs was feen by Fitzpatrick, who thruft a pike into it, and pitched it into a dyke of water, exclaiming, “Fogh! I fraoll a proteftant carrion.”

This barbarian was apprehended by the Athy loyalifts, tried by a courtmartial, executed on the fpot where he had committed fome of his enormities, and his head is now on the gaol of Athy. In his laft moments he declared that he died innocent.

Lieutenant Eadie of the Tyrone militia, who had been ftationed for fome months at Ballytore, was ordered, on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May, to join his company at Calverftown. Having proceeded with, twenty-three privates, by Narraghmore, he received a preffing invitation there to breakfaft, which was very unfortunate, as by that delay he was prevented from arriving in time to fave the lives of the loyalifts.

He had not proceeded far with his party, when he heard the fhouts of the favages, exulting over their victims, as they conveyed them for execution.

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Lieutenant Eadie placed his men behind a low wall, and when the favages came within thirty yards, gave them a volley, which killed many of them.

The favages fled, leaving all their prifoners, fave Jefferies and William Afhe, behind them. They were rallied and brought back to the fight, by a heroine, whofe fpirit and animation would have immortalized her name in a good caufe.

In their turn, the rebels attacked lieutenant Eadie’s little party, for many hours; he kept on the defenfive, until at length he completely routed his foes, taking the heroine prifoner. She was ftripped of her riding-coat and cap; and, lieutenant Eadie, either admiring her bravery or beauty, gave her her liberty.

The rebels, after their defeat by lieutenant Eadie, retreated to Ballytore, where they gained a reinforcement of many thoufands; and, attributing their want of fuccefs to irreligion, they formed in the ftreet, knelt down, and compelled Mr. Cullen, the parifh prieft, to give them his bleffing. Then, headed by Redmond Murphy, and Malachy Delany, two rebel leaders, they broke into a houfe where lieutenant Yeates, the fon of a refpectable magiftrate of the neighbourhood, was prifoner, butchered his body in a moft cruel manner, and threw it into the ftreets to be devoured by pigs. They then murdered a poor travelling foldier, who had fought protection in the houfe of Mr. Robert Hudfon.

They attacked and put to death feveral fick foldiers of the Suffolk fencibles, hanging fome of them, who were in fevers, out of their windows: they took prifoners two ladies, the wives of the Suffolk officers, and lodged them in the houfe of Abraham Shackleton,* of Ballytore, under a guard of rebels. They then proceeded to murder Jefferies and Afhe; but Mr. Cullen faved and concealed them, till they made their efcape to Athy.

By this time the rebel force had encreafed to the number of three thoufand, and learning from their fcouts, that lieutenant Eadie had miffed the road to Calverftown, they purfued him. Major Montrefor having proceeded with his detachment to Glaffealy, a party of rebels from Fonftown, under the command of captain Paddy Cowling and

* His father was fchoolmafter to Edmund Burke.

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Terry Toole, who were on their way to burn the manfion-houfe there, fled at his approach. The major then proceeded to the village of Narraghmore, but too late to do any effential fervice there; as no human being was to be feen, but the wretched victims of favage fury, and every proteftant houfe in it was deftroyed, or confumed by fire.* The major then marched to the place of his deftination, Redgap-hill, while captain Rudd with thirty men, flanked him through the woods of Narraghmore; and having been joined by lieutenant Eadie, they followed the route which major Montrefor had taken.

At the end of the bog road near the, turnpike, they were attacked and furrounded by the three thoufand rebels from Narraghmore, on whom they kept up a brifk fire, for near half an hour, which brought the major and his party to their affiftance. The rebels having perceived his approach, placed a number of wool packs on cars, which happened accidentally to be paffing by; and fome of their markfmen concealed behind them, fired and killed feven of the Suffolk fencibles, and then retreated to their main body. But the major purfued, and obtained ample revenge; for in a fhort time, two hundred rebels lay dead, and as many more were wounded. In thefe different conflicts, and in the fcenes of carnage, conflagration and plunder, which occurred in the courfe of that day, fixty of the Narraghmore corps in their uniforms, fought with the rebels; for which, eighteen of them were fhot, feveral were hanged, fome fled the country, and others came in under the proclamation, offering pardon to repentant rebels, and received protections.

The main object of the rebels in that part of the county of Kildare, was, to join thofe of the Queen’s county, and the county of Carlow; and to have affifted them in taking poffeffion of the town of Carlow.

* The houfes of the following proteftants were burnt at Narraghmore, on the morning of the twenty-fourth of May, by their Roman catholick neighbours, with whom, till that day, they had lived on the moft friendly terms; and their inmates, narrowly efcaping with their lives, fled for protecton to Athy.

Mary Jefferies, widow, Jofeph Whiteacre, Thomas Corry, Robert Cooke, Richard Holmes, Matthew James, Darby Kehoe, William Cope, Sarah Lucas, Catherine Young, William Little and James Little. Thefe facts have been verified by the affidavit of the faid perfons, and captain Thomas J. Rawfon, fworn before A. Weldon, Efq. a magiftrate, the twenty-fixth of July, 1798. Befides the above, the houfes of the proteftants whom they maffacred in that town were burnt.

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Notwithftanding their different defeats, they collected a party of one thoufand two hundred, and were proceeding to accomplifh their original plan; but, in paffing through Caftledermot to Carlow, they were attacked by captain Mince, who commanded there a fmall party of the fixth regiment of foot. After the fecond difcharge they were routed, and feveral of them were killed; and Sir Richard Butler, who went with his troop of yeomen cavalry to the affiftance of captain Mince, purfued them and took many prifoners, of whom two were hanged; and the remainder, through the clemency of government, were fet at liberty.

General Campbell, having received intelligence that the rebels were in great force in Ballytore, that they had taken many paffengers prifoners, and that they obstructed the approaches not only to that town, but even the great Munfter road to the metropolis, by felling large trees acrofs them, he laid a plan for diflodging them, and ordered the troops from Carlow and Baltinglafs to march to one fide of the town; and he intended to arrive at the oppofite fide at the fame moment.

At twelve o’clock on the night of the 27th, he marched from Athy, with his whole force, except a few yeomen under the command of captain Rawfon, who were left in charge of the town; the perfon who undertook to guide his party miftook the road, and led him by the woods of Narraghmore, through which he fent a flanking party.

As they paffed by the manfion-houfe of Narraghmore, fome difaffected perfons fired at the troops from it; on which general Campbell ordered it to be attacked with cannon. After fome dilcharge of artillery it was fet on fire; and the fellows who had fired at the troops were killed in the woods, as they were endeavouring to make their efcape.

When the general entered Ballytore, he found it deferted by every male, except Mr. Francis Johnfon, a furgeon; and as fome of the Tyrone regiment had repeatedly feen him commanding the rebels, the fight of him kindled fuch indignation in them, that one of them bayoneted him through the breaft, on which he fell. He rofe again, laid his hand on his wound, and ftrongly, and with many oaths afferted his innocence. Several of the foldiers cried out, that they had frequently feen him at the head of the rebels — an open was made — five of the Suffolk fencibles prefented their mufkets at him; when he found that all fubterfuge was vain, he exclaimed, “Since I muft die,

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guilty as I am, the Lord have mercy on me!” and he was inftantly fent into eternity.

The general, on entering the town, liberated colonel Wolfeley and his lady, two wives of the Suffolk officers, and fome others, who had beem prifoners with the rebels.

The rebels, finding that they were every where unfuccefsful, fent a deputation to general Campbell, offering him a furrender of their arms; and he having affented, about three hundred gave up pikes and other arms at Ballindrum, near the Moat of Ardfcull; and great numbers befides went to Athy, and obtained protections.

In about ten days, general Dundas thought it neceffary to order the garrifon at Athy to march to Kilcullen, to reinforce him there; and the town was evacuated by the military, the yeomen, and all the proteftants; the latter well knowing that they would be maffacred without the protection of the former.

When they had marched about ten miles, they received an order that the yeomanry fhould return to defend the town, which gave the greateft joy to the loyalift;s, as all their property would have been deftroyed in their abfence. They arrived there about twelve o’clock at night, and concluded that the rebels were in poffeffion of it; but though they had been waiting to attack it fome nights before, they were afraid to enter, fufpecting that the evacuation of it was but a feint; and that the general meant to have attacked them, as foon as they had got poffeffion of it.

The next evening they approached it in great force; but finding the yeomen ready to receive them, they fled from a fmall patrole who had been fent to reconnoitre.

From this period, the country round Athy appeared tolerably tranquil, and no bodies of rebels appeared in force; but ftill it was not fafe for a proteftant to appear, or travel ever fo fhort a diftance alone.

John Jefferies of Narraghmore, who efcaped on the day they burned his houfe, having gone to that village from Athy, to look after fuch part of his property as might have remained, was murdered at two o’clock in the day.

Such was the malignity of the rebels in the county of Kildare, that a party of them, in order to diftrefs the metropolis, endeavoured to obftruct the navigation of the Grand canal, by cutting its banks, and emptying

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its water into the adjacent country; but they were furprifed and prevented by captain Griffith of Millicent, who killed fome of them.

The vicinity of Athy remained peaceable, and it was believed that the difaffected had given up their deftructive fchemes; but on the night of the twenty-fourth of December, 1798, a party of rebels, moft of them from the Wicklow mountains, and under the command of Matthew Kenna and Redmond Murphy, two Kildare ruffians, fet fire to the houfe of Mrs.Hannah Manders, clofe to Glafrealy, and murdered her, her two fifters,* and Mr. John Anderfon her nephew, all proteftants, and a fervant woman of the Romifh perfuafion, and threw their bodies into the flames, in which they were reduced to afhes.

They then burned the dwelling-houfe of captain Rawfon, and all his furniture; and in one hour deftroyed the production of twenty-five years of active induftry.

A Roman catholick fervant, who was in Mrs. Manders’s houfe, was fuffered to pafs unmolefted; but Anderfon, attempting to follow him, was fhot.

The Roman catholick maid fhewed her attachment to the rebels, by. putting her head out of a door, and calling to them to take care of Keane, the brother of one of them, who was in the ftable. He was accordingly led out, and refcued from the flames; but fhe met with that fate which fhe deferved; for refembling Mrs. Manders in perfon, they miftook her, and piked her to death.

In a fhort time after, captain Rawfon had one Whelan, an affaffin, better known by the nick-name of Black Top, apprehended, for the murder of the Manders family; and he was tried before a court-martial at Carlow.

It appeared on the evidence of Mrs. Margaret McIvers, the niece, who efcaped through a back window, that, when the houfes were fet on fire. Black Top flood at the door with a musket and bayonet, to prevent any of the proteftant part of the family from efcaping: That fhe applied to him to take the young infant fhe held in her arms out of the flames, and fhe would take her chance; but he replied, “No, you damned heretick bitch! you may burn together; nits will become lice.”

Immediately Howard, a traitorous yeoman, who had been often hofpitably entertained in the houfe, entered it with a mufket and bayonet; on which

* They were unoffending religious women, far advanced in years.

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Mrs. Manders was overjoyed at feeing him, fuppofing that he came as her deliverer; and fhe expreffed a hope that he would not murder her; but the obdurate ruffian replied, by knocking her down with the but-end [sic] of his mufket, and transfixing her aged body to the floor.

An old fuperannuated fifter, who had not left her bed for many months, crawled into the garden, and endeavoured to conceal herfelf in a fquare of cabbages; but fhe was purfued and piked, and her body was thrown into the flames.

Black Top and Fitzpatrick (the murderer of Thomas Young at Narraghmore,) were convicted, and executed where they had committed thefe horrid crimes.

In the fpring of 1800, one of the villains became an approver, and gave captain Rawfon full information. Shortly after, Howard was taken in the county of Carlow, by a fon of the captain’s; and Keane and Bryan, two more of the affaffins, were alfo apprehended. Thefe three were brought to trial at the affizes, and fully convicted, to the fatisfaction of a crowded court, and of the very humane judge Kelly, who in paffing fentence, declared, “That it was the firft cafe that ever came before him in which he did not feel diftrefted; but that he felt great fatisfaction at being the inftrument, under Providence, of ridding the world of fuch monfters.”

On the trial it was proved, that captain Rawfon’s houfe and out-offices were burned in revenge for his loyal exertions; and that the Manders family were affaffinated merely becaufe they were hereticks.*

On this trial Mrs. Margaret McIvers, Mrs. Manders’s niece, corroborated the teftimony of the approver againft Howard, in what has been before ftated; and he, Keane and Bryan, were hanged and beheaded at Glaftealy.

All the cottagers contiguous to that place, to whom captain Rawfon had acted with fingular humanity for above twenty years, were among the foremoft in plundering his houfe.

POISONING AT RATHCOOLE.

Though the efforts of rebellion were crufhed at Rathcoole on the general rising, yet the rebels, indignant at the difappointment, endeavoured to accomplifh their nefarious defigns on the twenty-fecond of June, by poifoning the garrifon there. On that day, captain Jofeph Hewan of the

* This was acknowledged by the approvers on the trial.

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Angusshire regiment, was ordered to march from Tallagh to Hazel Hatch, with twenty of his men, to reinforce the party there; and having halted his men at Rathcoole, the head quarters of his regiment, to refrefh them, fome of them, after having been there about an hour, were reported to be very ill. On enquiry, it appeared, that after having eaten fome bread and milk, they were feized with a great ficknefs in their ftomachs, accompanied with a head-ach, and a violent vomiting and griping; and they faid, that they thought they had a ball of fire in their breafts.

Mr. Irwine, furgeon of the regiment, communicated thefe fymptoms to colonel Hunter, who commanded there, and his fufpicion, that the bread which they ate, had been poifoned. On which the colonel ordered the baker and his man into cuftody.

The men of both parties began now to be taken ill with the fame fymptoms, by five or fix at a time; the commanding officer then ordered the baker and his boy, and one Doyle, who was ftrongly fufpected, to eat fome of the bread; but more of the men becoming fick, and the malignity of their diforder increafing, he ordered the two former to be fhot. The latter grew as fick as any of the foldiers; but no body doubted of his innocence, as his wife and children were affected in the fame manner, as they had ate of the bread. Doyle kept a low publick houfe, in which fome of the foldiers had been entertained. Many of them would have died, but that they were relieved by medical affiftance. The fymptoms were fometimes abated by an emetick, but they often returned with redoubled violence; and then oil or melted butter, as a fubftitute, afforded them relief. Some of them were feized with fuch ftrong convulfions, that two or three men could not hold them, but with difficulty.

Mr. Robinfon, a proteftant clergyman, his wife, and feven children, who were paffing through Rathcoole, were affected exaftly in the fame manner, in confequence of having eaten fome of the bread.

Next day the officers of the Angusfhire regiment were well informed, that the roads, fields, and ditches near Rathcoole, were crowded on the preceding night with men well armed, and that they difperfed when the bakers were fhot, and reinforcements came from Dublin, Tallagh, and Hazel-hatch. They intended to have furprifed the garrifon, when debilitated by poifon.

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Some of the bread which had produced fuch dreadful effects in thofe who had eaten of it, was given to’a cat and a dog, and they died of it. Some hours after the baker and his boy were fhot, his houfe was fearched, and a paper, containing about two ounces of yellow arfenick, was found in his bake-houfe; which, being fent to Dublin to a furgeon, proved, on the analyzation of it, to be that kind of poifon.

ATTACK UPON MAYNOOTH.

From the fuppofed sanctity of this town, as a college had been recently erected there, and endowed at a very great expence by the proteftant ftate, for the education of popifh priefts, it was hoped that it would not have been molefted by the rebels; however, the proteftant inhabitants of it and its vicinity were as much the object of the fanguinary rage of the rebels, as in any other part of the county of Kildare.

About twenty of the Carton cavalry, of which his grace the duke of Leinfter was captain, and Thomas Long and Richard Cane, efquires, were lieutenants, did permanent duty there, for fome time, previous and fubfequent to the twenty-fourth of May; and ten of them were conftantly ftationed on the different avenues leading into the town: the duke was abfent at that time in England.

About one o’clock in the morning of the tenth of June, 1798, two men approached the town and addreffed one of the corps, who was at an outpoft; and pretending to be travellers, and that they loft their way, begged admittance into the town, to get a lodging; but on being refufed, they drew back a few paces, and both fired at the fentinel at the fame time; on which, he galloped with the utmoft fpeed to the guard room, and alarmed his fellow-foldiers; and was purfued by about five hundred rebels, headed by William Aylmer their commander.

Such was the difaffection of the corps, that, though they were alarmed in due time, only feven mounted their horfes to face the rebels; and of thofe feven, but four fired at them; and they were under a neceffity of retreating, left they fhould be overpowered by the great fuperiority of numbers.

Lieutenant Cane made his efcape, but a young gentleman of the name of Nugent, who had been on a vifit with the lieutenant, and whofe youth and innocence fhould have preferved him from their fanguinary

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difpofition, fell into their hands, and was led to their camp and fhot there next day. They took eleven yeomen prifoners, fome of whom returned next day, and the remainder continued with the rebels. Three days after, a party of the fame rebels entered the town of Maynooth, and plundered fome houfes; and at the fame time, they feized Mr. Wilkinfon, a proteftant, and a mafter carpenter, much eftcemed for his probity; and conveyed him to their camp, where they next day piked him to death. As they conveyed him out of the town, he implored them to put an end to him immediately, that his body might fall into the hands of his friends, for the purpofe of being interred; but they refufed his requeft.

Afterwards lieutenant Cane, and about thirteen of the corps, joined the yeomanry at Leixlip, and continued to do duty with them, moft of the remainder having joined the rebels.

Mr. John Brown, a gentleman farmer, much efteemed for his probity, lived at Barropftown, near Maynooth; and had three fons who ferved in the Carton yeomanry. He and his family, being natives of England, and proteftants, were fo much the object of rebel vengeance, that they were obliged to leave their houfe, and retire to Leixlip for fafety.

In the beginning of September, Mr. Brown, his wife, daughter and fon, went to pafs the day at Barropftown. In the evening Mr. Brown, having rode out to fee fome hay-makers whom he employed, perceived, about forty perches from his houfe, twelve ruffians, armed and mounted, galloping furioufly towards him; and on feeing him, they fhouted and encreafed their fpeed. Mr. Brown galloped to his houfe, alarmed his family, and proceeded towards Leixlip. Part of the ruffians purfued him; the others his fon, who fled from them on foot, and whom they murdered with favage barbarity; but his father was fo fortunate as to efcape.

The following aneedote will fhew the reader how much the influence of the Romifh priefts tends to defeat diftributive juftice: A rebel, of the name of Cullen, was to be tried at the fummer affizes of Naas, on the following charges: For having fired three fhots at a yeoman, as he was travelling along the high road, and wounding him in two places; and, for being concerned in the attack upon Profperous, and in the murder of captain Swayne. One Kennedy, the profecutor, was kept in gaol, to fecure his appearance, and to prevent him from being affaffinated. When the trial was coming on, Mr. Kemmis, the crown

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folicitor, went to the gaol for Kennedy, the profecutor; but on appreaching it, he perceived a prieft whifpering in his ear, through one of the grates; and who, on perceiving Mr. Kemmis, fled precipitately. On entering the gaol, he told Kennedy that he muft repair to the court with him, as the trial would come on immediately; but to his great aftonifhment, he difcovered, that the fuggestions of his ghoftly advifer, but for a few minutes, had induced him to contradict the moft material facts which he had fworn in his information; for he pretended to be ignorant of them.

BATTLE OF OVIOTSTOWN, NEAR KILCOCK.

It was much to be lamented, that the rebels of the county of Kildare, inftead of feeling gratitude for the royal mercy which had been extenfively granted to them by the generals who commanded there, and of returning to their allegiance, perfevered, for a long time, not only in committing individual robbery and affaffination, but continued their encampments, and to commit depredations in large bodies. Lieutenant-colonel Irwine, who commanded the garrifon of Trim, having received intelligence that a numerous body of rebels were affembling near Kilcock on the eighteenth of June, marched on that night, with part of his garrifon, confifting of the fourth dragoons, a troop of the duke of York’s fencible cavalry, four companies of foot, and two battalion guns, and the following yeomanry corps: The Trim cavalry, one troop; the Navan and Murgallion cavalry, one troop; the Demifore, one troop. Soon after he paffed through Kilcock, his advanced guard was fired on by a large body of the rebels; of whom the main body, fuppofed to confift of three thoufand, was drawn up in a line at the bottom of Oviotftown hill, near Hortland houfe. As it was fome time before the colonel could form, owing to the unevennefs of the ground, and the number of inclofures on it, the rebels kept up a fmart fire, and made a defperate effort to feize the cannon; but the well-directed fire of the infantry, made them abandon that enterprife. Soon after the troops formed, they routed the rebels, who precipitately fled to a neighbouring bog, where they effected their efcape, after two hundred of them had been flain. The king’s troops fuftained the following lofs: Fourth dragoon guards, one ferjeant killed; captain Sir Richard Steele, one ferjeant,

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two rank and file wounded; Murgallion cavalry, one rank and file wounded; Trim cavalry, one rank and file wounded; Duke of York’s Highlanders, enfign John Sutler, one ferjeant, and five rank and file killed; lieutenant-colonel Irwine, one ferjeant, and feven rank and file wounded; the firft flightly.

William Aylmer, who had been a lieutenant in the Kildare militia, was the leader of the rebels in this action.

For many months after, the ferocious fpirit of the popifh multitude continued to break forth in acts of rapine and murder, of which the reader will find fome fpecimens in Appendix, No. XV.

The chapel of Athy was burnt in the month of April; and an offer was made, by fome papifts of confideration, of a fum of money to a foldier of the Cork regiment, to fwear that it was perpetrated by the yeomen of that town, who are proteftants. I fhall refer the reader to the fame Appendix, for the particulars of this infamous tranfaction.

This chapel was wantonly burnt, with a malignant defign of throwing an imputation on the proteftants of having done it.

DUBLIN.

I fhall now return to the metropolis, to give the reader a fhort fketch of its fituation, as its difaffected inhabitants ftill continued to give unquestionable proofs that they hoped to fucceed in a general infurrection, with the affiftance of the country rebels, and fome of the difloyal yeomen, who were ftill attached to their caufe in the city.

On the twenty-ninth of May, the Sepulchre’s corps, who muftered about fifty effective men, commanded by captain Ryan, was ordered to mount guard at Dolphin’s-barn, an outlet on the South Weft fide of the city of Dublin. As they were marching to their poft, a man of the name of Raymond, a Romanift, and one of the moft active privates in the corps entered into converfation with one Jennings, who was alfo in the ranks, and faid to him, “Do you fee that our lieutenant has got piftols?” (alluding to lieutenant Maturin, the officer of the guard.) Jennings anfwered, “Yes.” Raymond then faid, “They will not be of any ufe to him, for we will do him out.” When they arrived at their poft, Jennings afked him what he meant, in the allufion which he made to the lieutenant. Raymond then informed him of the following plot “That, in

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cafe of an attack, which was hourly expelled, and which it was believed he had previoufly concerted with the rebels, the difaffected members of the corps were to maffacre the officers and the proteftants of it, and to deliver up the bridge to the affailants: They were then to proceed to the battery in the park; to inform the guard that they had been defeated; to afk admittance; and on being let in, to murder the guard; to take poffeffion of the battery and ammunition; and to turn it to their own ufe.”

Jennings had been fworn an united Irifhman, and was attached to their caufe from pure republican principles; but being a proteftant, and having difcovered from the maffacres which had taken place, in the counties of Dublin, Meath and Kildare, that the extirpation of his own order was intended, he informed lieutenant Maturin of the plot; and he having communicated it to government, Raymond was taken up, tried, convicted and hanged on the Old Bridge the firft of June.

As the Roman catholick members of that corps, who formed the majority of it, were difcovered to be difaffected, they were difarmed on parade the Sunday following, and difbanded.

Raymond would not have formed fo defperate a defign, which muft have been defeated, and have terminated in the ruin of him and his fellow confpirators, if it were not connected with a general infurrection, which the difaffected in the metropolis conftantly meditated.

The fanatical zeal of fome of the rebels was fuch, and their hopes of fucceeding by a general infurrection, were ftill fo fanguine as to extinguifh all prudence.

Two foldiers, who were conducting a prifoner by Peter’s-row, were attacked at noon-day by two ruffians, who fnatched their firelocks from them, with which they knocked them down. One of them, of the name of Fennel, a notorious traitor, was taken up, tried and hanged on the twenty-ninth of May, on one of the bridges. He was fo great a fanatick, that he faid, when he was about to afcend the fatal ftep, “That he would live and die an united Irifhman.” This fellow had been captain of a corps of united Irifhmen; and was at the head of a numerous body of them, in the fields, near the floating docks, on the night of the twenty-third of May, waiting for a fignal to rufh into the city.

Committees were frequently difcovered in deliberation; blackfmiths were detected in the act of making pikes; and fentinels were frequently

288] fired at, or knocked down while at their pofts: Information was obtained from fome notorious traitors by whipping them, of the extent and malignity of the plot; and of immenfe quantities of pikes and other arms, which were difcovered and feized in different parts of the city.

There was a conftant communication between the rebels of the metropolis and thofe of the country, which was proved by the frequent interception of letters; and that the former expected the co-operation of the latter.

On the evening of the twenty-fifth of May, a detachment of the merchants corps, confifting of one officer, one ferjeant, and twenty privates, was ordered to efcort four waggons of ammunition to Naas; and it was confidered by government to be a fervice of fo much danger, that their deftination was kept a profound fecret, till the moment of their departure; and a military officer, who accompanied the party, had orders not to fuffer any perfon to go before them, left the country rebels, rifen in great multitudes in the county of Kildare, and who had four encampments there, might cut them off. During the whole of their progrefs, one K——, a Romanift, and ftrongly fufpected of difaffection, inveighed bitterly againft government for the difrefpect fhewn to the corps, in having fent them off in fo fudden and unexpected a manner.

Next morning, when on their return to town, about a dozen rebels came out of a wood near Johnftown, as if to provoke an attack from the yeomen. The officer drew up his fmall party, who fired fome fhots at the rebels, on which they retired into the wood. K—— urged the party to purfue them, which would have been fatal to the whole of them; as it has fince been difcovered, that there were from twelve to fourteen hundred rebels in the wood, ready to cut them off on their return, of which K—— had given them information the night before; and that the ten who shewed themfelves were intended to draw them into an ambufh.

On Monday the twenty-feventh of May, a party of the merchants corps, confifting of one officer, two ferjeants, and thirty privates, were ordered on the fame fervice to Naas. On that night, captain Beresford waited on captain Stanley, who commanded that corps, to inform him, that he had informations againft K——, who was immediately arrefted; and fhewing ftrong marks of perturbation, he confeffed that he was a colonel in the rebel army, and that he was to have headed a very large party on the twenty-third of May, in an attack upon Newgate.

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On Tuefday the twenty-eighth of May, an exprefs going from Dublin had been ftop ped, and a letter was found upon him from K—— to the rebels, written on Monday; the purport of which was, to inform them of every particular refpecting the efcort which was to go to Naas, and expreffing a wifh that they might be more fuccefsful in cutting off this party than the former.

It was obfervable, that for fome days previous and fubfequent to the intended infurrection, the difaffected tradefmen, among whom the butchers were very confpicuous, would not take bank notes. Though it had been defeated on the night of the twenty-third of May, the rebels were fo confident of fucceeding in another effort, that fellows were at different times employed in marking the doors of the loyalifts, and particularly thofe of the yeomen. Seven men were detected and feized on the thirtieth of May in the act of doing fo; and on being whipped by a party of the attornies corps, in the old Exchange, they acknowledged that they belonged to a committee of fifteen employed in that fervice; that there were many fimilar committees, and that each of them had its refpective department.

As an infurrection was ftill expected every night, the lord mayor publifhed the following caution:

CITY OF DUBLIN.

Manfion-houfe, 26th May, 1798.

A CAUTION,

Left the Innocent fhould fuffer for the Guilty.

The lord mayor requefts his fellow citizens to keep within their houfes as much as poffibly they can, fuitable to their convenience, after fun-fet, in this time of peril, as the ftreets fhould be kept as clear as poffible, fhould any tumult or rifing to fupport rebellion be attempted, in order that the troops and artillery may act with full effect in cafe of any difturbance.

The lord mayor’s fervant acknowledged to his lordfhip, that he was at the head of a numerous body of fervants, who were to have affaffinated their mafters; and that he and his party were to have murdered rhe lord mayor and his family, and two others of his fervants, who had hefitated to join them; and that this atrocious deed was to have been the fignal for the other fervants in the vicinity to rife and commit fimilar enormities.

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Purfuant to a notice to the Roman catholicks, inferted in the Dublin Journal of the twenty-fourth of May, an addrefs, purporting to be that of the Roman catholicks of Ireland, was prefented to his excellency the lord lieutenant, on the thirtieth of May, “expreffing their firm attachment to his majefly’s royal perfon, and the conftitution, under which they have the happinefs to live: That the fhare of political liberty, and the advantages which they poffefs under it, leave them nothing to expect from foreign aid, nor any motive to induce them to look elfewhere, than to the tried benignity of their fovereign, and the unbiaffed determination of the legiftature, as the fource of future advantage; and they expreffed their regret, that many of the lower order of their religious perfuafion were engaged in unlawful affociations and practices.”

This addrefs was figned by four noblemen, fome gentlemen of landed property, fome refpectable merchants, and by twenty-eight titular bifhops. Had the latter, fo early as the year 1793, informed government, which they might have done, having learned it in their confeffion boxes, that a confpiracy was at that time formed for fubverting the conftitution, they would have endeared themfelves to the beft; of kings, and to his government in England and Ireland. It may be faid, that the fecrefy required in the article of confeffion, raifed infuperable obftacles to it. There is not a fentence in the fcripture which gives the moft remote fanction to the doftrines of confeffion and abfolution, and the extraordinary fuperftrufture raifed on them, except that faying of our Saviour to his apoftles, “Whofe fins ye remit, they fhall be remitted to them; and whofe fins ye retain, they fhall be retained.”

The Almighty thought proper, at one particular period, to make ufe of fupernatural means, and to inveft with extraordinary powers a certain fet of men, whom he felected to difpel that darknefs which invefted [sic] the pagan world, and to work the falvation of his creatures; but that end being attained, it muft be confidered the higheft arrogance in any chriftian paftor afterwards to claim a delegation from his Creator, and a right, to exercife thofe powers.

Thefe doftrines were a device invented by the artful policy of the court of Rome, to gain an afcendancy for its members, wherever the Romifh faith was profeffed; and it is moft certain, that a fet of men, in whom celibacy extinguifhes all focial affections, who are infulated in fociety,

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and whofe primary object therefore is the aggrandizement of their own order, muft have very great influence in fociety, when they can extract from their communicants of every rank and degree, their moft important fecrets. The Romifh priefts, thus circumftanced, may be confidered as in a ftate of ambufh, in refpect to the reft of the community.

From the various and fluduating opinions delivered by the learned divines and fchoolmen of the Romifh church on this doctrine, it is very evident, that fecrefy in confeffion is a pofitive human inftitution; and it is very extraordinary, that a fet of men who profefs to be of the religion of Chrift, which is the bond of peace, and enjoins the practice of every moral virtue, fhould prefcribe a rule under the article of confeffion, which fanftions the concealment of crimes, and by doing fo, prevents the punifhment, and confequently encourages the commiffion of them. This is contrary to the divine law; for any thing unworthy of the Deity cannot be true, and whatever is repugnant to his attributes of wifdom, juftice and mercy, muft be falfe.

St. Paul tells us, “That our Saviour was all things to all men, that he might by all means fave fome.”* But a prieft is prohibited from difclofing a fecret, on which the lives of thoufands, or the exiftence of an empire, might depend. Mifprifion of treafon is a capital offence by the laws of every ftate in Europe; and yet the popifh priefts are compelled to be guilty of it, in confequence of their not being allowed to break the feal of confeffion.

By the divine law we are ordered to fubmit to the laws and ordinances of the ftate under which we live. “Let every foul be fubjeft to the higher powers; for there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God. Whofoever therefore refifteth the fuperior power, refifteth the ordinance of God; and they that refift, fhall receive damnation to themfelves.”† “Wherefore ye needs muft be fubjeft, not only for wrath, but for conscience fake.”‡ “Submit yourfelves to every ordinance of man for the Lord’s fake; whether it be to the king, as fupreme; or unto governors, as unto them that are fent by him for the punifhment of evil doers, and for the praife of them that do well.”||

* I Corinthians x. ii. † Romans xiii. 1, 2. ‡Ibid. 5. || I Peter ii. 13, 14.

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Now the prieft, who obtains a knowledge of crimes, fhould, according to the ordinance of man for the Lord’s fake, and for the punifhment of evil doers, difclofe them to the civil magiftrate; but in doing fo, he is guilty of facrilege, as confeffion is a facrament in his church, according to the canons of it; and by concealing them, he violates both the divine and human law.

By the ancient canons, particularly by the council of Lateran, under pope Innocent III. in the year 1215, every confeffor, who reveals a confeffion, fhall be interdicted and imprifoned for life. Cardinal Tolet fays, “that the feal of confeffion fhould not be broken, to fave the lives of princes, or even the republick And Henriquez adds, “not even to fave the whole world, or to keep it from burning, or all the facraments from demolition.” But cardinal Bellarmine* fays, “if treafon be known to a prieft in confeffion, he may give notice of it to a pious and catholic prince, but not to a heretick:” And father Suarez faid, that that was acutely and prudently faid by him.” This fhews that it was founded in human policy, and framed as a fyftem of terror to drive fovereign princes within the pale of the Romifh church. Father Binet differed from Bellarmine, and fays, “it were better that all the princes in the world perifhed, than that the feal of confeffion were broken.”

Jaurigny and Balthazard Gerard, who murdered William I. prince of Orange, Clement the Dominican, who affaffinated Henry III. of France, Chatel, Ravaillac, and all the parricides of that period, went to confeffion before they committed thofe crimes. Strada, a jefuit, diftinguifhed for his learning, tells us, “that Jaurigny expiated the guilt of that crime, before its perpetration, by receiving the facrament from a Dominican friar.†”

Fanaticifm was carried to fuch excefs in that dark age, that confeffion was an additional engagement to the perpetration of crimes; for, it was held facred, as confeffion is regarded as a facrament in the Romifh church.

In thofe counties in Ireland, where the rebellion broke out, the lower clafs of people, fome days previous to it, reforted in great numbers to the confeffion boxes of their priefts.

* One of their moft learned divines. † Non ante facinus aggredi fuftinuit, quam expiatam ejus animam, apud Dominichanum facerdotem, cœlefti pane, firmaverat.

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Soon after the affaffination of Henry IV. and while the French were lamenting the death of that amiable monarch, the advocate-general Servin, of iliuftrious memory, required that the Jefuits fhould be obliged to fign the four following articles:

I. That the council is fuperior to the pope.

II. That the pope cannot deprive the king of any rights by excommunication.

III. That the ecclefiaftics are like any other people, entirely subject to the king.

IV. That a prieft, who by confeffion is apprized of a confpiracy againft the king, or the ftate, fhould reveal it to a magiftrate.

The parliament paffed an arret, laying the fame injunction on the jefuits; but the court of Rome was at that time fo powerful, and that of France fo weak, that the arret was difregarded.

It is worth notice, that the court of Rome, which would not fuffer a confpiracy againft the life of a fovereign to be revealed in confeffion, ordered confeffors to inform the inquifition, in every inflance, where a female fhould accufe another prieft of having feduced, or attempted to feduce her. This revelation was ordered by Paul IV. Pius IV. Clement VIII. and Gregory XV.

Some of the moft learned divines of the Romifh church have fpecified certain cafes in which confeffion might be revealed; and others have contended, that it might be difciofed in every inflance, with the confent of the penitent.

This horrible abfurdity is one of the unhappy confequences of the conftant ftruggle, which has fubfifted for ages between the ecclefiaftical and civil power,* and which has been the fource of inextricable error; for mankind have been fufpended between the crimes of facrilege and high treafon; and the diftinctions of right and wrong have been buried in a chaos, from which they are not yet emerged.

To return. The roads leading to the metropolis, were fo much obftructed by the rebels, that no mail-coach arrived there from the twenty-fourth of May until the thirty-firft, when the fpirited and gallant Sir James Duff struck terror into the rebels, by the defeat which he gave them on the

* Fortunately avoided by the Englifh conftitution.

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curragh of Kildare, by which, he opened a free intercourfe between Dublin and the fouthern parts of the kingdom; but it fhould not be forgotten, that general Campbell, by his good fenfe and fpirited exertions in the vicinity of Athy, Narraghmore, and Ballytore, contributed materially to elFed this.

As the difaffected in the metropolis were difappointed in their expectations of raifing an infurrection there, numbers of them left it at different times, and difplayed their zeal in the caufe of the union, by joining rebel encampments in the country.

On the twelfth and thirteenth of June, a great many fervants and mechanicks, and other perfons of various defcription, fuddenly difappeared in Dublin, and the neighbourhood of Blackrock; and it was obfervable, that the fame thing took place, when the rebels were about to make any great effort in Wexford, Wicklow or Kildare.

The loyalty, magnanimity, and firmnefs, of the corporation of Dublin, in the courfe of the confpiracy and rebellion, fhould never be forgotten. They raifed four regiments of yeomanry, with uncommon celerity; and it is well known, that the indefatigable exertions of thofe brave corps preferved the metropolis from deftruction. The vigilance and activity of the corporation in enforcing the execution of the laws were fuch, as to fuperfede the neceffity of proclaiming the city, till the nineteenth day of May; and many counties claimed the protection of the infurrection law, two years before that period.

BATTLE OF TARA.*

I already mentioned the barbarous outrages committed by the rebels in Dunboyne and Dunfhaughlin; from whence, having proceeded towards Tara, in the county of Meath, moft of the farmers and labourers of the county through which they paffed, flocked to their ftandard; and in fhort, the mafs of the people in the county of Meath, and in that part of the county of Dublin bordering on it, were in a ftate of infurrection, and plundered every houfe in the country, which happened not to have been well guarded, of provifions, wines, fpirits bed cloaths, wearing apparel and furniture. As there were no military

* Eighteen miles to the north of Dublin, and in the county of Meath.

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in the country, and as the officers of the yeomen corps perceived that their fafety depended on the concentration of their forces, they, by mutual and immediate communication, adopted meafures for that purpofe. The corps of lord Fingal and captain Gorges performed that fervice with great activity and vigilance.

On the morning of the twenty-fourth of May, the officers of the Navan cavalry, John Prefton, efquire, captain, Philip Barry, lieutenant, wrote a letter to the officer commanding the garrifon at Kells, to requeft that he would fend them fuch troops as he could fpare for their protection,; as a private of captain Gorges’s yeomanry had arrived there, and informed them of the atrocities committed at Dunboyne and Dunfhaughlin; and that the rebels had planted the tree of liberty at the latter.

Captain Molloy, who commanded at Kells, on receiving that intelligence, marched the yeomen cavalry and infantry of that town, to relieve them; but finding on his arrival there, that the town was not immediately threatened with an attack, he returned to Kells for the protection of its inhabitants, and of a large depot of ammunition in that town, which lay expofed in his abfence.

It was then determined, that the Kells cavalry, with a detachment of the Navan troop, fhould proceed towards Dunfhaughlin, and reconnoitre the enemy; and they having difcovered that the mafs of the people were in a ftate of infurrection, and were committing various enormities, Mr. Barry, lieutenant of the latter, wrote the following letter to captain Molloy, at Kells:

“Sir,

“Prepare your yeomanry immediately, as an infurrection has appeared from Dublin to Dunfhaughlin, and numbers have been murdered. Communicate this to all the other officers.”

In confequence of this, captain Molloy apprized the different yeomen officers of thefe alarming circumftances; and recommended to them to be in readinefs. Captain Prefton, commanding the Navan cavalry, having been informed that the Rea fencibles were to be in Navan on the night of the twenty-fifth of May, on their route to Dublin, refolved to join them, in hopes of being able to obtain their co-operation in attacking next day the rebels, whom he had reconnoitred in great force, at Dunlhaughlin; and they having complied, and all the yeomanry in

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the adjacent country having joined them, they proceeded at break of day, on the morning of the twenty-fixth of May, from Navan, to attack the enemy at Dunfhaughlin.

On their arrival there, they found that the rebels had changed their pofition; and as they could not learn whither they had gone, the Rea fencibles, having refolved to quit them, fet out for Dublin, and the yeomanry determined to retire to their refpective homes, which would have been fatal to the whole country, as the rebels would have fpread univerfal defolation.

He then followed the Rea fencibles, who had proceeded two miles on their march, and informed the commanding officer that he would engage to find out the rebels in two hours, if he would confent to ftay; but having refufed to comply, he informed him, that he would proceed to Dublin, and obtain an order from the lord lieutenant for him to return, before he could proceed half way on his march; on which he confented to return, and gave him two hundred and ten men, and one battalion gun, the whole commanded by captain Blanch; and they were joined by the yeomanry, commanded by lord Fingal and captain Prefton.

After going fome time in queft of the rebels, they found them very ftrongly pofted on Tara-hill, where they had been four hours, and were about four thoufand in number; and the country people were flocking to them in great multitudes from every quarter. They plundered the houfes in all the adjacent country of provifions of every kind, and were proceeding to cook their victuals, having lighted near forty fires. They hoifted white flags in their camp. The hill of Tara is very fteep, and the upper part is furrounded by three circular Danifh forts, with ramparts and foffes; and on the top lies the church-yard, furrounded with a wall, which the rebels regarded as their citadel, and confidered as impregnable.

The king’s troops, including the yeomanry, might have amounted to about four hundred. As foon as the rebels perceived them, they put their hats on the tops of their pikes, fent forth fome dreadful yells, and at the fame time began to jump, and put themfelves in various fingular attitudes, as if bidding defiance to their adverfaries. They then began to advance, firing at the fame time, but in an irregular manner.

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Our line of infantry advanced with the greateft coolnefs, and did not fire a fhot until they were within fifty yards of them. One part of the cavalry, commanded by lord Fingal, were ordered to the right, the other to the left, to prevent our line from being outflanked, which the enemy endeavoured to accomphlh. The rebels made three defperate onfets, and in the laft laid hold of the cannon; but the officer, who commanded the gun, having laid the match to it, before they could completely furround it, proftrated ten or twelve of the affailants, and difperfed the remainder. The Rea fencibles preferved their line, and fired with as much coolnefs as if they had been exercifing on a field day.

They at length routed the rebels, who fled in all directions, after having loft about four hundred in killed* and wounded. In their flight, they threw away their arms and ammunition, and every thing that could encumber them. We took three hundred horfes, all their provifions, arms, ammunition and baggage, and eight of the Rea fencibles whom they had taken prifoners two days before, and whom they employed to drill them.

It was much to be lamented, that the brave Rea fencibles loft twenty-fix men in killed and wounded; and the Upper Kells infantry had one killed, aud five wounded.

The king’s troops would have remained on the field all night, but that they had not a fingle cartridge left, either for the gun or the fmall arms: The prifoners, of whom they took a good many, informed our officers, that their intention was, to have proceeded that night to plunder Navan, and then Kells, where there was a great quantity of ammunition, and little or no force to protect it; and that when they had fucceeded, they expected, according to a preconcerted plan, to have been joined by a great number of infurgents from Meath, Weftmeath, Louth, Monaghan and Cavan, and to have releafed all the prifoners confined in Trim, where they would not have met with any oppofition.

So general an infurrection might have been fatal to the kingdom, for the rebellion in Wexford and Kildare was raging with inextinguifhable fury: It was ftill deftructive in Wicklow and Carlow, and the mafs of the people, in many parts of Leinfter and Munfter, were on the point of rifing.

* In their pockets, popifh prayer books, beads, rofaries, crucifixes, pious ejaculations to our Saviour and the Virgin Mary, and republican fongs were found, and fcapulars on the bodies of many of them.

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The garrifon of Dublin was fo weak, and fo much exhaufted by fatigue in the fevere duty which they underwent, in endeavouring to prevent its difaffected inhabitants from rifing, that they could not fend any troops to the adjacent country.

Part of the rebels who fled from Tara, retired to the bogs of Meath and Kildare, where they continued for three weeks to plunder and defolate the furrounding country.

The earl of Fingal, who commanded the yeomanry in this action, fhewed great fpirit and courage in it; for which, and his noted loyalty and zeal in the fervice of his king and country, during the progrefs of the confpiracy and rebellion, he became fo obnoxious to the difaffecteded in the county of Meath, that it was refolved to cut him off; and his affaffination was to have been a fignal for a general maffacre of all the loyalifts in that county.

I think it right alfo to fay, that captain Molloy, who commanded the yeomen infantry, under lord Fingal, difplayed the moft fteady and deliberate valour; and that the officers and privates under him fought with the coolnefs of veterans.

On the fourth of June, lord Edward Fitzgerald died in the gaol of Newgate. During his confinement he often enquired, with apparent folicitude, of Mr. Gregg the gaoler, and thofe perfons who attended him, of the ftate of the metropolis, and the kingdom in general. Any extraordinary noife which he happened to hear, he fuppofed to be occafioned by the explofion of that confpiracy which he had planned.

As the execution of Clinch on the fecond day of June, attended by a numerous body of troops, and a vaft concourfe of people, occafioned much noife in the metropolis, he anxioufly enquired the caufe of it; and having been informed, it affected him fo much, as almoft to put him into a ftate of derangement. Lady Louifa Conolly, his aunt, attended by the earl of Clare, vifited him the day before his death, but he was completely delirious. A perfon who was prefent informed me, that it was a moft affefting fcene, as the degraded and deplorable ftate to which his crimes and misfortunes had reduced him, made a very deep impreffion on that very amiable and refpectable lady.

Lord Edward had ferved with reputation in the fifteenth regiment, during a great part of the American war, and on many occafions had difplayed great valour and confiderable abilities as an officer. When in the

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army, he was confidered a man of honour and humanity, and was much efteemed by his brother officers for his franknefs, courage, and good nature; qualities, which he was fuppofed to poffefs in a very high degree. After the war he retired on the half-pay lift; but having again entered into the fervice, he obtained the majority of the 54th regiment, quartered at St. John’s, New Brunfwick, on the bay of Fundy, and joined it in May, 1788.

The following adventure is a ftrong proof of that active mind and enterprizing fpirit which he difplayed on all occafions: He fet out from Frederick-town on the river St. John’s for Quebeck, in the winter of 1788, through woods and defarts, which had never before been traverfed by any European; and without any other attendant than captain Brifbane of his regiment, a guide, and his own fervant, who was a negro. From the great depth of fnow, they were obliged to ufe fnow fhoes, and they had no other provifions but what they carried on a fledge, which lord Edward drew in his turn. This journey, which was fome hundred miles, took them many weeks to perform.

In the month of November, 1791, the regiment landed at Portfmouth, where lord Edward received a letter from lieutenant-colonel Bruce of the fame corps, from Naples, acquainting him, that he was in a rapid confumption, and advifing him to take proper meafures for fucceeding him: But as his lordfhip and his family were at that time in oppofition in parliament, he would not folicit a favour from government; but at the fame time expected that the commiffion would have been given to him without felicitation, though he had many competitors of longer ftanding.

On hearing that colonel Sturt fucceeded to the commiffion, lord Edward, foured with difappointment, and fired with indignation, repaired to Paris the latter end of the year 1791, or the beginning of the year 1792, and became, from difguft, an enthufiaftic admirer of the extravagant political theories of the French, which were repugnant to, and fubverfive of the glorious conftitution under which he lived, but of whofe defects he pretended to be a reformift; and having manifefted thefe principles without referve, his majefty thought proper to ftrike his name out of the lift of the army; but allowed him at the fame time to fell his commiffion.

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He became fo great a devotee to French principles, that he married a little French woman, whofe birth and origin* were unknown, except by conjecture, and who had nothing to recommend her to him, but the extravagance and malignity of her republican principles.

The fate of lord Edward affords a ftrong and inftructive leffon to fuch gentlemen as oppofe the crown, from motives of difguft and difappointed ambition, not to exceed the bounds of moderation; for a perfon, enflamed and blinded by refentment, may, from an infatiable defire to gratify it, gradually fink into a dereliction of every religious, moral, and political duty; and a vehement reformift is often an incipient traitor.

“Nemo repente fuit turpiffimus.”

The reader may form fome idea of the perfecution of the proteftant clergy in the archdiocefe of Dublin, from Appendix, No. XV.

The reader will find the origin and progrefs of the confpiracy in the county of Carlow, in Appendix, No. XI.

REBELLION IN THE COUNTY OF WICKLOW.§

Previous to the introduction of the principles of the united Irifhmen into it, in the year 1796, it was the moft peaceable and amenable to the laws, of any county in the kingdom; and the active and unabating induftry of its inhabitants, had improved it fo much, that its appearance was entirely changed within the laft twenty years.

Religious animofities between proteftants and papifts were at an end, or at leaft were dormant; and tythes were not complained of as a grievance. The gentlemen of the country refided on their eftates; employed great numbers in building, planting, and agricultural improvements; maintained focial order, and gave energy to the execution of the laws. The farmers followed the example of their landlords, meliorated the ftate of their arable lands, and, in general, built good and commodious houfes.

The labourers, who had conftant employment, received as wages ten pence a day in the fummer, and eight pence in the winter; and paid but

* She was fuppofed to be the natural daughter of the duke of Orleans, by madam Genlis.
§ Plate 1. 8.

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two guineas a year for a cottage and an acre of land; but in fome places their wages were higher.

In the parifh of Rathdrum, twenty good ftated houfes were built within a few years, with fuitable offices, fit for gentlemen of large fortune; and many others on a fmaller fcale, but neat and commodious.

Moft of thefe buildings have been deftroyed; every thing that art could accomplifh for the happinefs of man has been annihilated; and all progreffive induftry has been fufpended by the late rebellion, promoted by the united Irifhmen.

For fome weeks previous to the breaking-out of the rebellion, the magiftrates of the county of Wicklow met almoft every week, for the purpofe of preventing, if poffible, the explofion fo much dreaded.

Every means were ufed to call the lower clafs of people to a fenfe of their duty, and a fubmiffion to the laws. Friendly exhortations, and promifes of protection, were for a long time reforted to; but they were treated with derifion. Threats were then ufed, with no better effect. The magiftrates then had recourfe to rewards for publick or private information of feditious meetings, and concealed arms; however, friendly and conciliating admonitions were ftill continued. The refolutions of the magiftrates, containing pathetick exhortations, and threats, and rewards, were printed and circulated through the country; but the mafs of the people had drunk fo deep of the intoxicating poifon of French republicanifm, fublimated by fanaticifm, that no antidote could counteract its baneful influence.

I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XVI, 1. for part of a pathetick addrefs, publifhed by the magiftrates, on the third of April, 1798; when finding that mild and conciliatory meafures were difregarded, they were driven to the neceffity of proclaiming the whole county. The upper and lower half barony of Talbotftown was fo much difturbed, that it was proclaimed the tenth of November, 1797.

The firft feeds of difaffection fown in the county of Wicklow were by a party of defenders, who had been hunted out of the county of Louth by the Speaker, in the year 1792; and were employed as labourers in the mines of Meffrs. Camacs, at Ballymurtagh.

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Thofe mifcreants, with their moft zealous exertions, could not propagate defenderifm any farther than the diftrict in which they lived; and it was not accompanied with any acts of violence or outrage. All the efforts of the united Irifhmen to make the people of the county of Wicklow join in their rebellious defigns, proved unavailing, till they perfuaded the Popifh clergy to co-operate with them for that purpofe; which took place in the year 1796, as ftated in the report of the fecret committee, on the evidence of doctor M’Nevin, a Roman catholick, and one of the leaders in the rebellion.

A loyal papift, who was tenant to captain King, of Rathdrum, informed his landlord, that he had been preffed by a neighbour to take the united Irifhmen’s oath, and threatened, if he refufed, or delayed to comply, with the total deftruction of him and his family; but he peremptorily refufed, having afhgned as a reafon, that he had taken the oath of allegiance. This objection was laughed at by his pretended friend, who affured him, that it had been decided, and declared, by their clergy, that the oath of allegiance, and all other oaths prefcribed by law, were to be confidered as compulfory, and therefore not binding; and that none but thofe which were voluntarily taken, impofed any obligation on confciences.* He at the fame time recommended to him, to confult father C. a prieft, on the subject; and having afked him, whether it was finful to take the united Irifhman’s oath, after having taken the oath of allegiance? he affured him, that it was no fin. This man, having been informed that his life would be in imminent danger, unlefs he joined the united party, as he was told that a refolution had paffed at one of their meetings, that fuch perfons as refufed to do fo fhould be put to death, told his landlord captain King of what had paffed; and by his advice, he afked father C. and two more priefts, who happened to be in his company, whether a perfon could get abfolution in their church, for having deliberately killed a heretic, or one who differed from them in religious tenets? The anfwer of the priefts, which was evafive and equivocal, fhocked him fo much, that he refolved to become a proteftant; and he and all his family have continued to go to church ever since the rebellion.

* See the council of Lateran, pages 10, 11, and the opinions of doctor Burke, and the cardinal Legate, on fuch an oath, pages 39, 40.

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This man being fatisfied that papifts, under priefts influence, regarded the oath of allegiance as not binding, fuggefted to his landlord, captain King, the following teft oath, and recommended that it might be propofed to the Cronebane corps of yeomen; and affured him, that numbers of them, who were difaffected, would refufe to take it.

“I ———, do in the prefence of my neighbours, folemnly fwear by the contents of this book, containing the holy gofpel of Chrift, that I have not joined, nor in any manner entered into, any fociety, or affociation of perfons, ftyling themfelves united Irifhmen, or any other feditious fociety or affociation whatfoever, or taken any oath to keep the fecrets of any fuch fociety: And that I will not join, nor enter into, any fuch fociety, or take any oath to the prejudice of his majefty king George III. or contrary to the exifting laws, or conftitution of this kingdom of Ireland. And all this I fwear, freely and voluntarily, without any mental evafion, or fecret refervation whatfoever.

“So help me God.”

The fact turned out as predicted; forty-four of that corps who were deeply difaffected, refufed to take the oath, which a prieft of the name of Meagher, pronounced to be blafphemous, when it was propofed for his confideration; though he would allow his flock to take the oath of allegiance, or any other prefcribed by law.

This prieft declared that he had loft all influence over his congregation ever since the introduftion of French principles; and yet, when a fearch for arms was about to be made, he gave notice to them to come in and take the oath of allegiance, which was immediately and implicitly obeyed by aii his parifhioners.

It was univerfally believed that he did fo from an idea that the taking that oath would fuperfede the neceffity of fearching for arms, and throw a veil over the malignant defigns of the united Irifhmen. Captain Mills, who commanded the Cronebane corps, difarmed the forty-four difaffected members, and their places were fupplied by loyal men.

This teft oath, and the occafion of framing it, having been mentioned in the Dublin Journal, was adopted by the officers of many other corps in the counties of Wicklow, Dublin, and Wexford, by whom it was propofed to be taken; and it produced univerfally the fame effect, as almoft the whole of the popifh yeomen refufed to take it, and were therefore difmifted; which tended much to ftrengthen the caufe of loyalty;

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as fome corps were purged of many traitors by it. Fourteen Roman catholicks of the Coolgreany corps, commanded by captain John Beauman, refufed to take it, and were therefore difmiffed.

In the Caftletown corps, commanded by captain Grogan Knox, there were about fifty papifts, and ten proteftants. The captain intended to propofe the above teft oath to be taken, but was diffuaded by his two lieutenants, Sir Thomas Efmond and Laurence Doyle, both papifts; but as the difaffection of the popifh members were very ftrongly fufpected, the gentlemen of the country infifted on having them difmifted, which was very fortvmate, as many of them were afterwards hanged, or fhot, for having been concerned in the rebellion.

There was very great difaftection in the popifh yeomen of Bray. In fhort, there appeared a fpirit of difaffection among the popifh yeomen of every corps in the county of Wicklow. Captain Hume’s corps confifted of proteftants, and were of courfe loyal.

William Byrne of Ballymanus, a rebel captain, and a member of the Wicklow yeomanry, having refufed to take the oath, quitted it. He was afterwards hanged, for having been an active rebel leader.

Some time previous to the rebellion, and during its exiftence, many proteftants were murdered with horrid circumftances of barbarity. The magiftrates and gentry of the country, by frequent adreffes, endeavoured to recal the people to a fenfe of their duty; and offered large rewards for the difcovery of fuch atrocities.

Captain King having fent one of thofe papers to father C—— to be read from the altar; he, in anfwer, faid, “That he had received a paper from him, which contained rewards for the difcovery of crimes, and that he was fure it was well intended. That our Saviour was betrayed for thirty pieces of filver, but he hoped that none of his parifhioners would act the part of Judas.”

For fome months previous to the rebellion, the priefts ftrongly inculcated the neceffity of fobriety and peaceable demeanour,* to lull the magiftrates and government, and to prevent the rebels from betraying their fecrets, which had fuch immediate and univerfal effect, that the whifkey houfes were deferted, and thofe who had been the moft notorious drunkards, could not by any perfuafion be induced to drink any fpirits, and

* This appeared to have been the main object of the defenders, as appeared in their profpectus found on Sharky at Drumbanagher, fo early as the year 1789. See Appendix, No, II.

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abftained from broils and quarrels, and particularly from feditious language in any mixed affemblies.

Such inftructions, penned with energy and elegance, were printed and circulated among the people, which rapidly produced an apparent reformation in their manners, to the great furprife of thofe who were ignorant of the fecret motives which occafioned it.

Very early in the rebellion, two men of the names of Doyle and Lancafter, were found in arms near Glenmalier. The former, a papift, was condemned to die; but it appearing that he was more than once inftrumental in faving the life of Lancafter, who was a loyal man, and had been compelled to join the rebels, he was pardoned at the interceffion of captain King and Ifaac Eccles, efquire, two magiftrates. When the mitigation in his fentence was communicated to him, he related feveral circumftances concerning the rebellion; among others, that he believed the priefts promoted the rebellion to the utmoft of their power, and that twenty-eight of them were in the rebel army at the camp of Vinegar-hill.

In fact, the war there was purely religious; for there was no other motive to actuate the mafs of the people, except the hope of plunder, which was held out as an additional encouragement.

The old obfolete popifh holydays were revived, in order to give the feditious more frequent opportunities of affembling, which could have proceeded only from the clergy, who attended on thofe days.

When the united Irifhmen had diffeminated their principles among the mafs of the people, iheir leaders tried many devices to afcertain the rirength and numbers of the party, and at the fame time to inflame their refentment againft the proteftants of the eftabfhed church, whofe loyalty was unquestionable. For that purpofe, they propagated reports, “That the Roman catholicks were to be murdered on a particular night, by the yeomen and loyalifts.”* This aflbrded a plaufible pretext to the difaffected to affemble in their refpective diftricts, to avoid or oppofe the intended maffacre.

At other times it was faid, that the orangemen harboured that barbarous defign, though at that time the very name of orangeman was unknown

* See fimilar reports propagated in the rebellion of 1689, p.74 and 75.

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there. The firft meeting of that kind took place the eleventh of October, and was general in the country, from Arklow to Bray, taking in the whole of the county east of the mountains.

On the tenth of October, a man who affumed the name of James Collins, and faid he was the fervant of captain King, perambulated a great part of the county on horfeback, and propagated a report, “That he had been employed three days in giving notice to all the orangemen in it, to meet the Rathdrum troop (all of whom but four were orangemen,) the next night, to begin the maffacre of the Roman catholicks; and the reafon he affigned was, that all the yeomanry corps were to be ordered to march to Bantry bay, and that they were to perform that office before they fet out.”

He declared, “That though he was fervant to that loyal gentleman, captain King, he was a warm friend to the Roman catholicks, and for that reafon he wifhed to put them on their guard.”

This perfon having been well defcribed, captain King traced him to the mines of Ballymurtagh, where he was employed by the Meffrs. Camacs; and he difcovered alfo, that his name was James McQuillan, a native of the county of Louth, where he had been active among the defenders.

On being committed to gaol, he acknowledged, “That at a meeting of the Ballymurtagh men, (many of whom had been defenders,) it was agreed, that he fhould undertake his miffion, and propagate the report about the defigns of the orangemen; that he went by the fea-fide to Dublin, and returned by another road to make the diffemination of it more general.”

He affumed the name of Collins, becaufe feveral perfons of that name were in the fervice of captain King.

The rifing and affembling of the people was preconcerted, and McQuillan’s miffion was merely to give them notice on what night it was to take place.

Captain King’s name was much made ufe of to have him affaffinated, as he was very active as a magiftrate, and a yeoman officer, in checking the progrefs of rebellion; for which purpofe he was one of the firft perfons marked as an object of rebel vengeance in the Union Star.*

* See an account of it in page 187.

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The informations relative to McQuillan are lodged in the clerk of the crown’s office.

Many other agents were employed to fpread fuch reports in the county of Wicklow.

On the feventh of Auguft 1797, William McDaniel of Crownaroe, announced publickly at Humewood, and in other parts of the county, that many of the proteftant members of captain Hume’s corps,* in which there was but one Roman catholick, took a folemn oath, to burn all the Roman catholick houfes in the county, and to fhoot their inmates, and that they would foon fwim in Catholick blood. This ruffian was taken up, convicted of that crime at the affizes, and imprifoned fix months.

A female vagrant went about the country near Weft-Afton, fpreading a report, with active malignity, “That Mr. Acton, a gentleman of good landed property, faid, that an order had been received from government, that the proteftants fhould put all the Roman catholicks to death; and that he expreffed concern at it, to fome of the lower clafs of that perfuafion.” That gentleman offered a reward for the difcovery of that wretch, but he could not obtain it..

The conduct of the united Irifhmen in the county of Wicklow, previous to the rebellion, was exactly fimilar to what took place in every other part of the kingdom; except that they murdered but few perfons in plundering houfes of arms.

The firft perfon affaffinated in it, was an inoffenfive old gentleman of the name of Nickfon, on the feventh of November, 1797.

When the rebels went to his houfe for arms, he opened the door himfelf, informed them, that they fhould have what arms he had, and faid, they fhould alfo have fomething to drink, if they went in.

One in the rear of the party cried out, “Does the old rafcal prate? No. 4, fhoot him directly.” On which. No. 4 flepped forward, and fhot him through the body.

The popifh multitude in Wicklow, as well as in moft other counties, previous to the rebellion, repaired to the magiftrates, fwore oaths of allegiance, and obtained protections, with no other view but to deceive them and the government.

* It had not a fingle united Irifhman in it.

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Even fo late as the twentieth of May, great numbers of people went to Arklow, took oaths of allegiance, and furrendered pikes to the reverend Mr. Bayly of Lamberton, a magiftrate; but for no other purpofe than to delude the government and the loyal subjects.

Had protections been withheld till the people had furrendered their arms, and had fncwn fome figns of returning obedience, this praftice would have been attended with the beft efleds; but the general officers in their refpective diftricts granted them indifcriminately, and without any condition. An artful rebel has obtained two protections for himfelf, from two different quarters, and had given one of them to a neighbour, who affumed his name.

Dwyer, the noted rebel leader, more cruel than Hackett or Holt, and who has been the occafion of many atrocious murders near Baltinglafs, obtained a protection from general Moore, in the year 1798, and remained fome time in his camp, corrupting his foldiers; and yet for near two years he bids defiance to the king’s troops, and keeps the inhabitants of a large tract of the county of Wicklow in terror and difmay.

Four deferters from the Antrim militia, and another rebel, were taken at their harbour, at Aughavanagh, with their arms, and carried to the general’s camp; but having pretended that they were on their way to furrender, he gave them protections, and difcharged them. They were afterwards (except one who was fhot,) the moft defperate robbing party in the country.

It is not to be fuppofed that the general would have treated them with fuch lenity, had he known that they were deferters. Had he confulted the yeomen, or the country gentlemen of the diftrict, he could not have been deceived; but at that time it was the fafhion to abufe the yeomanry, and to treat the opinion of the country gentlemen with contempt, which was fatal to many parts of that county.

From the following extract, taken from informations fworn before the reverend Edward Bayly, of Lamberton, in that county, the reader may judge of the defigns of the rebels. Simon Beahy fwore the twenty-fifth of May, 1798, that the object of the rebels was, to affift the French, when they came to conquer the kingdom.

Owen Redmond depofed the twenty-third of May, that he was fworn to join the French, and affift them, and to kill all thofe who would not join them.

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John Hall depofed the fame, the twenty-third of May.

John Bryan made the fame depofition, the twenty-feventh of May.

Patrick Myrna fwore the fame the twenty-third of May. Michael Stafford fwore the twenty-third of May, that all thofe who were not united would be murdered.

Terence Kinfley fwore, the twenty-third of May, that the united Irifhmen were to rife in rebellion againft the king and his government, and to deftroy all perfons who were not of the popifh religion.*

I have feen a great number of informations of the fame tenor, fworn by repentant rebels.

I did not hear of a fingle inftance of difaffection among the proteftant yeomen in the county of Wicklow,† or that a perfon of that perfuafion was concerned in the confpiracy or rebellion.

Part of the Arklow corps quartered at Gorey, patroled the country on the night of the twenty-feventh of May, and in doing fo, took up a wounded rebel, whofe life they promifed to fpare, if he would difclofe what he knew of the united bufinefs; on which he freely and voluntarily confeffed, before many refpettable witneffes, “That he had been fworn by his prieft, to rife againft the government, and to kill all the hereticks.”

Many rebels in the county of Wicklow enlifted in the king’s troops, while they were qnartered there, merely for the purpofe of obtaining arms and ammunition, and a knowledge of military difcipline. On the night of the twenty-firft of September, twenty-two of the king’s county militia, who had practifed this bafe artifice, deferted with their arms and ammunition. Some yeomen cavalry were fent in purfuit of them, but the deferters having lain in wait, fired on them when they were in a deep road, with high hedges on each fide, killed two of them, and wounded fome more. This method was univerfally adopted by the rebels, for the above purpofes, and to feduce the king’s troops from their allegiance.

On the thirteenth of May, 1798, the magiftrates and yeomen officers for fome miles round Baltinglafs, publifhed | exhortations to the lower clafs of

* See Appendix, No. XVI. a. † Except Holt, a low fellow, without any kind of principle.
‡ Plate I. 8.

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people, recommending to them to furrender their arms, to make full confeffions of their guilt, to fwear oaths of allegiance, and to receive protections; and vaft multitudes of them continued to do fo, from morning till night, from the fifteenth to the twenty-fourth of May; and yet, on the morning of that day, the infurrection of the lower clafs of people was general; and they were all armed with pikes or mufkets, though, with their ufual diffimulation, they had for fome days before put on the femblance of contrition.

On the nineteenth of May, a decent looking man went through the country contiguous to Baltinglafs, exhorting the people to be in readinefs to rife at a moment’s warning, as no excufe would be taken.

On the morning of the twenty-third of May, the following notice was put under the door of a yeoman of captain Saunders’s corps:

“This is to give you notice, that if you do not do as you are defired to do, you will be left defolate: and further, if you let any bad perfons know, you will be burnt in your houfe.”

Captain Saunders of the Saunders-grove corps, having received a hint that fome of its members were feduced by the united Irifhmen, called a full parade of them on the twentieth of May, and exhorted them, if any of them had been unfortunately tempted to fwerve from their allegiance, to acknowledge it to him either publickly or privately; but his addrefs to them did not produce any effect.

Such of them as were difaffected, had refolved that evening to difclofe their guilt to their captain, but that James Dunn, the corporal, who had feduced them, perfuaded them to adhere to the united caufe, and not to violate the oath of fecrefy which they had taken. Full information having been received of the guilt of Dunn, he was taken up on the twenty-firft of May, by the Wicklow militia, and on being arrefted, he impeached fome of the members of his own corps.

This difcovery induced captain Saunders to call a full parade the twenty-fecond of May, when he announced it to his men, in prefence of a party of the Wicklow militia, and the Dunlavin cavalry; and having defired three or four of the moft guilty to come forward, no lefs than twenty of them, touched with the ftings of compunction, advanced, and confeffed that they had been fworn. They were immediately conveyed as prifoners to Dunlavin, where many of them were fhot on the morning of the twenty-fourth

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of May, when the general rifing took place. There was much difaffection in the popifh members of all the yeomen corps in that part of the country; but I could not hear of a fingle iuftance of treachery in a proteftant. There was a confpiracy formed to murder captain Saunders; but this is not furprifing, as all the proteftant gentlemen of that county were to have been cut off by their popifh fervants or tenants. Thomas Kavanagh, a popifh member of lord Aldborough’s corps, was a leader of the rebels; and was afterwards hanged: and his head was amputated, and fixed on a may-pole at Baltinglafs.

Mrs. Saunders, with heroic fortitude, remained at Saunders-grove, with her fix children, during the whole of the rebellion, while the tempeft howled around her; and, confiding in the fidelity of a few proteftant yeomen, fhe bid defiance to many bands of traitors who often approached her houfe, which fhe humanely made the afylum of many loyal proteftants, who narrowly efcaped from the pikes of the affaffins in the adjacent country.

The rebels having affembled to the number of four or five hundred, near Stratford upon Slaney, entered that town in order to pillage it. While they were proceeding to do fo, lieutenant Macauly, commanding thirty of the Antrim militia, and cornet Love, with twenty of the ninth dragoons, attacked them; and at the fame inftant, captain Stratford appeared at the other end of the town with a detachment of his corps. They attacked the rebels at the fame time, and completely routed them, having killed between one and two hundred; and many were wounded, who made their efcape. Thomas Kavanagh, who headed the rebels on that occafion, offered to mount guard next day at Baltinglafs, in order to betray it to the rebels, which he would have done, but that his treachery was difcovered.

Previous to relating the battle of Newtown-mount-kennedy, I fhall give an account of the progrefs of the rebellion in the adjacent country, and of the circumftances which immediately preceded it.

In the fpring and fummer of one thoufand feven hundred and ninety-feven, ftrong fymptoms of difaffection began to appear in it, fuch as cutting down trees to make pike handles, founding of horns, meetings of the people on moon-light [sic] nights for the purpofe of exercifing, and firing fhots to intimidate and keep within their houfes the loyal inhabitants. Some vigilant and intelligent magiftrates, feeing that nothing but active and feafonable exertions could fave the county from deftruction, had the landholders

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principal inhabitants convened, to take its alarming ftate into confideration. Notwithftanding the moft indubitable proofs that treafon fermented, and had made a confiderable progrefs in the country, which was evinced by the facts which I have ftated, many noblemen and gentlemen were fo incredulous, in confequence of the artful conduct, and grofs mifreprefentation of the difaffected, and of the readinefs of the multitude to take the oath of allegiance, as not to believe that they had treafonable defigns, and for that reafon, the meetings were frequently adjourned; and inftead of adopting vigorous meafures, the moft friendly and pacifick addreffes to the people were publifhed, inviting them to refspect the laws, and to return to a fenfe of their duty.

The committees of the united Irifhmen regarded their patience and forbearance, as cowardice and pufillanimity; and the lower clafs of people became daring and infolent, pulling down the pacifick refolutions of the county meetings; and denouncing vengeance againft fuch magiftrates and loyal fubjects, as expreffed a difapprobation of their feditious proceedings; cr had taken an active part againft them; and at length it became dangerous for perfons of that defcription to traverfe the country, for fear of being affaffinated.

At laft they were driven to the neceffity of proclaiming the whole county, as the infection had fpread very widely. Some parts of it had been proclaimed the tenth of November, 1797. The general meetings of the people, in their refpective diftricts, on the eleventh of October, I have already mentioned. It had a moft terrifick appearance, in the country round Newtown-mount-kennedy. The people, in confiderable numbers, headed by their captains, and varioufly armed, paraded there. On being interrogated by the gentlemen of the country, who rernonftrated to them on the dangerous confequences of their conduct, they faid, in excufe, that they affembled in defence of their perfons and property, againft the orangemen, who, they faid, confpired againft them; and were to rife and cut off every perfon of their perfuafion without exception.

I have already mentioned, that fuch reports were framed for no other purpofe, but to kindle an inextinguifhable hatred in the Roman catholicks againft the proteftants; and the effects of it appeared afterwards in the maffacres which took place in the counties of Wicklow, Wexford, Carlow, Meath, Dublin, and Kildare.

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Matters remained in that ftate, till the fpring of 1798, when a paper containing the proceedings and refolutions of the county of Wicklow committee was obtained, and was afterwards proved upon oath before the fecret committee of the houfe of lords, which fhewed the extent and malignity of the confpiracy.

Government ftill defirous, if poffible, to avoid harfh and coercive meafures, and to induce the people to return to their duty and their allegiance by mild and conciliating means, lieutenant-general Craig, by their orders, iffued a proclamation, dated the eleventh of May, 1798, for that purpofe, which fee in Appendix, No. XVI. 3 and major Hardy, a humane gentleman and a judicious officer, who then commanded in that county, ufed the moft zealous endeavours to the fame end.

Early in the month of May, as the country was in fuch an alarming ftate, that no loyal fubjects could with fafety remain in their houfes, the yeomen of the diftrict were ordered into garrifon at Newtownmount-kennedy.

Oh Tuefday the twenty-ninth of May, a party confifting of ten of the Ancient Britifh cavalry, commanded by lieutenant Edwards, and the fame number of the Newtownmount-kennedy cavalry, under lieutenant Archer, were ordered to proceed to Roundwood, and to return by the Devil’s-glynn, where the rebels were fuppofed to be encamped in confiderable force; and they were to reconnoitre them, and to afcertain their numbers and their pofition. As they approached Roundwood, they attacked and cut off fome fmall parties of the rebels.

Soon after they were informed, by exprefs, that the rebels were proceeding to burn all the houfes of the proteftants, and that they had begun with that of Mr. Hugo,* at Drummeen, about three miles off; the detachment arrived in time to fave the dwelling-houfe, but they found the offices in flames. They attacked and routed the rebel party, who committed that atrocity, with confiderable flaughter, and laid wafte the village of Clohogue, in which they took refuge.

On the twenty-ninth of May, two dragoons, one a yeoman, the other an Ancient Britifh fencible, were fent from Dublin, with an exprefs to lord

* He was lieutenant of the Wicklow cavalry, and was noted for his zeal, his activity and courage.

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Rofsmore, at Newtownmount-kennedy, who was to forward it to Wicklow. When they were within two miles of Newtownmount-kennedy, fome rebels, who lined the hedges, fired on them, and killed the yeoman who carried the exprefs; and yet his comrade, though the traitors continued to fire at him, difmounted, and with great coolnefs took the exprefs out of his pocket, and delivered it, all covered with the blood of the deceafed, to lord Rofsmore.

For fome days previous to the thirtieth of May, immenfe numbers of rebels were feen on the mountains which overlook the village of Newtownmount-kennedy, which gave ftrong reafons for fufpecting that they meant to attack it.

About one o’clock, on the morning of that day, the town was affaulted by about one thoufand of them, varioufly armed, who began by fhouting and huzzaing for Napper Tandy, and then by fetting fire to feveral houfes, particularly to the liable of the Ancient Britons; but very fortunately the horfes had been removed the preceding day.

On their entering the town, they were oppofed by the fmall garrifon in it, confifting of forty Ancient Britons, twenty of the Antrim militia, forty of the Newtown-mount-kennedy cavalry, and forty difmounted men, who had only received their arms the preceding day.

Nothing could exceed the valour of this fmall force, in repelling fo fudden and violent an attack. In the firft onfet, captain Burgany of the Ancient Britons fell, covered with fhot and with pike wounds. Captain Gore of the Newtown-mount-kennedy cavalry, who bravely led the attack, was difmounted, and received fome dangerous pike wounds. Mr. Graves Archer, lieutenant of that corps, was feverely wounded in the charge, and his horfe was killed; and feveral of the yeomen received flight wounds.

Notwithftanding thefe difcouraging circumftances, the rebels were routed and purfued with much flaughter, the purfuit having continued for fome hours; and the rebels, to facilitate their efcape, dropped fome hundred pikes in their flight.

The conduct of lieutenant Fergufon, and his detachment of the Antrim, was highly meritorious, not only for their courage and activity in the town, but in diflodging and difperfing a party of rebels, headed by one Maguire, a noted leader, who were too late for the attack on the

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village, but materially affifted in covering the routed rebels in their retreat.

Holt, a famous rebel chieftain, who commanded at the attack on Mr. Hugo’s houfe, was to have affifted io the affault on Newtown-mountkennedy, with fix hundred men; but could not arrive there before the main body was defeated.

The reader may conceive in what a dangerous and terrifick ftate this country was in, on the breaking-out of the rebellion, from the following circumftance: Captain Beauman, who commanded the Goolgreany corps, was at Arklow,* when that event took place; and though his houfe was but five miles diftant, he did not venture to go to it, nor could he learn, what was going forward there for three weeks; fo completely was all communication cut off.

For fome months after the rebellion was faid to be extinguifhed in the county of Wicklow, the rebels continued to commit the moft fhocking atrocities, plundering and burning the houfes of proteftants, and murdering their inmates, though there were three camps ftationed there at that time, for the purpofe of preventing the commiffion of outrages.

In the parifh of Donoughmore, twenty-two of the principal proteftant houfes were burned, and no houfe of a Romanift, but one; and that, becaufe the woman of it lamented, that the houfe and property of her proteftant landlord had been deftroyed.

A hundred proteftants of that parifh fled for protection to Tullow,† Dunlavin, and Baltinglafs;‡ and were afraid to return to their refpective homes, in confequence of the threats and denunciations of their popifh neighbours.

All the proteftant houfes at each fide of the road from Baltinglafs to Hacketftown, from Hacketftown to Rathdrum, and from Rathdrum to Bleffington, were burnt; but the property of a Roman catholick did not receive the fmalleft injury in that extenfive tract. On Wednefday the twenty-fifth of July, they burned all the proteftant houfes, fixty in number, between Rathvilly and Hacketftown. This defolating fpirit was very much encouraged by the refufal of the general officers to affift the civil; magiftrates with troops to prevent it.

Plate II, I †Ibid. II. ‡Ibid.. I. 8.

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Mr. Hume, member for the county, made fuch an application for general ——; but he openly and bluntly refufed him, having faid, that fuch outrages were occafioned by the burning of houfes, by country gentlemen.

The rebels, finding that they ran no rifk of punifhment, proceeded in large bands and with cool deliberation to lay wade extenfive tracts of country.

I shall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XVI. 4, for fome fpecimens of their treafonable defigns, of their deftructive fpirit, and of the cold-blooded murders which they committed.

About three o’clock, on the morning of the twenty-fourth of June, two yeomen patroling near the meeting of the waters, a place between Arklow and Rathdrum, faw a well-dreffed man, on a horfe covered with foam and fweat, from fevere riding; they feized him, and demanded who he was, and whence he came. He anfwered, that he was a gentleman, and had been riding about for pleafure, to fee the beauties of the country. Having conducted him to Rathdrum, he was examined by the commanding officer there, but would not give an aqcount of himfelf.

A young gentleman of Drogheda, a recruiting officer, who was prefent, recognifed the prifoner, gave privately a brief hiftory of him to captain Giffard, and requefted that he would keep it a profound fecret.

At that inflant an alarm having been given, that the rebels were advancing, the garrifon got under arms, the cannon were drawn out, and the matches were lighted.

Captain Giffard fhewed him thefe preparations: Told him, he knew that he was father Martin, a prieft, of Drogheda: That he was acting as a fpy: That unlefs he made a full confeffion, he fhould be put to death, as his life was forfeited by the laws of war: That if he complied, he fhould be left at the difpofal of the viceroy, who was merciful; but if he hefitated, he fhould be blown away at the mouth of a cannon.

He inftantly dropped on his knees, begged to be taken into a private room, where, he faid, he would make a full and candid confeffion.

At firft he began to trifle; but the captain having mentioned fome circumftances, which convinced the prifoner that he knew more of him thaa he fuppofed, he made the following full and unreferved confeffion upon path, and afterwards figned it:

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“That his name was Martin, that he had been a friar of Drogheda, and that he recently officiated at Dunboyne: That he was early an united Irifhman, and very active in the caufe: That he preached up the maffacre of the proteftants at Dunboyne, which afterwards took place there: That he was in habits of intimacy with father Ledwich, parifh prieft of Rathfarnham, whofe nephew (Ledwich) and Wade, he excited to rebellion, in confequence of which they were both hanged on the Queen’s-bridge: That he was now come down to promote the caufe, and was in fearch of Byrne and Holt, who were at the head of a large body of rebels in the mountains, between Rathdrum and Hacketftown: That he had flept the preceding night at the houfe of a prieft at Roundwood.”

He alfo ftated, “That there was a club of traitors at that time fitting in Dublin, and another in Drogheda,” moft of whom have been since taken up, and punifhed. He faid, “That a large fum of money had been levied on the Roman catholicks in general, both clergy and laity, every perfon paying according to his wealth, fome an hundred pounds, others one fhilling: That he, though a poor prieft, was rated at a guinea: That the money fo levied, was to be applied to purchafe arms and ammunition, and to reward their friends both in and out of parliament.”

The practice of putting red tape on the necks of popifh children, a fhort time before the rebellion broke out, prevailed as much in the county of Wicklow as Wexford. It is certain, that the intent of it was, to diftinguifh the popifh from the proteftant children. The pretext was, to protect them from the effects of a contagious diforder which would foon appear in the country, and be fatal to many of its inhabitants; but experience has since taught us that it was to enable the rebels to difcriminate proteftants from popifh children in the maffacre which was intended of the former.

A court-martial was held at Arklow, the eighteenth of June, 1798, by orders of general Needham, for the trial of Matthew Waddock, a traitor, found in arms, and for being in the action of the ninth of June, at Arklow.

The prifoner acknowledged the crime, and that while he attended the rebel army, he confidered as chief commanders in it, Anthony Perry of Inch, father Francis Kavenagh, parifh prieft of Gorey, father Roche of the fame, Bernard Murray, apothecary, and Matthew D’Arcy, both of the fame.

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James Munigan, a prisoner, taken in arms with Waddock, depofed that fathers Roche, Stafford, Kavanagh and Redmond,* four priefts, were always confidered as commanders in the rebel army.

The death of captain Hume, member for the county of Wicklow, murdered by the rebels, happened in the following manner; which was proved on the trial of John Moore, the rebel who killed him:

John O’Neale fwore, that the party of rebels to which he belonged, wasclofely purfued by the king’s troops, through Glenmalier, into Aughavanagh, where they faw different parties of the king’s troops in purfuit of them. They had but fix horfemen of their party, three in red, and three in coloured clothes. Captain Hume, having miftaken them for a party of yeomen, advanced near them, and cried out, “Is there not enough to mind that pofition?” Conway, one of the rebels, afked him, Who he was to which he anfwered, “Captain of a corps of cavalry.” Conway then faid, “Did you ever hear of the Ballynatrochin cavalry?” and then raifing his firelock, miffed fire at him. On which Moore fhot him, and mounted his horfe, and Conway took his fpurs. This gentleman, who was univerfally and defervedly efteemed in his country, had difplayed great courage and activity at the head of his corps, during the progrefs of the rebellion. This melancholy event happened in the month of October, 1798.

REBELLION IN THE COUNTY OF WEXFORD

The inhabitants of no part of Leinfter enjoyed fo equal a portion of focial happinefs, as thofe of the county of Wexford, which arofe from the following caufes: Many Englifh families who fettled there at, different periods, but particularly in the laft century, introduced that œconomy, induftry, and cleanlinefs, which are peculiar to the Britifh nation, but in which the native Irifh are very deficient; and ftrong veftiges of thofe habits are ftill evident in the defcendants of the Britifh fettlers. There are fewer abfentee eftates in Wexford than in moft other counties, and more gentlemen refident in it, who maintain focial order, and difcharge the duties of hofpitality, charity and humanity; and as the leaves of a tree enrich the foil which nourifhes the parent trunk, fo the rents of an eftate fhould be expended in

* The latter was hanged. He was coadjutor to father Kavenagh. parifh prieft of Gorey.

[A Map of part of the Counties of Carlow, Wexford, & Wicklow.]

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rewarding the labour of thofe, who, in producing them, contribute to thE eafe, the comfort, and convenience of the landlord. From its oblong and narrow form, and the fmuofity of its fea coaft, it enjoys a much greater length of it, in proportion to its quantity of fquare acres, than any other county a citcumftance favourable not only to commerce, but to agriculture, as the fea fand, and fea weed, form a very good manure for corn. It is abundantly fupplied with fifh and fea fowl. It is bifected by the river Slaney, which is navigable to Ennifcorthy, fifteen miles from the fea: part of it is bounded on the weft by the rivers Nore and Barrow, which unite a little above New Rofs, and proceed in a very copious ftream to Dunbrody, where being joined by the river Suir, they run in a fouth-eaft direction, and, paffing by Paffage and Duncannon fort, difcharge themfelves into the ocean at Hook tower.*

The county of Wexford had been generally noted for the peaceable dhpofition of its inhabitants, and a chafte adminiftration of juftice, which might be juftly imputed to the comfort, and the conftant occupation, which its very extenfive and flourifhing agricuhure affords to the farmers and the peafantry, and to the number of gentlemen who refide on their eftates. While many counties in Ireland were difgraced by nocturnal robbery and affaffination, committed by defenders and united Irifhmen, for five years previous to 1797, it was the pride and the boaft of the Wexford gentlemen, that their county remained in perfect tranquillity! But in the autumn and winter of the year 1797, and in the fpring of the enfuing year, as there were well grounded fufpicions that the mafs of the people began to be infected by thofe baneful principles, which have fince proved fo fatal to the kingdom, that pikes had been manufaftured, that clubs had been formed, in which illegal oaths had been adminiftered, meetings of the magiftrates were held in different parts of the county, to take into confideration the neceffity of proclaiming thofe diftricts, where fymptoms of difturbance had appeared.

From the beginning of the year 1797, it was perceived by fome magiftrates of difcernment, that the lower claffes of the people were very unwilling to pay their debts, or to fulfil any engagements: That they appeared furly when called on to do fo and they were heard, when angry,

* See Plate F, No. I. JII. III.

† The only inftance to the contrairy that occurred there fome years were the whiteboys in the year 1774, and the defenders who appeared there in 1793; but the latter were foon fupreffed.

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or drunk, to hint on fuch occafions, that they “would foon have an opportunity of being revenged. They were feen to remain later than ufual at fairs and markets, and in publick houfes, and to confer together in whifpers.

At a meeting of the magiftrates held at Gorey, the twentieth day of November, 1797, fuch ftrong proofs appeared, that a fpirit of difaffection had exifted fome time in certain diftricts, that nineteen parifhes were proclaimed; which circumftance alarmed the priefts of thofe parifhes, and their congregations, as they found that the progrefs of their rebellious defigns would be impeded, if the civil magiftrate was empowered to act with additional energy under the infurrection law. They therefore affembled at their refpective chapels, and in an addrefs, which they univerfally adopted, befought the earl of Mountnorris to avert that meafure, as it would cover them with a fufpicion of difloyalty and difaffection, which they by no means merited: And as his lordfhip, and feven more magiftrates of the county, fpoke and voted againft proclaiming thofe parifhes, they entreated him and them, to meet them at their refpective chapels, that they might take the oath of allegiance, to clear themfelves from that imputation; and his lordfhip, and thofe magiftrates, having accordingly attended them, they all, at their refpective altars, fwore an oath of allegiance, agreeable to a form previoufly agreed upon.*

So deep was the difguife of the popifh multitude, and their priefts, that the proteftant minifters, churchwardens, and parifhioners of fome parifhes, were prevailed on by them, to fign certificates of their loyalty and peaceable deportment, in order to prevent the adoption of that falutary coercion, which would have checked their dangerous defigns; and yet thofe very priefts, and their flocks, difplayed the moft bitter and unrelenting enmity againft thofe minifters† and their congregations, in the month of May, and hunted them like wild beafts.

At the meeting held at Gorey, eight magiftrates, including Lord Mountnorris, voted and fpoke vehemently againft proclaiming the nineteen parifhes, from a perfuafion that the popifh inhabitants and their priefts were

* See in appendix, No. XVII. the addrefs to his lordfhip, and the oath of allegiance which they all adopted, and the names of the priefts and their refpective parifhes.

† See in appendix, No. XVII. the certificates of fome parifhes, which 1 happened to obtain.

A map of the Southern part of the County of Wexford. [Folding map, facing p.321.]

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perfectly innocent; and yet they were as obnoxious to that ferocious and fanguinary fpirit which broke forth in the month of May, as thofe who wifhed to enforce that meafure.

The fymptoms of rebellion were fo evident and alarming in the month of April, that twenty-feven magiftvates affembled at Ennifcorthy, on the twenty-fifth of that month, and agreed that the whole county fhould be proclaimed, and it accordingly, took place on the twenty-feventh; but Mr. Jofhua Pounden ftrenuoufly urged an exemption from its operation for that town, from a conviction of the loyalty of its inhabitants; and Mr. Alcock of Wilton, from the fame motive, folicited a fimilar privilege for his tenants; though the fequel proved that they were deceived.

This procedure was adopted, in confequence of their having difcovered that great quantities of pikes had been made, and of their having detected blackfmiths in the act of fabricating them.

Mr. Hawtrey White, captain of the Ballaghkeene yeomen cavalry, obtained the following information, and communicated it to government, fo early as the month of November, 1797: Their manner of affembling: Their frequent meetings: Their mode of collecting money in their refpective parifhes: That it was to be applied to the purpofe of purchafing arms and ammunition, and of feducing the military: That an attack on the city of Dublin was meditated: That the popifh priefts were deeply concerned in the rebellion; and that whenever it would break out, religion would have the chief influence.

Many other priefts and their congregations followed the example of thofe who took oaths of allegiance, on the twenty-fixth of November, 1797, having folicited the magiftrates to give them the fame opportunity of exculpating themfelves.

In the month of February, 1798, fome of the principal popifh farmers of the parifh of Kilrufti, folicited Charles Dawfon, efquire, of Charlesfort, near Ferns,* a magiftrate, to attend them at their chapel for that purpofe; and he complied with their wifhes, on the enfuing Sunday, when he was affifted by the reverend Edanus Murphy, their parifh prieft, and his coadjutor. The latter in a long harangue from the altar, expatiated on the virtues of his prefent majefty, the wifdom and lenity of his

* See Plate II. 6.

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government, and recommended to them a fteady and unfhaken fidelity to both. He at the fame time appointed three days for them to affemble at different places in the parifh, to take and fubfcribe the oath of allegiance, before Mr. Dawfon, which they accordingly did; and father Murphy was prefent at one of their meetings.

The fame prieft and his flock affembled again on the twenty-eighth of January, 1798, in their chapel, expreffing their abhorrence of the barbarous outrages lately committed, and of the dangerous confpiracies formed by traitors and rebels, ftyling themfelves united Irifhmen; and declaring their unalterable attachment to their beloved fovereign, and to our happy conftitution. It was figned by Edanus Murphy, and five hundred and fourteen of his parifhioners, and publifhed in the Dublin Journal on the third day of March, 179S, after having been prefented to the viceroy.

Notwithftanding fuch unequivocal teftimonies of their loyalty, Mr. Dawfon had ftrong reafons for thinking that a ftorm was gathering, as the people affembled privately, and many pikes had been manufactured in the parifh, fubfequent to the adminiftration of oaths at the chapel. He therefore prevailed on fome of his tenants, partly by threats, and partly by perfuafion, to make a full confeffion of their guilt, and to deliver up their arms, which they accordingly did; and next day, a great number of people followed their example, in acknowledging their delufion, in furrendering pikes, and in foliciting protections, which they obtained; though thefe very people had a few days before taken oaths of allegiance, and had figned an addrefs to the viceroy.

On this difcovery, Mr. Dawfon, alarmed at the perilous ftate of the country, repaired on the twentieth of May to Wexford, where he and twenty-nine magiftrates affembled; and publifhed notices, exhorting all the people in general to come in, to take oaths of allegiance, to confefs their errors, and to accept the protection which they then offered them. This produced the defired effect; far the magiftrates continued the entire week to receive great numbers of people, who feemed very penitent, having confeffed their errors; the committees before whom they had been fworn; and the blackfmiths who had made their pikes, of which they furrendered great quantities.

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The fame protections were granted in the parifhes of Ennifcorthy,Templefhambo. Ferns,* Newtown-Barry† and Camolin,| where the refpective parifh priefts attended, and exhorted their flocks to teftify their loyalty, and to renounce their errors; and this continued till the day before the rebellion broke out, and in moft of the parifhes in that county they followed their example.

The priefts and their congregations in the parifh of Monomolin, took oaths of allegiance, furrendered their arms, and received protections, on the week preceding the rebellion, and fent a loyal addrefs to the viceroy.

Great numbers of people in the parifh of Kilfcoran, attfended by two prieftis, continued to take oaths of allegiance on Saturday, Sunday and Monday, previous to the thirtieth of May. Above one thoufand perfons did the like in the parifh of Taghmon, the week preceding the rebellion, and two hundred even fo late as the morning of Whitfunday.

The protections granted to the perfons who took fuch oaths, were foundafterwards in the pockets of numbers of them who fell in the rebellion.

On the twelfth of April, 1797, many parifh priefts and their congregations addreffed lord Camden in terms ftrongly expreffive of their loyalty, and on this occafion they all adopted one form of addrefs.||

As the earl of Mountnorris had always been peculiarly attentive to the intereft of the Roman catholicks, and had endeavoured to awaken a fenfe of duty in them, at this alarming period, they folicited him to prefent them to the viceroy, which he accordingly did.

The reverend Dudley Colclough, a magiftrate, adminifhered oaths of allegiance in the parifh of Templeftiambo, to fome hundreds of people, who furrendered their pikes, and on doing fo received protections.

Sir Frederick Flood and Henry Brownrigg, efquire, did the like in the parifh of Camolin, where the priefts attended.

The following letter§ publifhed in the Dublin Journal of May twenty-fixth, fhews how much the magiftrates were impofed on.

* Plate H. 6. † Ibid. 5. ‡Ibid. See in Appendix, No, XVII. i. the names of the priefts, their parifhes and their addrefs.

§ Camolin, May 24th. “I have the fatisfaction of informing you, that the meafures of government have been attanded with the happieft effects. In this parifh, many hundred pikes have been given up [cont.]

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It was obferved, that in the town of Camolin, a number of priefts ufed frequently to meet, dine together, and hold private conferences for fome months previous to the rebellion.

At Ennifcorthy, the two Mr. Poundens fat for an entire week, previous to Whitfunday, giving protections to the people, in confequence of their having taken the oaths, and furrendered their arms. Thefe proceedings took place in the prefence of three priefts,* who to give a greater appearance of fandtity to them, infifted that the people fhould be fworn on a popifh manual; and yet fo little regard had their flock for the facred obligation of an oath, that fome of thefe protections were found in the pockets of rebels, who were killed on the Monday following, when they attacked the town of Ennifcorthy.

In the parifh of Ferns, oaths were adminiftered to the inhabitants of it, by Ifaac Cornock, efquire, and the reverend Mr. Turner† of Ballingale, both magiftrates, until the evening before the rebellion broke out.

Some of them denied, that they had ever feen a pike, or taken the united Irifhman’s oath; but on being refufed protections, and threatened with the feverity of the law, they acknowledged both; and faid, that they had procured thofe weapons to protect themfelves againft orangemen, who they heard would foon rife and exterminate the Roman catholicks. A few of them owned, that the purport of their oath was, to join the French, and to kill all loyal fubjects, and fuch perfons as would not join them; and on being urged to declare whom they meant by loyal perfons, they faid proteftants.

Mr. Hawtrey White of Peppard’s caftle,‡ in the parifh of Donoughmore, an active magiftrate, knowing that rebellious principles had been widely diffufed, and had taken deep root in the minds of the people,

within thefe few days to Sir Frederick Flood and Henry Brownrigg, efquire, magiftrates; and the unfortunate people are crowding in with the fulleft confeffion, and throwing themfelves on the mercy of government. I have been myfelf an eye-witnefs to the fenfe of guilt and contrition in the deluded peafantry, againft whom fuch baneful arts have been exerted.”

* It was obferved, that a prieft retired with fome of the parifhioners, and whifpered them fometime before they took the oath.

† Mr. Turner, before whom they fwore thofe oaths on Saturday, was murdered by them next morning.

‡ Plate III. I.

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prevailed on the following priefts, and the moft refpectable farmers of their congregations, to affemble at his houfe, on Saturday, the nineteenth day of May, for the purpofe of admonifhing them, on the alarming ftate of the country: Father Nicholas Redmond, parifh prieft of Donoughmore, father Michael Murphy, of* Ballycanew, father Michael Lacy, of† Kilmuckridge. He informed them of his having received certain intelligence, that fecret meetings of the people had been frequently held, in which treafonable oaths had been adminiftered, and that great quantities of pikes had been made in their parifhes, and in all the adjacent country; and he preffed them to ufe their utmoft exertions, by exhortations from the altar, to check their deluded congregations, in their career to deftruction; but they, and their parifhioners, declared in the moft folemn manner, that they were pofitively ignorant of the alarming circumftances which he ftated, and that they had never feen a pike; though Mr. White had pofitive information, that fome of the farmers who had made fuch declarations of their innocence, were poffeffed of confiderable quantities of thofe weapons. They all departed, making ftrong profeffions of loyalty, and exprelling great furprife and concern at what they had heard. Next day thefe priefts exhorted their flocks from the altar, to conduct themfelves peaceably, and to act with fidelity towards the government; and they, as if deeply impreffed with the admonitions of their fpiritual paftors, continued the entire week to furrender pikes, and to fwear oaths of allegiance before the magiftrates, and to receive protections. But though the mafs of the people gave fuch unequivocal teftimonies of their fincere intention to preferve focial order, the following circumftance raifed many ominous doubts and conjectures in the minds of his majefty’s loyal fubjects: That the popifh multitude reforted to their chapels, much oftener than ufual, for fome weeks before the rebellion broke out, to exercife their devotions, and to confefs to their refpective parifh priefts, not only in the county of Wexford, but in many other parts of the province of Leinfter.

For fome months previous to it, doctor Caulfield, the popifh bifhop, and a number of priefts, ufed frequently to meet, and dine at the houfe of Peter Redmond, at Ennifcorthy, where they held fecret conferences.

* Plate II. 6. † Plate III. 2. ‡ Mr. White had undoubted information at that time, that thefe priefts were deeply and actively engaged in the caufe of the union. Michael Murphy was killed at the battle of Arklow.

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By fuch profound diffimulation, covered over with the broad mantleof religion, the priefts and their congregations lulled the government, and the magiftrates, into a ftate of fupine and fatal fecurity; and prevented them from adopting fuch vigorous meafures, and falutary precautions, as were neceffary to prevent the execution of their nefarious defigns. They therefore formed their deftructive plans, with the filence and fecrefy of moles, and ftarted forth, fuddenly, with the fury and fiercenefs of tygers. The delufive ftillnefs that preceded the infurrection in the county of Wexford, refembled a calm in one of the tropical regions, which is fuddenly fucceeded by a hurricane, that fpreads univerfal defolation.*

When, this dreadful volcano burft forth, which has brought irreparable calamities, and indelible difgrace on that once-happy and opulent, portion of the kingdom of Ireland, there were no other troops in the county of Wexford but the North Cork militia, confifting of but three hundred men; and they did not arrive there till the twenty-fixth of April. Their head-quarters were in Wexford, where three companies of them were ftationed; the remainder were cantoned at Gorey, Enniscorthy, and Ferns. Two thoufand troops, properly cantoned in it, would have awed the rebels into obedience, and have prevented the poffibility of a rifing; but the folemnity and facrednefs of oaths, and the earneftnefs of proteftations, banifhed all fufpicion on the part of the government, the magiftrates, and the loyal fubjects; though the fubverfion of the former, and the extirpation of the latter, had been fome months concerted.

The following reafon is to be affigned, for the zeal which the leaders of rebellion in the county of Wexford difplayed, in organizing and arming the people, and in practifing the arts of deception on the government lord Edward Fitzgerald had laid a plan, that a few fast-failing French frigates, fhould come to Wexford, filled with arms and ammunition,

* But, as we often fee, againft fome ftorm,
A filence in the heavens, the rack ftand ftill.
The bold winds fpeechlefs, and the orb below
As hufh as death; anon, the dreadful thunder,
Doth rend the region. — SHAKSPEARE.

|| Plate II. 4 [missing ref. in text].

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with officers and Irifhmen, and perfons capable of drilling men.§ In confequence of this, their expectations of their arrival were fuch, that the Wexford rebels miftook our frigates for French, when they appeared on their coaft.

It was the intention of the Irifh directory, that the infurrection fhould take place at one and the fame time, all over Ireland; but the following circumftances difconcerted their fcheme, and prevented the accomplifhment of it. The arreft of the reprefentatives for the province of Leinfter, at Oliver Bond’s, and afterwards of lord Edward Fitzgerald, the two Sheares, Neilfon, and fome other leaders; and as their fucceffors difagreed about the time of rifing, it is certain that it was not determined on till a fhort time before it was to take place in Dublin and its vicinity.

It was not communicated to the Wexford leaders till the twenty-fifth of May, and it required fome time to apprize the different captains of it, that they might prepare their corps to act in concert. For thefe reafons, the general infurrection in that county did not take place till Whitfunday, the twenty-feventh day of May, 1798.

But the zeal of father John Murphy,* of Boolavogue chapel, in the parifh of Kilcorraick, was fo intemperate, that he began his military career at fix o’clock on Saturday evening the twenty-fixth of May; and confidering the time of its duration, and the limits to which it was confined, we muft allow that it was as deftructive as that of Attila, Jengis Kan, or Tamerlane. His father was a petty farmer at Tincurry, iin the parifh of Ferns, where he was educated at a hedge-fchool, kept by a man of the name of Gun. It appears by his teftimonium and diploma,† that he received holy orders at Seville in Spain, in the year 1785; and, I prefume, that he gractuated there as a doctor of divinity, as he affumes that title in his journal,‡ which he dropped in his retreat from Vinegarhill, and which was found by captain Hugh Moore of the 5th dragoons, aid-de-camp to general Needham.

As one Webfter, a proteftant neighbour of doctor Murphy, was returning from Gorey, he met him near Boolavogue, about four o’clock

§ Report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. XVI.

* See the oath of allegiance which he took, and his addrefs to lord Mountnorris,’ with other priefts, Appendix, No. XVII. † See Appendix, No. XVIII. ‡Ibid.

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on Saturday the twenty-fixth of May, and was faluted by him with great cordiality; and yet, in about three hours after, the doctor was at the head of a numerous party of rebels, who burned the houfes of Webfter,§ and his brother, and many of his proteftant neighbours.

The doctor collected his forces by lighting a fire on a hill called Corrigrua,* which fignal was anfwered by another fire on an eminence contiguous to his own houfe, at Boolavogue; foon after which father Murphy fet out on his crufade, at the head of a numerous band of followers.†

Thefe outrages, the firft fymptoms of open rebellion, were communicated to the garrifon of Ennifcorthy,‡ in the following manner: A party of thefe rebels attacked the houfe of the widow Piper, at Tincurry, four miles from that town, wounded her in a defperate manner, and murdered her fon-in-law, a young man of the name of Candy. Her daughter, having narrowly efcaped by leaping out of a window, mounted a horfe, and galloped off to Ennifcorthy, and informed the garrifon quartered there of thefe atrocities, at feven o’clock in the evening.

About the hour of eleven o’clock that night, the Ennifcorthy and Healthfield yeomen cavalry, commanded by captain Richards and captain Grogan, proceeded to Tincurry, to difperfe the rebels; and on their arrival there, found all the circumftances of atrocity related by the poor female fugitive to be ftrictly true; and they were alfo informed by her mother, that the affaffins principally concerned in them, were one Fitzpatrick, and the Boulgers, a popifh family, her near neighbours, with whom fhe had always lived in the clofeft friendfhip and that their enmity could have arifen from no other motive, but becaufe fhe was of the proteftant religion, and that her two fons were in the fervice as yeomen.

Soon after the yeomanry returned to Ennifcorthy, they were alarmed a fecond time, by the arrival of a young man of the name of Webfter, who informed them that his father’s houfe at Garrybritt, about five miles off, had been fet on fire by a party of rebels, and that he made his efcape after having rufhed through the flames. On this intelligence, captains Richards and Grogan fet out a fecond time with their corps of cavalry, in purfuit of the rebels; and on their arrival at Garrybritt, found the

§ See in Appendix, No. XVIII. 2. the Affidavit of Samuel Whealey. * Plate II. 7. † Ibid. ‡Plate III. 2.

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houfe of the two Webfters, brothers, John and Robert, in flames, and the two daughters of one of them, both handfome and young, having narrowly efcaped, were fitting in their fhifts, in an orchard near the houfe, fhivering with cold. Their father, a man of confiderable fubftance, was in a moment reduced to poverty.

Captains Richards and Grogan faw all the proteftant houfes, as far as their fight could extend, in a ftate of conflagration; and having received undoubted information that father Murphy was at the head of the rebels who were thus fpreading devaftation, they, in the firft inftance, repaired to his houfe, where they difcovered that he, confcious that his nefarious conduct would provoke the vengeance of the magiftrates and the military, had concealed his furniture in a pit in an adjacent field, before he had fet out on his campaign; and all the rebels who attended him followed his example.

They therefore fet fire to father Murphy’s houfe, as a punifhment for the atrocities which he and his followers had perpetrated. Some perfons have afferted that the yeomen were the aggreffors on this occafion, and that father Murphy would not have embarked in the rebellion, if he had not been provoked by the burning of his houfe and his chapel; but the facts which I have related are a fufficient refutation of this; and the affidavits of two rebel leaders of the names of Roffiter and Crawley,* remove all doubts on it.

In juftice to captain Richards, I think it right to fay, that he would not fuffer any of his party to burn father Murphy’s chapel, or to infult his veftments, which were found in the pit‡ near his houfe; but that on the contrary, he infifted that nothing of the kind fhould be done, having faid, “Punifh the man, but do not mock or infult his religion.”

The yeomen cavalry, in their progrefs that night, overtook fome of the rebels in arms, whom they put to death, and burned fome of their houfes, which their inmates had deferted, and from which the furniture had been removed and concealed.

Many particulars of the deftructive career of that facerdotal hero, during that night and next day, have been verified by the affidavit of Samuel

* See Appendix, No. XVIII. 3. ‡ They found there his teftimonium and diploma.

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Whealey, a farmer of that parifh.* Having burnt every proteftant houfe in the parifh of Kilcormick, and murdered fuch of their inmates as he could feize, he proceeded to a place called the Harrow, where he engaged and defeated a party of the Camolin yeomen cavalry, having killed lieutenant Bookey, who commanded it, and Mr. John Donovan, one of the privates; after which he burned the houfe of Rockfpring,|| belonging to the former.

When lieutenant Bookey fet out with his troop, he left a guard in his houfe, confifting of five Roman catholick fervants, and two proteftants, Jacob Ward and Samuel Hawkins. Between twelve and one o’clock in the morning, about five hundred rebels, headed by father Murphy, furrounded the houfe of Rockfpring, on which the five papifts deferted, and the two proteftants were left alone, with four guns, to defend the houfe. The rebels called to them to deliver up their arms, which the two proteftants faid they would do, and immediately difcharged four guns at them; and they continued to load and fire at them with all poffible celerity. The rebels, incenfed at their fpirited conduct, threw ftones at the windows, fired into them with their mufkets, and at laft broke open the front door with a fledge. As fome of the affailants had fallen by the fire of the befieged, others, dreading the fame fate, were heard to cry out, “Let us retreat, before more of us are killed.”

The rebels having entered the houfe, got lights, and affembled in the hall; on which the two proteftants ceafed firing, and placed themfelves on the head of the ftairs, with their mufkets, to prevent their foes from afcending. Father Murphy ordered fome of his men to go up ftairs, and learn who the perfons were that had the audacity to oppofe him; but having hefitated to obey his commands, he drew his fword, and threatened them inftantly with death. Two of them having attempted to comply, were fhot before they proceeded far, and tumbled down among their comrades. As the laft refource, to be revenged of the befieged, they fet fire to the houfe; and yet the two proteftants, with the moft deliberate valour, continued to charge and fire, till the floor, a prey to the flames, began to crack under them; on which they repaired to the upper ftory, but even there they were much fcorched with the flames, and almoft

* See Appendix, No. XVIII. ». H Plate II. 7.

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ftifled with fmoke. But as they ceafed to fire, the rebels imagined they were fuffocated or confumed, and that they had obtained ample revenge; and fearing that the dawn, which was not far diftant, would expofe them to the yeomanry of Ennifcorthy who had been fcouring the country, they retreated, by which the lives of thefe two brave men were preferved.

As the murder of the reverend doctor Burrowes, reftor of Kilfnuck-ridge, and the burning of his glebe-houfe at Kyle,* were marked with circumftances of peculiar atrocity, I fhall give a minute defcription of them, as related to me by his widow and children,|| Some of his proteftant parifhioners, dreading that they would fall a prey to the fanguinary rage of father Murphy, took refuge in the houfe of Kyle, on Saturday evening. One Murphy, though an united Irifhman, had candour and humanity enough to inform Mr. Burrowes, about eleven o’clock that night, that his houfe would be attacked early next morning by a party of rebels. In confequence of this information, he, his family, and his parifhioners fat up all night, and barricadoed the lower part of the houfe, which was attacked at fun-rife by about five hundred rebels.

It was vigoroufly defended for fome time, many fhots having been fired by the affailants and the befieged. At laft, the rebels fet fire to the out-offices, which were quickly confumed, and foon after to the dwelling-houfe, which in a fhort time was in a ftate of conflagration. The rapid progrefs of the flames in the latter was imputed to fome unctious combuftible matter applied to the doors and windows of the houfe, which the rebels frequently ufed in the courfe of the rebellion.

The befieged, being in danger of fuffocation from the thicknefs of the fmoke, refolved to quit the houfe, however perilous it might be; and they were encouraged to do fo by father Murphy, who affured them, that they fhould not be injured, if they furrendered themfelves without any furfher refiftance. Relying on his promife, they quitted the houfe, on which they treacherously murdered Mr. Burrowes, and feven of his parifhioners; and gave his fon, a youth of fixteen years,| fo fevere a wound in the belly with a pike, that for fome time he lay motionlefs and

* See Plate III. 2.

|| The moft material of them have been verified by the affidavit of his eldeft fon. See Appendix, No. XVIII. 4.

‡ This amiable youth languifhed and died of that wound in the autumn of 1800.

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apparently dead. Mrs. Burrowes, her four children, and Mifs Clifford, her niece, continued for twelve hours to weep over the mangled bodies of her hufband and his feven parifhioners, and to confole and adminisfter relief to her fon, who was in excruciating agonies, and bleeding fo copioufly, that every moment fhe expected his diffolution.

The horror of the fcene was heightened by the houfe in a ftate of conflagration, difcharging immenfe volumes of flame and fmoke, and emitting fuch heat, that the unfortunate fufferers could fcarce endure it. All her houfehold furniture, and her cloaths, except what fhe and her children wore, were deftroyed by the fire.

In the evening, fhe, her children, and niece, repaired to a wretched inn at Oulart, about half a mile off, with her fon, who was carried on a door. Thefe unfortunate fufferers remained there till Tuefday the twenty-ninth day of May, and during that time her fon did not receive any medical affiftance. They were efcorted by a party of rebels to Caftleannefley, the feat of Mr. Clifford, above five miles off, where they were kept as prifoners, till the town of Wexford was taken from the rebels.*

While Mr. Burrowes’s houfe was in flames, Thomas Foxton, one of his proteftant parifhioners, who fought an afylum in his houfe, concealed himfelf in an oven, to efcape the fanguinary rage of the rebels, and he remained there till their departure. By fkulking in places of concealment, he contrived to evade their refearches, till after the king’s troops got poffeffion of Wexford; when he, half famifhed, and attended by his wife and three young children, was met between Inch and Gorey by a flying party of rebels, who put him to death. His affticted wife carried his body, on her back, two miles, to the church of Inch, to be buried. An inftance of piety which deferves to be recorded! ||

Though the popifh inhabitants of Kilrufh had continued to take oaths of allegiance, and to furrender pikes to Mr. Dawfon, of Charles-fort, for a week preceding Whitfunday, he had fuch ftrong doubts of their fincerity, that he kept in his houfe by night, ten of his proteftant parifhioners, well armed, for his protection. Having difmiffed them on that morning,

* See in Appendix, No. XVIII. 4. the affidavit of T. C. Burrowes.

|| Richard, the brother of Thomas Foxton, and William Edwards who efcaped, and who were examined as witneffes the fixteenth of November. 1798, on the trial of Peter Crowley, one of father Murphy’s gang, proved that they heard fome of the rebels fay, “That all proteftants ought to be killed, as they were not chriftened.”

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was preparing to attend his family to church, confifting of Mrs.Dawfon, two daughters, his fon of the age of fixteen, and a mifs Reade, when a man, who was under obligations to him, arrived at his houfe, and informed him, that he had juft come from a large body of people, who had rifen the night before, had burned many houfes, and had committed many various enormities, which he enumerated, and that they were refolved to carry every thing before them; that they were determined to compel Mr. Dawfon to join them, and co-operate with them; and that they would murder him, and his family, if he refufed to comply. Mr. Dawfon boldly declared, that he would fubmit to die, fooner than violate his allegiance to his king. He immediately fent a perfon to collect his proteftant guards, but, alas! no more than one of them, his gamekeeper, could be found;* and a few minutes after he arrived, a thoufand rebels furrounded his houfe, and fet fire to it and his out-offices, which were foon in flames. Mrs. Dawfon, her daughter, and mifs Reade, in the greateft confternation, made their efcape out of a window. Mr. Dawfon fled into his hall, as it was the moft defenfible part of his houfe. Soon after the front door fell in, and he received a mufket ball in his breaft. He could have fhot the man who fired at him; but perceiving his family in the hands of the rebels, he feared that they would inftantly have fallen a prey to their favage revenge.

As the flames began to rage in every part of his houfe, he fled into his lawn, where he was furrounded by a large body of them, who were proceeding to affaffinate him; but fome of them interfered, and faid, it would anfwer their purpofe much better, to take him with them, and make him act as their commander. He fhewed them his wound, which bled copioufly, and affured them it would foon occafion his diffolution; and they feemed fo much convinced of it, that they left him. He then proceeded through a plantation of trees to a tenant’s houfe. His fon, of whofe fafety he had defpaired, arrived there foon after, breathlefs and faint from running. He had fallen into the hands of the rebels, who were on the point of murdering him. They procured horfes, and repaired to the town of Ferns, two miles off. In their way thither, they perceived

* This man’s name was John Willis, and he was murdered that morning by one Arthur Murphy, his neighbour, and apparently his friend.

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all the proteftant houfes on fire, in every direction, as far as their fight could extend. The proteftant inhabitants of Ferns,* alarmed at fuch appearances, and expeding that the town would be attacked by a numerous body of rebels, who were affembled in its vicinity, retreated to Ennifcorthy,† fix miles diftant, efcorted by a detachment of the North Cork militia, and the Scarawalfh yeomanry, commanded by captain Cornock; and Mr. Dawfon, and his fon joined them. Mrs. Dawfon and her family repaired to Newtownbarry,‡ five miles off, under the protection of the yeomanry cavalry of that town; and next day, efcorted by them, they went to Ennifcorthy, which was nine miles off.

The houfes and property of all the inhabitants of the town of Ferns were plundered or deftroyed, when they fled to Ennifcorthy. The bafe ingratitude of the popifh multitude towards doctor Cleaver, bifhop of Ferns, deferves peculiar attention. That amiable prelate, as noted for his great piety and extenfive learning, as for his mildnefs and humility, refided conftantly in his diocefe, which was by far the beft regulated in the kingdom. In the courfe of a few years, he had provided for above twenty curates, without any other recommendation but their own merit; in confequence of which, his clergy were diftinguifhed for their unremitted practice of every religious and moral duty.

His lordfhip and Mrs. Cleaver, were fingularly charitable and humane, to all the lower clafs of people in his neighbourhood. He paid an apothecary in Ferns £30 a-year, to attend his labourers; and he regularly employed a phyfician when they were affticted with maladies of a dangerous nature.

He fupplied them with clothes and blankets every winter; and with provifions at Chriftmas.

And yet, horrid to relate! thofe very labourers plundered his houfe of every valuable article in it, on the morning of Whitfunday, and openly avowed their thirft for the blood of him and Mrs. Cleaver. An orphan, whom he had found naked, and ftarving, at the age of feven years, and whom he had fed, clothed, and inftructed, for fix years, in his palace was the leader of thefe favages, fhewed them every precious article of furniture; and affifted them in breaking open the cellar. He ufed to

* See plate II, 6 and 7. †See plate III. 3.; ‡See plate II. 5.

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prefide at the head of the table, and his toaft was, “Damnatian to all bifhops”. Some of his lordfhip’s English maid-fervants were eye-witneffes of thefe fcenes of brutal ferocity.

A rebel, taken in arms, near Scarawalfh-bridge,* in the month of June, was afked, Why they did not deftroy the bifhop’s palace, when they plundered it? and he anfwered, that father John Murphy, of Boolavogue, meant to keep it for himfelf.

Notwithftanding the affurances of father Michael Murphy, and father Michael Lacy, and their flock, on the nineteenth of May, to Mr. White, at Peppard’s caftle, of their fidelity to government, and their total ignoranee of a confpiracy; the infurrection was as general, and as deftructive, in the parifh of Kilmuckridge,† near which it lies, on Whitfunday the twenty-feventh of May, as in the parifh of Kilcormuck. Mr. White’s houfe was plundered on that day by his own tenants and neighbours, who had a fhort time before furrendered their pikes, and taken oaths of allegiance, as a proof of their fincerity. Two of the former, for whom he had a ftrong predilection, were the firft who began to pillage. One of them, of the name of Brien, was fo great a favourite with him, that though he difcovered fometime before, that he was concerned in the confpiracy, he rebuked him privately, and would not proceed againft him with that rigour, which the law required; and yet, he frequently pierced the portrait of Mr. White with a pike, and lamented that he had not the original. He entered the apartment of Mrs. White, his fifter, an aged lady, and told her, fhe muft quit the houfe; and he was foon after followed by a young woman, armed with a pike, who gave her the fame orders. Mr. White is captain of the Ballakeen cavalry; and it was very fortunate that he had affembled his corps at Gorey, on Saturday the twenty-fixth of May; for it has been fince difcovered, that it was the intention of the rebels, to have cut them off, fingly, in their refpective houfes, that night.

In the parifh of Camolin, they had furrendered many hundred prices, and continued to confefs their guilt with apparent contrition, and to take oaths of allegiance in the prefence of their prieft, father Francis Kavanagh, till the eve of the rebellion; but on Whitfunday they rofe in mafs, armed with pikes and guns, vowed vengeance againft the proteftants as orangemen,

* Plate II. 8. † Plate III. 2.

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proceeded to plunder and demolifh their houfes, and to kill fome, and to take others prifoners.

The reverend Mr. Owen, the parifh minifter, having fled, was taken prifoner near Gorey, where he was confined ten days, during which time he was often urged to become a convert to popery; but having refufed, they knocked him down, dripped him of his clothes, and gave him fome ragged garments to hide his nakednefs, wounded him with pikes, and fent him barefooted to Wexford gaol, with fome other prifoners. Edward Fitzgerald, of Newpark, a popifh gentleman, was captain of the guard who conducted them, though he had taken the oath of allegiance, and had been a member of the Shelmalier yeomanry.

Early on the morning of Whitfunday, captain White, having been informed that the rebels had rifen the preceding night in great force, and were committing great outrages, proceeded to the place where they were faid to be affembled, with his own corps, and that of lord Courtown’s. On his arrival there he found the intelligence which he had received to be true: He purfued the infurgents, which he could eafily do, as their deftructive progrefs was marked by the houfes of proteftants in a ftate of conflagration. He ordered fome of the ftragglers whom he found in arms to be put to death. One of them, whofe life was faved, confeffed to captain White, that the party whom they purfued was headed by the reverend John Murphy, of the parifh of Kilcormuck; that they were determined to burn the houfe, and take the life of every proteftant that came in their way; that the inhabitants of the country for fome miles round were to affemble that night at Oulart, and were to plunder and burn all the proteftant houfes that occurred in their way thither. Captain White’s party purfued the rebels within fix miles of Wexford, in hopes of being able to engage them; but when they were within a musket fhot of them they halted, and faced about to give them battle; at the fame time a party of them formed at each fide of the road, with a view of furrounding them. The rebels amounted, to about four thoufand, and the yeomen cavalry, who were armed only with piftols and fabres, did not exceed eighty; and as they were enclofed in a narrow road, where they could not act, captain White very prudently ordered them to retreat. He then recommended to his yeomen to get their families into Gorey* as faft as poffible.

* Plate II.

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He accompanied Mr. D’Arcy, a member of his corps, within a mile of Ballynahown,* his country feat, and advifed him to fend his mother, a venerable old lady, into that town, to efcape the favage fury of the rebels; but before he could effect it, he was fhot near his houfe, by a rebel of the name of Whelan, who was attached to father John Murphy, as his aidde camp.† This young gentleman was polfeffed of a large eftate, and had very honourable connections, as his mother is aunt to the earl of Ely, and fifter to general Tottenham. From a defire to ferve his king and country, he entered as a private into the Ballaghkeene cavalry. Captain White then repaired to Ifland,‡ the feat of Mr. Bolton, within two miles of Kyle, and recommended to him to repair immediately to Gorey, for protection. Mr. Bolton, and his family, confifting of Mrs. Bolton and ten children, fucceeded in efcaping to Gorey, but were stopped in their way by a party of rebels, who difarmed, and were on the point of murdering them and their fervants.§ On that morning the houfes of Mr. D’Arcy and Mr. Bolton were plundered and burnt. Captain White was induced to go to the houfe of Kyle, by the great volume of fmoke, which iffued from it; and on his arrival there, he beheld that heart-rending fcene of mifery which I have already defcribed. At fome diftance from the houfe, he met William Edwards, one of Mr. Burrowes’s proteftant guards, whom the rebels had left for dead; but as they had not touched any vital part, he rofe, as if from a trance, and through exceffive weaknefs, tottered every ilep in endeavouring to make his efcape. His arm was broke; he had many ghaftly wounds, and he was covered with blood.

On the fixteenth of November, 1798, Peter Crowley was tried and convicted at Wexford, of having been actively concerned in this woeful fcene, on the evidence of Richard Foxton and William Edwards; and they proved that fome of the rebels declared at Kyle, that all proteftants fhould be killed, as they were not chriftians; and that Mr. Burrowes cried out for mercy when he furrendered himfelf to father Murphy, but was immediately butchered.

* See Plate III. a.

† This was proved on the trial of the rebel general Roach, which began the feventeenth of December, 1798, at Wexford. ‡ Plate III. a. § See in Appendix,’ No. XVIII. 5. the affidavit of George Williams, giving an acco«nt of the deftruftivc rage of the rebels on the morning of Whitfunday.

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Mr. White made many attempts to go to his own houfe; but as all the avenues to it were occupied by detachments of the rebels, who afters wards plundered it, he retreated to Gorey, and had many narrow efcapes in doing fo. In his way thither, he beheld the houfes of proteftants on fire, in every direction. I fhall refer the reader to the affidavit of George and Elizabeth Williams, for the fcene of defolation which the country, for many miles round, exhibited on Whitfunday.* Mr. ferjeant Stanley arrived at Gorey, from Dublin, on Saturday the twenty-fixth day of May, in his way to Cork, where he was to hold a fpecial commiffion. Captain White fent fix yeomen cavalry to efcort him as far as Ennifcorthy. Two of them, George Greenly and James Shaw, ftop ped, on their return, at their own houfes, where they were murdered. Margaret Greenly, the fifter of the former, on hearing that her brother had fallen into the hands of the rebels, fled to his affiftance, in hopes of deprecating their anger, but they barbaroufly murdered her. Shaw was defperately wounded, and carried to his bed, with a profpect of his recovery; but the rebels returned in a fortnight, and butchered him with ferocious cruelty; but fpared the houfe, becaufe his mother was a papift.†

As father Michael Murphy, who acted with fuch profound diffimulation, made a confpicuous figure in the rebellion, I fhall fay a few words on his origin and progrefs through life. He was born at Killnew, near Kilmuckridge,‡ of mean parents, and was bred at a hedge fchool at, Oulart, by one Prendergaft, an itinerant pedagogue; and having received holy orders, he went to Bourdeaux, recommended to the Abbe Glynn, prefident of the Irifh college there, by the reverend James Caulfield, then parifh prieft of New Rofs, but now popifh bifhop of Ferns, which appears by the following letter:

“Reverend Sir, Rofs, October 23d, 1785,

“The reverend Michael Murphy, a fubjeft of the diocefe, and ordained a prieft laft Whitfuntide, now bound for your city, for the purpofe of profecuting his ftudies of philofophy and theology, craves a line from me

* Appendix, No. XVIII. 5.

† Michael Fitzpatrick, who headed the gang of affaffins that murdered him, was convicted of that crime at Wexford, the twenty-eighth of September, 1799, and hanged.

‡ See Plate III. a.

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In his favour to you; I can only fay, he is well recommended to me, as a fober, regular, well-behaved man; and if it is convenient to you, I fhall efteem your accommodating him for the above end. I believe he is the laft of the fet that applied to me, wherefore I hope I fhall not have occafion to trouble you again for fome years.

I have the honour to be, kc.
JAMES CAULFIELD.”

At his return from France, he became an officiating prieft at Ballycanew, and behaved himfelf there with very great propriety, till the rebellion broke out; but, under the veil of sanctity, he concealed a furious and fanguinary fpirit, which difplayed itfelf on the morning of Whitfunday; when, at the head of a numerous party of his parifhioners, whom his evangelical inftructions had converted into robbers and affaffins, he proceeded towards Oulart, burning the houfes of proteftants, and murdering fuch of their inhabitants as could not efcape.

I have been well affured, that he narrowly efcaped from the deftructive fpirit of French republicanifm, when his order was on the point of being annihilated in France; and yet he manifefted a ftrong predilection for the principles of that nation, and a defire to join them, fhould they land in Ireland.

The moft memorable event occafioned by the fanatical rage of the rebels on Whitfunday, was the defeat of a detachment of the North Cork regiment at Oulart, near Kilmuckridge,* of which the affticted family of the reverend Mr. Burrowes were eye-witneffes, a few hours after their own cataftrophe happened; and as it was in a great meafure the caufe of the dreadful fcenes of carnage and plunder which foon after happened in the county of Wexford, I think it right to give the reader a circumftantial account of it.

On the morning of Whitfunday the twenty-feventh of May, 1798, at an early hour, the town of Wexford was alarmed by the arrival of Edward Turner of Newfort efquire, a magiftrate, who informed the officer commanding the garrifon, that his houfe had been befet that morning by a large body of infurgents, who had feized the pikes which they had

* Plate III. J. † Ibid. III. 4.

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surrendered to him a few days before, after having taken oaths of allegiance, and that they were affembling in great numbers.

The garrifon confifted of part of the North Cork militia, captain Boyd’s yeomen cavalry, and doctor Jacob’s yeomen infantry. A detachment of the cavalry was ordered to fcour the country; and about the hour of eleven in the morning, one hundred and nine picked men of the North Cork, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Foote, marched out to attack the infurgents; and on their march towards Oulart,* they were joined by colonel Lehunte’s yeomen cavalry. From that time the fituation of the town was truly diftreffing: The rebels were underftood to be in confiderable force; and the anxiety of the inhabitants for the fate of the brave men who marched out to oppofe them, was aggravated by the reports of the horrid atrocities they had committed in their progrefs through the country; for between two and three o’clock they had received Intelligence at Wexford, of the murder of Mr. D’Arcy, the reverend Mr. Burrowes, and the reverend Mr. Turner; and the fuppofed murder of Mr. Dawfon, and the burning of their refpective houfes.

All was folemn filence and anxious expectation! but ftill encouraging accounts were received of the North Cork militia, before whom the rebels were faid to be flying in every direction. But this delufive hope was of fhort duration; for about the hour of four o’clock, Mr. Perceval, the high fherilf, rode into town, with the melancholy account of their total defeat and deftruction; and foon after lieutenant-colonel Foote, and one ferjeant, the wretched remains of that fine and valiant body of men, were feen penfively riding over the bridge, and approaching the town: And now the folemn filence of that awful morning was fucceeded by a truly heart-rending fcene. Moft of the North Cork, who fell in the action at Oulart, were married men; and as foon as their fate was known, their widows and orphans ran into the ftreets, filling the air with their cries, difmaying every heart, and piercing every foul with fhrieks of anguifh and defpair.

This fatal affair took place at Oulart, about eight miles off, where the rebels, to the number of five thoufand, were pofted on the fide of a hill. A detachment of them defcended from it, apparently with a defign to engage the king’s troops; though this turned out in the event to be but a

* PlateIII. 2.

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ftratagem, for the purpofe of furrounding and furprifing them. The rebels, having been broken and difperfed by a general volley, fled up the hill towards the main body, and were purfued by the North Cork militia, who were broken into fmall parties during the purfuit, from the number of hedges which they had to clamber over. In the mean time, father John Murphy, who commanded the rebels, fent numbers of them circuitoufly under cover of the hedges, to attack the militia on either flank, and in the rear, while the main body charged them in front. This artifice fucceeded; for they were furrounded, overpowered by numbers, and the entire party was cut to pieces, except the lieutenant-colonel, a ferjeant, and three privates. They were attended by colonel Lehunte’s corps of yeomen cavalry, in which there were twenty-four Roman catholicks; and of thefe, twenty deferted to the rebels on that morning before the action began, which contributed to their fuccefs.

This action was thus defcribed to me by perfons of veracity, who were fpectators of it. Lieutenant-colonel Foote has given the following relation of it in a letter to a friend: “I marched to a hill called Oulart, where between four and five thoufand rebels were pofted. From their great fuperiority of numbers, it was not my intention to have attacked them, unlefs fome unforefeen favourable circumftances would warrant that meafure; however, my officers were of a contrary opinion. I met here part of a yeoman cavalry corps, about fixteen; the remainder, with their ferjeant, having that morning joined the rebels. I halted with this corps, while I fent a note by their trumpeter to Wexford, with orders for two officers and forty men to march thence to us to fupport our detachment; apprehending that the rebels, from their numbers, might intercept our retreat, afterwards, when I joined the party, I found that they were moved forward by the officer next in command; and the foldiers cried out, that they would beat the rebels out of the field. By this movement we were immediately engaged with the rebels, who fired from behind the hedges, without fhewing any regular front. We beat their advanced party from one hedge to another, which they had fucceffively occupied, and fired from on us, killing great numbers of them, till they retreated in much diforder to the main body, which confifted moftly of pikemen. I confidered this a favourable opportunity of forming the detachment, for the purpofe of retreating, or of receiving the enemy in a good pofition; and

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I ufed every exertion to effect it; but unfortunately the too great ardour of the men and. officers could not be reftrained. They rufhed forward, were furrounded, and overpowered by numbers. They difplayed great valour and intrepidity, and killed a great number of the rebels.* Of this detachment, none have as yet returned to Wexford, but myfelf, a ferjeant, and three privates. I received a wound from a pike in my breast, a flight one in my arm, and feveral bruifes and contufions.”

The colonel had a faithful fervant, who had lived eighteen years with him; and who, regardlefs of his own danger, remained clofe to him during the action, and often warned him that the rebels were taking aim at him, but he was foon fhot himfelf.

It appears, that the rebels were rendered bold and defperate by intoxication; and that from twelve to fifteen of them fingled out and attacked each of the foldiers, who did not refign their lives but at a dear rate to their affailants.

Lieutenant Ware, nephew to lieutenant-colonel Foote, a young gentleman juft of age, and poffeffed of a good landed property, was on the point of making his efcape on horfeback, after the difperfion of his party; when a fmall boy, one of the band of mufick, who had been wounded, called out to him, and implored him to fave his life; on which Mr. Ware stopped his horfe, and humanely endeavoured to raife him on his faddle, and to carry him off; but before he could accomplifh his benevolent defign, he was dragged from his horfe by a rebel, with a hook annexed to his pike, and was immediately butchered.

The officers who fell in this unfortunate affair were, major Lombard, the honourable captain De Courcy, lieutenants Williams, Ware, Barry, and enfign Keogh.

Whitfunday, the day after this defeat, the fervant of one of the officers who fell, having been warmly attached to his mafter, went to Oulart, to have his body interred; but the rebels murdered him, as foon as they difcovered his generous defign. The fubfequent fuccefs of the rebels in the county of Wexford, arofe, in a great meafure, from the arms and ammunition which they obtained, and the confidence with which they were infpired by this victory over the king’s troops, whom they had hitherto confidered as invincible, however inferior their numbers might have been. All the night after this action, the rebels continued to burn the houfes,

* The rebels have faid, that they loft but feven men killed.

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and deftroy the property of proteftants, and to murder fach of them as fell into their hands.*

The day after the action at Oulart, orders, written in red ink, were iffued by father John Murphy, and difperfed over all the adjacent country, commanding, at the peril of their lives, all perfons capable of bearing arms, to join his army forthwith, for the purpofe of attacking Ennifcorthy; at the fame time, the old men were ordered to bury the dead.

Two perfons, employed in that tafk, found fome remains of life in one of the Cork foldiers, and one of them conveyed him to his pig-ftye, with the humane intention of refloring him, if poffible. By fupplying him with nourifhment, he recovered the ufe of his fpeech, and had every fymptom of convalefcence: He faid that his name was Sullivan. The merit of his preferver was the greater, as the crime of refcuing a foldief or a yeoman from deftruction, if known, would inevitably have occafioned his own.

A ruffian of the name of Rofterfon, having heard of this act of humanity, repaired to the houfe of the perfon who performed it, and cenfured him for it as a criminal act. He faid in his defence, “That the poor patient was a good Roman catholick”, but the favage retorted, “That his religion was no excufe, as he was a foldier”† and he inftantly plunged his pike into his body.

As foon as the garrifon of Gorey heard of the defeat of the North Cork at Oulart, and of the immenfe numbers who were flocking to the ftandard of father John Murphy, they, defpairing of being able to maintain their pofition againft fo great a fu.periority of numbers, retreated to Arklow, and were followed by all the proteftants of the town, and the adjacent country, who dreaded the fanguinary rage of the rebels. They, with infancy and decrepitude in their train, and with little or no means of fubfiftence, prefented a woeful fpedacle; and as all the houfes at Arklow were occupied by the military and yeomen, thefe poor fugitives fuffered very great diftrefs, fleeping in barns and out-offices, and even in ditches.

On Tuefday the twenty-ninth of May, major Hardy, who commanded at Arklow, ordered the garrifon to return to Gorey, by which they gained

* For a defcription of their atrocities, fee Samuel Whealey’s affidavit in Appendix, No. XVIII. 2.

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fome fame, and rendered the moft important fervice, in repulfing a numerous body of rebels who attacked that town on the thirtieth of May.

The murder of the reverend Francis Turner of Ballingale,* about three miles from Ferns, and reftor of Edermine, was attended with circumftances of peculiar atrocity. On the morning of Whitfunday, a party of about three hundred affaffins, headed by Denis Carthy and James Maher, fet out from the houfe of William Carthy of Ballycarney,† uncle of the former, and declared their intention of putting him to death in the prefence of Mrs. Carthy, who endeavoured to diffuade them from it, affirming that Mr. Turner was univerfally efteemed and refpected. The houfe was defended for fome time by him, and eight of his proteftant parifhioners, who had fought an afylum in it. Mr. Turner, foon after the attack was made, received a fhot in his jaw, which entirely difabled him from attending to the defence of his houfe. As it was double, and the affailants feemed to direct all their fury againft its front, the befieged, after the death of Mr. Turner, paid no attention to the rear, into which the rebels entered, having been admitted (it is faid) by the treachery of the butler.

After having murdered Mr. Turner, and five of his proteftant parifhioners, they fet fire to his dwelling-houfe and out-offices, in which the bodies of the deceafed were confumed. An affaffin of the name of William Beaghan, infultingly flourifhed the blade of a fcythe over the dead body of Mr. Turner, and uttered fome expreffions indicative of favage joy.

In front of the houfe, they ran a pike through the neck of William Chriftian, one of Mr. Turner’s proteftant guards; and while the weapon was infixed in the wound, they fhook his head very violently, to increafe the agony of his pain; and when his body fell on the ground, they raifed it up on their pikes, and toffed it in the air, to extinguifh any remains of life which might have been in it.

After the perpetration of this horrid deed, Denis Carthy and James Maher, boafted at their return to the houfe of William Carthy, of having executed it; and the latter openly declared, that a quantity of blood which appeared on his breeches, was that of the reverend Mr. Turner.

Thus this worthy gentleman, whofe benevolence and amiable manners had juftly entitled him to univerfal love and efteem, and whofe mind was highly adorned with profound and elegant learning, fell a prey to the

* Plate II. 7. † Ibid,

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fanatical rage of a popifh rabble, headed by his tenants and neighbours, whom he had never failed to treat with kindnefs and beneficence.

The principal leader in this atrocious act was Michael Keogh, Mr. Turner’s proctor, who was raifed to a ftate of comfort and affluence from downright poverty, by his kindnefs and generofity.

The circumftances attending this tragical affair were related to me by his two nephews, and a fervant of the late Mr. Turner, who were eewitneffes of them; and moft of them were verified by affidavit.*

One of the former, of the age of twelve years, fometime after this melancholy event, went to the garden of his deceafed uncle to pull fome fruit, when he was infulted by a rebel boy about fifteen years old, who attempted to expel him from it; having declared, that he had no right to be there, as his family had informed him that the garden was his property.

The mafs of the people muft have been univerfally filled with an idea of exterminating all thofe who were connefted with England by religion, intereft, or confanguinity, and of appropriating this ifland exclufively to themfelves, when a child of that age made fo open and prompt an avowal of it.

The fingular fortitude and integrity of Mrs. Gambia Carthy, wife of William Carthy, in profecuting James Maher and Denis Carthy, her hufband’s nephew, juftly entitle her to univerfal efteem and admiration. She is daughter of furgeon Maw of Gorey, and of the proteftant religion. When thefe ruffians deliberately expreffed their defign of murdering Mr. Turner, on the morning of Whitfunday, fhe endeavoured to diffuade them from it, and afterwards, fhe appeared as a witnefs againft them on their trial; though, by doing fo, fhe was fure of provoking the vengeance of all her hufband’s relations, who were of the popifh perfuafion, and moft of whom were deeply and actively concerned in the rebellion.

On the murder of the reverend Mr. Burrowes at Kyle, his widow and her family were conveyed to Oulart, and afterwards to Caftle-annefley,† the feat of Mr. Clifford, who was her brother; and Mrs. D’Arcy, his

* See in Appendix, No. XVIII. 6. the affidavit of John Horton, James Doyle, and Cambia Carthy. † Plate III.

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mother-in-law, repaired there alfo, expeding to find fecurity and fome confolation under the roof of fo near a relation; but, alas! they foon difcovered that it was as much the houfe of woe as their own manfions.

Having heard of the calamities which had befallen his fifter’s family, Mr. Clifford went to Oulart, on the twenty-feventh of May, to relieve them, but finding that the irebels were in poffeffion of it, he endeavoured to make his efcape; and in doing fo. one of the rebels fired a piftol at him, and wounded him in the fhoulder.

On Wednefday the thirtieth of May, he refolved to go to Kyle, to fecure fuch part of his fifter’s property as had not been plundered; but thinking that the protection of the parifh prieft would be neceffary for his fafety, he repaired to the houfe of father Michael Lacy* for that purpofe. As foon as he arrived there, another man of the name of Lacy fired four fhots at him with a mufket, but fortunately miffed him; and yet Mr. Clifford continued all the time on his knees, imploring mercy from the favage. Lacy then gave the mufket to a man of the name of Boulger, whom he knew to be a better markfman than himfelf, and he fired, and gave him a defperate wound in the head, as the charge confifted of flugs and horfe-nails. On falling to the ground, the rebels beat him in a moft cruel manner, and diflocated his fhoulder, fo that they left him for dead. They then fhot his faithful attendant, a proteftant fervant, who had lived twenty-five years in his family.

As this amiable gentleman was diftinguifhed for general benevolence, and every good quality that could endear, it was believed that he had not an enemy on earth-; but his religion was his only crime. Mr. Clifford, who might have foothed the anguifh of his aged mother-in-law Mrs. D’Arcy, and Mrs. Burrowes and her five orphans, was conveyed, with his poor fervant, on a car to his houfe, where he continued delirious, and in convulfions for a month; during which time his afflicted wife and fix children daily expected his diffolution; and to heighten their diftrefs, the houfe was occupied by a party of rebel guards, who were daily relieved from a neighbouring camp at Upton,|| the feat of

* Father Lacy, the prieft, might have faved his life by the turn of his finger. || See Plate III. I, i.

Plate IV: A Map of Enniscorthy and Vinegar-hill where the Rebels were pofted previous to the Action on 21^st of June 1798 by Alex Taylor Captⁿ. in His Majesty’s Royal Engineers. [Facing p.347.]

[Inset text:] Gen. Sir James Duff & Loftus advanced by the Ferns road when the latter turned to the left at A by the road to the fields B. The dotted line represents the advance of the Rebels C. The point at which Gen. Lake began the attack.

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Mr. James White. While they continued prisoners at Caftle-annefley, their food was fo bad, that they were often on the point of ftarving.

The inhabitants of the country contiguous to Carnew,* nine miles from Gorey, collected in fuch numbers on the twenty-feventh of May, under the aufpices of father Michael Murphy, that they had the confidence to attack that town.

On that morning, the garrifon confifting of a company of the Antrim militia, commanded by captain Rowan, two corps of yeomen infantry, and one of caivalry, making in the whole about two hundred men, having received intelligence that they were approaching the town, marched out, met, and engaged them, at a place called Bullinrufh, killed nine, and took two prifoners, and difperfed the remainder, who fled to Ferns,† poffeffed at that time by the rebels.The garrifon had the mortification to behold all the loyalifts houfes. in flames, as far as they could fee.

While the infantry were refting themfelves, a detachment of captain Wainright’s troop, who had been on an out-poft, were driven in about four o’clock in the evening, by the main body of the rebels from Ferns, who were advancing to renew the engagement.

The little garrifon formed and. marched to attack them on Kitthomashill,† where they were judicioufly ported. The rebels having been broken in about a quarter of an hour by the fire of the infantry, were charged by the cavalry,§ though up a fteep hill, and difperfed in all directions. In the purfuit, about one hundred and fifty of them were killed; and of the garrifon but one man was flightly wounded. They took a great number of horfes, fome of which had belonged to the unfortunate Mr. Turner, who was that day murdered at Ballingale. There were three priefts in that action, one of whom was the famous father Michael Murphy, killed at the battle of Arklow on the ninth of June.

On Friday following, the firft of June, the unfortunate colonel Walpole marched into Carnew, and reconnoitred the rebels, pofted on Ballymore-hills, twice before the fatal fourth of June.

The rebellious inhabitants of the country, encouraged by the fuccefs of father John Murphy againrt the North Cork regiment, flocked to his ftandard at Oulart in fuch numbers, that he refolved to attack the town.

* See Plate n. 4. † Ibid. 7. ‡Near Slievebuoy mountain, Plate II. 5. §The Shilela cavalry, commanded by captain Wainright, earl Fitzwilliam’s againft it, who in various actions shewed great valour and good fenfe.

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of Ennifcorthy,* about fix miles diftant, on Monday morning the twenty-eighth day of May; but firft I think it right to give the reader an account of the garrifon which defended it.

Ennifcorthy† is a market, a port, and a borough town, which returned two members to parliament. It is divided into two parts by the river Slaney, over which there is a ftone bridge.| The market-houfe, the court-houfe, and the principal ftreets are on the fouth fide of it. Two fuburbs called Templelhannon|| and Druingoold§ lie on the north fide, and at the foot of Vinegar-hill, a mountain which is quite clofe to the town. It is about twelve miles from the town of Wexford, fixteen from Rofs, eighteen from Gorey, eight from Taghmon, fix from Ferns, and nine and three quarters from Newtown-barry. As the tide ebbs and

flows

* Plate III. i. † Ibid. IV. ‡ Ibid. || Ibid. 5. § Ibid. 6.

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flows to it, which makes the river navigable for barges of fome burden, it was a place of confiderable trade; and the inhabitants were between four and five thoufand, before the defolating fpirit of rebellion banifhed or deftroyed a great portion of them.

Information having been received that James Lacy, a fhopkeeper, wast at the head of a traitorous confpiracy, he fuddenly difappeared. On fearching his houfe, fome treafonable papers were found in it; which exafperated the yeomen fo much, that fome of them ruihed into it and deftroyed a great part of the furniture. This man was afterwards commiffary general of the rebel army, on Vinegar-hill; and his brother, a prieft, frequently attended the camp there, and faid mafs for the rebels.

On Saturday evening, the twenty-fixth of May, captain Pounden and the reverend Mr. Handcock, both magiftrates, agreed on the expediency of feizing and laying under requlfition all the gunpowder to be found in the fhops; not only to prevent its falling into the hands of the rebels, but to fupply the loyalifts, fhould there be a deficiency of it. That night the garrifon lay under arms in the ftreets, and the neceffary guards and patroles were eftablifhed.

From Saturday evening till Monday morning, proteftant families, in great numbers, were coming into the town, flying from the fanatical vengeance of the rebels, and bringing their children, their baggage, and their furniture on cars.

On that evening a handfome young woman, of the name of Piper, came galloping at full fpeed into the town, with horror and fright in her countenance, and crying out, “Murder! Murder!” and faying, that the maffacre had begun. I have already related the cruelty of the rebels towards her family at Tincurry.

About feven o’clock on Monday morning, the twenty-eighth day of May, a man arrived there, and informed the garrifon, that they would be attacked before three o’clock in the afternoon; and at that time the troops were much exhaufted in mind and body, from being conftantly under arms, from fupplying patroles and videttes, and from fcouring the country; andfoon after captain Snowe received a letter from lieutenants colonel Foote, with an account of the defeat of the North Cork t Oulart. Captain Ogle, of Belview* new member for the city of Dublin,

* Plate III. 4.

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marched to the relief of the garrifon on Sunday morning, with a numerous corps, of infantry but having received intelligence that his own country was difturbed, he was imder the neceffity of returning to it, accompanied by the Healthfield corps of cavalry, commanded by captain John Grogan.

On Monday morning the twenty-eighth day of May, about nine o’clock, the drums beat to arms, as a report was fpread, that the rebels were advancing towards the town in great force. The different pofitions. and rallying pofts were immediately affigned to the garrifon. The North Cork occupied the bridge, the Ennifcorthy cavalry the ftreet leading to it from the town, the Ennifcorthy and Scarawalfh infantry the Duffrey-gate-hill, at the Newtown-barry road. A confiderable guard was pofted in the market houfe, where the arms and ammunition were fiodged, and’ Tome fufpicious perfons were confined; and another in the caftle, where fome notorious rebels were in ftrict cuftody.

About half an hour before the enemy appeared, a rebel fpy, with a white cotton jacket, and a white hat with a broad green band, was feized near the town, and as a rebel commiffion was found in his pocket, he was hanged. .

At length, about eleven o’clock in the forenoon, the videttes at the Duffrey-gate* came galloping in, and announced, that the rebels who had affembled at Bally-orle hill, which is on the north eaft fide of the town, and about two miles diftant from it, were advancing on the Newtown-barry road, in an immenfe column, which extended a mile -in length, and was fo thick, as to fill up the road.

Some officers in the garrifon, who had feen a great deal of actual fervice, declared that their number was between five and fix thoufand;. They ftaid at Bally-orle hill till father John Murphy faid mafs for them.

In the courfe of the morning they fet fire to fome houfes, in hopes of drawing the garrifon out of the town.

As many avenues led into the town, it would have been impoffible for the yeomanry to occupy them for its defence, from the paucity of their numbers, fhould the rebels be allowed to approach it. For this reafon, captains Cornock and Pounden led their corps forward in a line about four hundred yards from the Duffrey-gate on which the rebel column

* Plate IV. 2, 3.

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halted about the fame diftance from them. Soon after, three rebel leaders* who were on horfeback, with drawn fwords, began to move among them, and to give orders; on which great numbers of the rebels filed off in the fields on the right and left, to the diftance of about half a mile from the main body; which they did with a defign of outflanking the yeomen, of cutting them off from the town, and of entering it by the different avenues which led into it. After this movement, having advanced a little, they drove a number of horfes on the road againft the loyalifts for the purpofe of throwing them into confufion. They then fired a general volley, both from the main body, and the flanks; by which lieutenants Hunt and Pounden were mortally, and captain Cornock flightly wounded, and fome of the privates were killed and wounded. One Thompfon, who had volunteered among the fupplementary yeomen, received a fpent ball in the neck, which he extracted, and fired at the enemy.† The yeomen returned the fire, with confiderable effect. The rebels ftill advanced, firing at the fame time from, behind the hedges, with fuch fteadinefs and celerity, that captain Brury, who had ferved the whole of the American war, and who volunteered that day, declared, he had never experienced a heavier or better-directed fire. As the county of Wexford abounds with water-fowl, the occupation of a fowler is fo profitable, that numbers of the lower clafs of people are not only expert in the ufe of fire-arms, but excellent markfmen.

As the rebels ftill continued to advance, and “to extend their wings, for the purpofe of furrounding the yeomen, the latter retreated near the town, and fent to captain Snowe, who guarded the bridge, where he was Supported by the cavalry commanded by captain Richards, to requeft he would reinforce them with the North Cork, and he accordingly repaired to the Duffrey.gate, attended by the cavalry, to fupport the yeomanry; but as a detachment of them were between him and the enemy, and exactly in his line of fire, he cwdd not do any material fervice, withour running a rifque of injuring the loyalifts; and, as apprehenfions were entertained that the rebels would crofs the river to attack Temple Shannon, he repaired to his former poft at the bridge, and at the fame time,

Two of thefe were father John, Murphy, and Roach, colonel Lehunte’s .permanant serjeant.

† An officer, who affifted him in extracting it, affured me of this.

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ordered the cavalry to cover his retreat, as a large body of the enemy had come near his laft pofition. Captain Richards then charged and difperfed them, but in effecting it, nine of his men were killed, and three wounded; and fixteen of his horfes were either killed or fo feverely wounded, as to be unfit for fervice.

The high clay banks, improperly called in Ireland hedges, formed the fences of the town-fields round Ennifcorthy, and afforded breaft-works to the rebel markfmen, behind which they fired with fecurity and deliberation on the loyalifts.

At laft, the yeoman infantry, perceiving that they muft foon be furrounded, and cut off by the long extended wings of the enemy, while the main body engaged them, divided themfelves into fmall parties, and occupied the different avenues which led into the town, where they made a moft gallant defence, having killed great numbers of the rebels; though they, fuffered much from the treachery of the difloyal inhabitants, who not only fired at them from the windows, but their fanaticifm was fuch, that they fet fire to their own houfes, to annoy the yeomen; for, in a fhort time, three large fuburbs, called Guttle-ftreet, Drumgoold, and Irifh-ftreet,* and two lanes in the centre of the town, were in flames; yet the loyalifts were fo confident of fuccefs, from having completely repulfed the rebels, that they gave three cheers. The enemy, defeated in the many attempts which they made on the north and weft fide of the town, made an effort to crofs the river, about a quarter of a mile above the bridge, where there is an ifland, in which they fucceeded; but were foon repulfed by captain Richard’s corps, part of whom fired at them with carbines, from a place about one hundred yards above the glebe houfe, and killed great numbers; at the fame time they were feverely galled by the North Cork on the bridge.

They then attempted to crofs the river higher up, out of the reach of the fire of the North Cork. On this, captain Snowe detached lieutenant Prior, with a ferjeant and fixteen men of his corps, to oppofe them, which they did moft effectually; for having taken poft behind a hedge, they continued to kill great numbers of them, till their ammunition was expended. Soon after captain Cornock came to captain Snowe at the bridge, bleeding copioufly, from a pike wound he had received in the neck, having the crown of his hat cleft from a blow of a pike, and demanded a rienforcement, as the rebels, under cover of

* See Plate IV. 3.

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the fmoke, had forced into the town in confiderable numbers, at the Duffrey-gate and Irifh-ftreet. At the fame time the difaffected inhabitants fired on the yeomen from their windows. One column of them attacked captain Pounden’s, the other captain Cornock’s corps, which had fuffered materially. The ftreets were entirely involved in fmoke, fo that the yeomen could not perceive the rebels till they were charged by their pikes. The flames from the houfes at each fide of the ftreet were fo great, as to unite over their heads, and to form an arch. Their hair was finged; the bearfkin in their caps was burnt. The loyalifts, bravely difputing every inch of ground, retreated to the market-houfe,* an open fpace, like a fquare, where they made a determined ftand, and killed great numbers of the enemy. By this effort the loyalifts turned the fcale, and drove the rebels completely out of the town, the ftreets of which at each fide of the river prefenting an awful fcene of conflagration. While the troops were thus engaged in the fouth fide of the town, another body of the rebels croffed the river, about three quarters of a mile above the bridge, but were foon routed by captain Snowe, on which occafion his men fhewed great dexterity, as markfmen, having feldom failed to bring down fuch individual rebels as they aimed at. Captain Snowe then ordered captain Richards to charge them, which he did moft effectually, but with the lofs of two men killed, and fome wounded.

As a party of the rebels which came from Vinegar-hill towards the glebe ftill remained unaffailed, and their numbers feemed to increafe, they were attacked by captain Drury, with half a company of the North Cork, and he difperfed them with confiderable flaughter. Thus ended an action which lafted more than three hours, fought on a very hot day, and in the midft of a burning town, the difaffected inhabitants of which fet fire to their own houfes, to annoy the loyalifts, and fired on them from their windows. In this the yeomen and proteftant inhabitants performed prodigies of valour, in fupport of the conftitution in church and ftate, and in defence of their property and their families. They loft near one third of their number, which did not exceed three hundred, and the rebels whom they encountered, were faid by fome to amount to five thoufand, by others to fix thoufand.

* See plate IV. 4.

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A return of the killed and wounded in defence of the town of Ennifcorthy, on Monday the twenty-eighth day of May, 1798.

Captain John Pounden who commanded the fupplementary yeomen, lieutenant Hunt of the Ennifcorthy infantry, and lieutenant Carden of the Scarawalfh infantry, were killed. The latter, who had ferved with reputation as an officer during the whole of the American war, was fhot from the window of one Denny an apothecary, it is faid, by one Barnet his fervant. In the number of the killed and wounded, I have not inferted a great many proteftants who fuddenly joined the troops with guns, piftols, pikes or fwords, and of whom many fell in the action.

Of the garrifon eighty-eight were killed and wounded; and deducting feven of the North Cork, there remain eighty-one loyal proteftants who bled that day in defence of the conftitution in church and ftate.

It was generally believed, that not lefs than five hundred of the rebels were killed or wounded. The banks of the river, and the island in it were ftrewed with their dead bodies, and numbers of them fell in the ftreets; but it was obferved that the difaffected inhabitants were always ready to drag them into their houfes, whenever they could get a fafe opportunity, that the fight of them might not difcourage their furviving friends. To keep up their courage, every artifice was ufed; for even women, as if infenfible of their danger, were feen in the midft of the carnage, adminiftering whifkey to their rebel friends.

“When the action terminated, the rebels were completely routed and expelled from the town; however, the loyalifts did not think it tenable for the following reafons: It was in a ftate of conflagration; and the rebels, who continued to hover round if, would have attacked it in the night, and would have been affifted by the Roman catholick inhabitants, who were very numerous; As there were many avenues leading to the

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town, and as the loyalifts, under arms, had loft near one third of their number, which did not originally exceed three hundred, they muft have been overpowered and maffacred in the night. The officers therefore, after mature deliberation, refolved to abandon the town, and to march to Wexford, on the eaft fide of the river by St. John’s; but, from the fuddennefs of the retreat, only a few of the proteftant inhabitants could attend them; and they could carry with them no other comforts or neceffaries but the wearing apparel which they wore. Imagination cannot form a more tragical fcene than the melancholy train of loyal fugitives, of whom fome were fo feeble from their wounds, from ficknefs, the tendernefs of old age, or infancy, that they could not have effected their efcape, had not the yeomen cavalry mounted them on their horfes. Some parents were reduced to the dreadful neceffity of leaving their infants in cottages, on the road fide, having, at the fame time, but a faint hope of ever feeing them again.

As they travelled to Wexford, the rebels fired at them from the oppofite fide of the river, wherever they could get an opening.

Such of the loyal inhabitants as were unable to join their departing friends, took a melancholy farewel of them, and waited the fatal hour, when they were to fall victims to the fanatical vengeance of the rebels, who, when they got poffeffion of the town, proceeded with favage delight, to commit unbounded carnage and plunder. The following extract of a letter written by a very refpectable beneficed clergyman, the reverend Mr. Handcock, rector of Kilcormick, who fought with the king’s troops in defence of the town, will give the reader a perfect idea of the fufferings of the proteftant inhabitants on that day:

“Finding that we could no longer keep our ground, I rufhed fingly through the ftreets, with a blunderbufs cocked, and prefenting it at every perfon who looked at me, running for my life, but without the fainteft hope of faving it, or that of my family, yet determined to fhare their fate, and with great difficulty getting into my houfe, locked and barricadoed by the frighted inmates, I dragged my wife down ftairs with my children, juft as they fat in her fick room;† and obferving which way the fugitives were moving out of the town, I forced them along with the

* Plate IV. 4. † She lay in but two days before.

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tragical cavalcade, until my wife, overpowered with terror and the heat of the flames, fell on a burning pile of rubbifh, where, unable myfelf from fatigue to raife her, fhe would have been fuffocated or trampled to death, had not a gallant fellow of the North Cork militia, wounded, and fcarce able to drag his legs after him, affifted me, fwearing the Munfter oath, “By; J—— s, you did not forfake us, and I will not defert you.” The poor fellow accordingly ftuck by us till we arrived at Wexford.

In return for this, having got my wife and children behind or before mounted yeomen,* I procured a horfe for his wife, and carried his mufket as far as 1 was able. When we came within three or four miles of Wexford, we were met by the yeomen cavalry of it, who turned out, on hearing our difafter, to cover our retreat.

The rebel army having got poffeffion of the town, broke open the gaol and liberated all the prifoners. They then proceeded to burn and deftroy every houfe belonging to a proteftant of any diftinction. Before fun-fet the principal part of the town was in flames; and, late in the evening, a great number of old men, women and children, of the proteftant religion, fled into the adjoining woods, left they fhould perifh in the flames, or by the fanguinary rage of the rebels. Such of them as were not fortunate enough to make their efcape, were maffacred. The rebels having broke open the cellars, continued to commit every wanton cruelty and barbarous excefs, which favage ferocity, heightened by fanaticifm and ebriety, could dictate.

When they entered the town, fome ladies of diftinguifhed beauty, wild with horror and affright, waded over the river Slaney at the rifk of their lives, with one child on their back, and another in their arms. Numbers of both fexes fled to the wood of St. John’s,† better known by the name of Ring-wood, where they paffed the whole night, petrified with horror, at hearing fhots conftantly fired, the fhouts of the rebels, and the groans of the dying. They kept a gloomy filence, not venturing to fpeak to each other, left they fhould be difcovered.

The rebels having heard next day, that a number of proteftants were in the wood, fent a party, well armed, to fcour it; and they killed fuch

* Many of the mounted yeomen, though overcome. with fatigue, walked the whole way and gave their horfes to the fugitives. † Plate III. 2.

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of them as were not fortunate enough to make their efcape. They continued for fome days after, to beat it as clofely as a pack of fox-hounds would.

A party of ladies who fled towards the river, when the rebels entered the town, informed me, that feveral fhots were fired at them; and that in their retreat, they met a boy about fixteen years old, armed with a pike, who approached them with a ftern air; on which they afked him, if he was going to kill them? and he faid, “No; but it is no matter where you go, for you will all be killed.”

As foon as the rebels began to enter the town, many of the Roman catholick inhabitants fiequently exclaimed, particularly the women, “That they would have no herefy amongft them; that they would put an end to hereticks; and that they would have all or none.”

They murdered Richard Whaley, a lockfmith, near one hundred years old, as foon as they entered the town; and Edward Sly, a proteftant, was fhot by his neighbour William Lee, when he was kindly reaching him a quart of beer. Numbers were dragged from their houfes, and barbaroufly maffacred in the prefence of their wives and children.

The town, the morning after the rebels got poffeffion of it, prefented a dreadful fcene of carnage and conflagration; many bodies were lying dead in the ftreets, and others groaning in the agonies of death; fome parts of the town were entirely confumed, and in others the flames continued to rage with inextinguifhable fury; no lefs than four hundred and feventy-eight dwelling-houfes and cabins were burned in the town and its fuburbs, befides a great number of ftores, malt-houfes, and out-offices.

Early next morning, the rebels formed a camp on Vinegar-hill, made entrenchments round it, and placed fome batteries in them. They then ftationed a large garrifon in the town, which was relieved every day by an officer’s guard from the camp. Such great numbers of the lower clafs of people from the adjacent country flocked to their camp, that it foon confifted of at leaft ten thoufand men. They pofted ftrong picquet guards, centinels, and videts, in all the avenues leading to the town, and for fome miles round it.

They then proceeded to deftroy the church of Ennifcorthy, and having pulled down the organ, the pews, the communion table, and reading defk, they burned them to afhes before the church-door, where they

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tore the bibles and the prayer-books; and then proceeded to demolifh the remainder of the infide part, leaving nothing but the roof and the bare walls. They took down the bell, and mounted it between two beams on Vinegar-hill, for the purpofe of marking the progrefs of time, and of alarming the camp in cafe of furprife.

They committed fuch proteftants as were not fortunate enough to retreat to Wexford with the loyalifts, or to efcape into the woods, to a prifon on the hill, formed by the walls of an old wind-mill, and then proceeded to try them by a court-martial, which fat conftantly for that purpofe. The only charge againft them was, their being orangemen, which was fynonimous with proteftant.*

On the morning of Tuefday the twenty-ninth of May, they put to death twenty-four perfons of the eftablifhed church, by fhooting fome, and piking others in front of the rebel line, of whom one was Mr. Henry Hatton, portrieve of the town of Ennifcorthy, an innocent unoffending gentleman.§ They burned the glebe-houfe of Ennifcorthy to afhes; but converted the out-offices into ftores for holding provifions and arms for the camp.

A committee of twelve, confifting of fome rebel officers and three priefts; viz. fathers Roche, Kearns and Clinch, and at times father John Murphy, continued conftantly to fit, and to fuperintend and regulate the concerns of the camp, and the newly-eftablifhed republick. When the bufinefs of the day was over, they dined together at a table, regularly furnifhed with the beft viands which the country could afford, and with delicious wines taken from the cellars of the neighbouring gentlemen.

They fent gangs of affaffins round all the adjacent country, commanded by rebel officers, in queft of proteftants, who feized fuch of them as could not make their efcape, and committed them to prifons at the foot of the hill, or in the town. I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XIX.|| for the mode in which this infamous bufinefs was conducted, and for fome

* See in Appendix, No. XIX. 8. the confeffion of James Beaghan.

§ For a defcription of this horrid fcene, fee Appendix, No. XIX. in the affidavits of Catherine Heydon, Benjamin Warren, Richard Sterne, Robert Whitney, Margaret Hunt, Edward Stacey, and Ann Piper.

|| See extracts from the trials of Thomas Clooney, James Beaghan, William Fenlon, Andrew Farrell, and Nicholas Walfh.

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of the atrocities which were perpetrated by the rebels while they continued in poffeffion of Vinegar-hill.

The walls of the old windmill on the top of the hill ferved as a fold to contain the viftims who fupplied the facrifice of the day; and when the rebel ranks were on parade, they were led forth and butchered in their prefence, and as a regale to them; and what was very frngular, the executioners often knelt down, croffed themfelves, and faid a prayer, before they immolated the viftims, who were frequently almoft famifhed before they were led to execution, from the bad and fcanty food with which they were fupplied.

The camp was conftantly attended by from ten to twenty priefts, who daily faid mafs at the head of each rebel column, and afterwards pronounced an exhortation to animate them in the extirpation of herefy, and in the exclufive eflablifhment of their own, the only true orthodox faith.

Mr. Stephen Ram, of Ramsfort, in the county of Wexford, brother-in-law to lord Courtown, who is defervedly loved and revered by his tenants, informed me, that fuch of them as were of the Roman catholick religion, and had been unfortunately concerned in the rebellion, were very communicative to him, and informed him, that they entered into it at the inftigation of their priefts; that it was ufual in the rebel camp, for the prieft of each parifh to call over the names of his own parifhioners; and that his coadjutor did fo, if he was prevented from age, infirmity, or any other caufe.

Commiftaries were appointed in every parifh, to provide provifion for the camp, according to the directions of the committee, or the commander in chief, and each of the commiffaries had a certain number of pikemen under his command.

The commander in chief, at each camp, gave written orders to the commiffaries to fupply the different rebel corps or individuals with provifions, of which I give the reader copies of fome originals which fell into my hands.

“The commander in chief requefts commiffary Brennan to give bread for forty men to captain Devereux’s corps.

June 15th, 1798. ROCHE.”*

Lacken-hill.

* This was father Philip Roche. Mr.

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“Mr. John Brennan,

Pleafe to fend dinner for twelve men belonging to Jeremiah Fitzhenry.

18th June, 1798,

ROCHE.”

“Permit Tom Harper and another man to pafs for food for eight men to commiffary Brennan.

June 19th, 1798,

ROCHE.”

Whenever any of the country commiffaries fent provifions or cattle into one of the camps, they obtained receipts for them from the commiffary general, as appears by the following:

“Received from Mr. John Brennan,* feventeen bullocks, to keep at grafs till called for. June 18th, 1798, firft year of liberty.

STEPHEN MYLER.”

General Roche received the following prefent from a man of the name of Murphy, who acted as fteward in the camp, and wifhed to ingratiate himfelf with the commander in chief, as appears by the following letter:

“Sir,

“I have fent you a calk of wine, a barrel of beer, eighteen loaves of bread, two fheep of the beft fort, one loaf of bread, and two fowl for your own ufe; from your friend and humble fervant,

PATRICK MURPHY, fteward.”

This camp, which was the grand rendezvous of the rebels, fent large detachments to thofe who fought the different battles in the county of Wexford. Their tents were formed of carpets, quilts, ftieets, blankets, window curtains, and various articles of furniture which they had feized in proteftant houfes.

Mrs. M.J a refpectable gentlewoman, who remained the entire night of Monday the twenty-eighth of May, 1798, in Ringwood, gave me the following relation of the dangers and diftreffes which fhe and her hufband fuffered. It will ferve to fhew the favage and fanguinary difpofition of the rebels.

Mr. Bennett, of Birmount,§ lay concealed in the wood that night. Next morning, about feven o’clock, when we were almoft finking with

* He had been a member of the Healthfield cavalry, and in violation of his oath of allegiance deferted and joined the rebels.

‡ This is not really the initial letter of her name, which I conceal, left it might expofe her to rebel vengeance.

§ Plate III. 3.

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cold and hunger, he kindly invited us to his houfe, which lay clofe to the river Slaney, at the oppofite fide of it. Having gone there, about feven o’clock in the evening, a woman came to us, trembling with fear, and faid, “That the rebels were approaching in all directions to burn the houfe, and to murder us.” Mr. Bennett hid himfelf in his garden. We were advifed to get fome green boughs, as the emblem of rebellion, and to go out to meet them; and having accordingly done fo, they defired us not to be frightened, as they never injured women; and they afked us if we were chriftians, (meaning Roman catholicks,) and very fortunately we told them we were. They informed us, that they had juft killed Mr. Edward White* of Roxana, and his fon, who lived near Vinegar-hill; having, as they faid, fearched his houfe for arms and Orangemen. Having found Mr. M. in the garden, they prefented their firelocks, and were on the point of fhooting him; but faid they muft fufpend his execution till their officer, who was abfent, arrived. They took him off, mounted behind one of them; when they fortunately met a rebel, who had a particular regard for Mr. M., and who galloped off fpeedily to Vinegar-hill camp, and procured him a protection from father John Murphy, who was then commander in chief there.

“On Thurfday I went to Vinegar-hill, in hopes of getting a protection from father Philip Roche,† a rebel chieftain, and in our way thither, we faw the bodies of Mr. White and his fon, lying dead and naked in the lawn before his houfe; for the rebels would not fuffer them to be buried.

“In our way to Ennifcorthy, we faw twelve dead bodies lying on the road; and on entering the town, we were filled with horror at beholding a great number of them in the ftreets.

“The camp at Vinegar-hill prefented a dreadful fcene of confufion and uproar. A number of female rebels, more vehement than the male, were marching out to meet the army from Newtown-barry. This was a large body which father Roche led from Vinegar-hill to the attack of that towm, which took place the firft of June. Great numbers of women

* This aged gentleman was a magiftrate, and had been always friendly to the Roman catholicks. His fon was almoft an idiot. The rebels made them kneel in a potatoe trench, fhot them, and fome days after covered them lightly with earth. They murdered on Vinegar-hill his brother, Mr. John White, of Whitefield, a magiftrate, and very far advanced in years.

† Edward Roche was the lay-general.

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were in the camp. Some men were employed in killing cattle, and in boiling them in pieces in large copper brewing pans; others were drinking, curfing, and fwearing; many of them were playing on various mufical inftruments, which they had acquired by plunder in the adjacent proteftant houfes; and this produced a moft dilagreeable and barbarous diffonance.

“At laft I met father Roche in Ennifcorthy, and he gave me a protection, not only for Mr. M. but one for Mr. Bennett’s houfe, in the following words, which was pofted up in the hall: “No man to moleft this houfe, or its inhabitants, on pain of death!”

“However, next day, a rebel guard came to Mr. Bennett’s, and compelled him and Mr. M. to go before the parifh prieft of Bree, in order to fend them to the attack on Rofs; but Mr. John Devereux, a rebel captain, on feeing Roche’s protection difcharged him; and foon after father John Sutton of Ennifcorthy, and a Mr. William Barker, a rebel general, gave them protections, and certified that they had been tried by a court-martial, and acquitted.

“We then repaired to Mr. Jofhua Lett’s, a mile beyond Ennifcorthy, where we ftaid fome days. During our refidence there, we daily faw great crowds of rebels, who often boafted of the number of proteftants they had put to death, and even in what manner they had piked them. They faid, “That Cork and Limerick had capitulated to them: That Dublin was furrounded by forty thoufand united Irifhmen: That the whole kingdom would be foon in their poffeffion; and that there fhould be no other religion but the Roman catholick.” They compelled us to go to mafs, which we did, to preferve our lives.

“At laft, the rebels, having difcovered that Mr. M. was concealed in Mr. Jofhua Lett’s houfe, threatened to demolifh it, unlefs he was inflantly difmiffed. As Mr. Lett was obliged to comply with this mandate, we repaired to Mr. Fitzhenry’s of Ballymacus,† about five miles off. In our way thither, we met many parties of rebels, who would have put Mr. M. to death, but for the prieft’s protection; for which they shewed the utmoft refpect. This fhews the great influence of the facerdotal order, and how eafily they might have prevented the maffacres of proteftants.

† Plate III, 3.

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“We were there but a few hours, when a rebel guard arrived, and carried us back to Ennifcorthy, where Mr. M. was put into a guard-houfe, containing about a dozen unfortunate proteftants, who were fhot or piked next day in the camp. I was then defired to apply to one of their officers, named Morgan Byrne, whom I found fitting in their committee-room, at a long table, with many books and papers before him. Father Kearns was at the head of the table, round which all the members of the committee fat. On reprefenting my fituation, and that of Mr. M. Mr. Patrick Sutton, who was a general among them, faid, “He would do his utmoft to ferve Mr. M. and me and Mr. Morgan Byrne* faid, “He would fpare his life, provided he would join and fight with them; but on no other condition.

“Unheard-of barbarities were committed at Ennifcorthy, Vinegar-hill, End in all the adjacent country, before the rebels were fubdued and driven from them.

“The pikemen would often fhew us their pike s all ftained with bloody and boaft of having murdered our friends and neighbours.”

Every morning when the rebels paraded on Vinegar-hill, they put to death from fifteen to thirty proteftants in their prefence, and as a regale to them; and this was done with the folemnity of an execution under a judicial fentence.

Samuel Goodifon, a farmer, worth £400 a-year, of the proteftant religion, was univerfally efteemed for his good moral charafter. He and his family, confifting of a wife and nine children, remained in Ringwood on the night of the twenty-eighth of May, to efcape the fanatical rage of the rebels. On Tuefday morning, they repaired to St. John’s,† the feat of Doctor Hill, on the Slaney, who offered to let them remain there; but Goodifon faid, he had fuch warm friends among the Roman catholicks, that he was fure of getting a protection from them, if he could arrive with fafety at Ennifcorthy. He left his family at a mill, within a quarter of a mile of the town; and having advanced a fhort way, he was overwhelmed with joy at meeting his neighbour and particular friend, Luke Byrne; but that fanguinary ruffian fhot him inftantly, inftead of affording him that protection which he folicited. A refpectable gentlewoman of Ennifcorthy

* The loyal fubjects called this fellow Santerre, and his father Luke Byrne, who was more fanguinary, Marat.

† See Plate III. 2.

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heard him boaft afterwards, that he never ate fo fweet a breakfaft, as he had that morning, for that he had killed Samuel Goodifon and William Carroll.

John Stillman, eighty years old, who had ferved as a foldier the greater part of his life, and George Saunders, feventy years old, flept all Monday night in Ringwood; and having come out of it about twelve o’clock, next morning, they were fhot on the road leading to Ennifcorthy. Saunders died inftantly. Stillman continued alive till next day, and was able to fit up. A rebel out-poft, of about twenty men, amufed themfelves with ridiculing, infulting, and torturing him. They often afked him in irony, (as he was a proteftant) Whether he would have a prieft? They had but one ball among them, and they fired it five or fix times through his body, while proftrate on the ground; and yet he was alive next day. He had but one eye, which they put out with a pike. At length they put him to death. Afterwards the rebels were known to call him their plaything, in converfation at Ennifcorthy; and to declare, he was fo tough an old fellow, that they had great difficulty in putting him to death.

I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XIX. I. for the fufferings of Benjamin Warren, a proteftant yeoman, and the fcene of carnage which he beheld on Vinegar-hill. I faw his wounds in Auguft, 1798. His body had been perforated with pikes in many places.

When the town was evacuated on Monday the twenty-eighth of May, Richard Sterne, a fickly old man, his wife, his fon far gone in a confumption, and a grandchild, five years old, on his back, endeavoured to retreat to Wexford with the proteftant fugitives, but being unable to accompany them, they concealed themfelves in a wood, where they remained four days and four nights, and muft have ftarved, but that they received a few potatoes and about a pint of milk from a fifherman.

I fhall refer the reader to his affidavit. Appendix, No. XIX. 2. for an account of his fufferings, and of fome of the horrors practifed at Vinegar-hill.

In Appendix, No. XIX. 3. the reader will fee an account of the murder of the reverend Mr. Heydon, in the ftreets of Ennifcorthy, who was venerable for his piety and his years, being near eighty years old.

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I have been affured that the rebels would not fuffer his body to be interred for fome days, and that a great part of it was devoured by pig.

Richard Sterne was a prifoner in Mr. Beale’s barn, at the foot of Vinegar-hill, where he faw numbers of his fellow-prifoners tried and condemned by a rebel court-martial (at which one Lawrence Power was prefident) for being orangemen, or proteftants, which were fynonimous. Lawrence Power was afterwards taken in Dublin, tried, convicted, and hanged. Richard Sterne, being examined on his trial, depofed, that he faw many perfons led to execution under the judgment of that court; and that he faw one Murtagh Keane fhoot Thomas Simpfon and Jeremiah Smyth, foon after Lawrence Power had pronounced the fentence.

I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XIX. 4. for the barbarous treatment which Edward Stacey, a proteftant farmer, of Tomgar, received from four ruffians, who were fent from the camp in queft of proteftants. I faw the wound which he received, foon after it was healed.

The gangs of pikemen who were fent to roam the country in queft of proteftants, to fupply the grand flaughter-houfe at Vinegar-hill, could not reftrain their thirftfor blood, and often killed their prifoners on the fpot where they feized them, though contrary to the orders of their leaders.

For the fufferings of lieutenant Hunt, of the Ennifcorthy yeomen infantry, fee Appendix, No. XIX. 5.

On the thirtieth day of May, William Neal, Henry and Bryan, his fons, were feized at their houfe at Ballybrennan, by a band of affaffins, who were fent from the camp in fearch of proteftants, and were conveyed to Vinegar-hill camp. Michael Maddock and Jofeph Murphy were leaders of the party. The former called them orangemen, meaning proteftants, and wanted to kill them as fuch, but was over-ruled by fome others of the band. Bryan Neal offered them his horfe and cow to liberate them; but Maddock faid, “That the cattle of all orangemen belonged to them already.”

When they arrived on Vinegar-hill, Murphy faid he would not bring them any more orangemen, unlefs they put them to death directly: On which a conference was held, when the father and the two fons were immediately condemned. They firft led out to execution Bryan, who begged they would fhoot him, inftead of torturing him with pikes.

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One of the rebels faid he fhould not die fo eafy a death, and inftantly ftruck him on the head with a carpenter’s adz [sic], which made him ftagger a few yards; but he was foon brought back, when one of them ftabbed him in the fide with a fpear, another in the neck, and a third fhoved them afide and fhot him. William, the father, who was then brought forth, folicited to be fhot; and having complied with his request, they put him on his knees. The executioner miffed fire at him three times; on which father Roche, the general, who attended the execution, defired him to try whether his firelock would go off in the air. He accordingly tried, and it fucceeded. Father Roche then gave him a protection, and ordered him to be difcharged; having imputed his efcape to divine Providence. Murphy and Maddock were near neighbours, and fuppofed to be the intimate friends of the Neal family, who had no fufpicion that they had harboured fuch fanguinary hatred againft them, on account of their being of the proteftant perfuafion.* William Neal had another fon burnt at the barn of Scullabogue.

Charles Davis, a glazier of Ennifcorthy, and of the proteftant religion, fought againft the rebels in defence of that town; but was afterwards made a prifoner, and conveyed to Vinegar-hill by a party of rebels, who informed him, that, as he was an orangeman, he would be put to death. On his arrival in the camp, he faw about forty bodies lying dead, quite naked, and very much mangled with pikes; among which he perceived the body of Mr. Henry Katton, portrieve of the town of Ennifcorthy.

The rebels defired him, infultingly, to lay his hand on his deceafed friends, whom they called hereticks; and told him, that all the hereticks in the kingdom fhould fhare the fame fate. They then put him on his knees, in the midft of the dead bodies, and fhot him through the body and the arm, and gave him feveral pike wounds; after which they buried him, covering his body lightly with fods. He lay in that fituation from feven o’clock in the evening till five next morning, when he found a dog, who had fcraped away the fods, licking his wounds. A party of rebels, who were near the grave, perceiving the motion of his

* Thefe facts were verified by oath, on the trials of Murphy and Maddock, held at Rofs, the thirteenth and twenty-fourth of Auguft, 1798, by order of lieutenant-general Hulfe; alfo, by affidavit, fworn before D. Colclough, efquire, by William Neal, twenty-fourth July, 1798

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body, exclaimed, “The dead is coming to life; and that Davis fhould have a prieft, as he could not obtain falvation without one.” Father Sutton, of Ennifcorthy,‡ who was in the camp, adminiftered the rites of his church to him, and told him he was forry to fee him in that fituation; but as there was no profpect of his recovery, he was glad that he was to die under his hands. He was then delivered to his wife, who conveyed him to his own houfe; where, with the aid of medical affiftance, he recovered. Thefe facts have been verified by affidavit, and are univerfally known. Charles Davis, who is now living, fhewed me his wounds.

John Mooney, fervant to doctor Hill, and a proteftant, was taken prifouer, and conducted to the wind-mill prifon, on the top of Vinegar-hill, the thirty-firft day of May; and found there fixteen proteftant prifoners, with fome of whom he had been long acquainted. They were defired to prepare for death; and foon after a ruffian entered the prifon with a drawn hanger, and began to torture the prifoners by way of amufement; but the rebel centinel ftopped him, and faid, that as they were to die foon, it was cruel to torment them. In a few minutes one of the prifoners was dragged out of the mill door, and fhot; and foon after the remainder were executed in the fame manner. Among them there was a well-dreffed refpectable looking man, and his fon, a boy about thirteen years old. The father feemed to bear his approaching diffolution with great fortitude, fuppofing that they would not injure his fon, on account of his tender age; but what agonizing pangs muft he have felt, when his child was butchered in his prefence! and he, when led out to execution, was obliged to ftep over his bleeding corpfe, which fell acrofs the door.

Mooney, the laft perfon taken out, was placed by the fixteen dead bodies; and the executioner, whofe name was Byrne, defired him to turn his back to him, (which the viftims were often compelled to do;) but Mooney refufed to do fo, having faid, that he was not afraid to face a bullet. The executioner, who was very ragged, advanced, with his mufket prefented, within twelve paces of him, when Mooney defired him to ftop; and taking off his coat, waiftcoat and hat, which were

‡ This prieft might have faved any perfon he chofe, as he was daily attending the camp.

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new, threw them to him, defired him to take them for his trouble; and requefted he would approach nearer to him, and do his bufinefs properly. The executioner, ftruck with his fortitude, faid it was an undoubted proof of his innocence; and declared he would have nothing to do with him. On this, one Murtagh Brien, alias Kane, a fanguinary monfter, and the common executioner, rofe from his knees, (for the rebels commonly knelt and prayed before or during the execution,) and infifted on putting Mooney to death, and prefented a blunderbufs for that purpofe; but Byrne interfered, and fwore he would blow out the brains of any perfon who would attempt to injure him; and he immediately difmiffed him.

Papifts of the meaneft fituation, even beggars, have been known to fave proteftants when they chofe.

Mooney was feized by a party of rebels two or three days after, and they were on the point of putting him to death, for having, as they faid, often enquired for and opened the letters of father Sutton at Ennifcorthy, before the infurrection took place, in order to obtain information relative to the rebellion; but that prieft, who happened to come up when the charge was made, acquitted him of it.

The rebels made a conftant practice of violating women who fell into their hands. In confequence of which, a rebel general, Patrick Sutton, iffued the following proclamation:

PROCLAMATION.

“Whereas information has been received that many outrages are committing through the country on the wives and daughters of feveral people: This is therefore to defire and command all officers to ufe every exertion to apprehend and bring into Vinegar-hill camp each and every perfon who fhall be found guilty of fuch offences, that they may be dealt with accordingly.

Given under my hand at Vinegar-hill camp, this 17th day of June, 1798, the firft year of liberty.

PATRICK SUTTON, commander in chief.”

Patrick Conners was peculiarly the object of popifh vengeance, for the following reafons: Having married a proteftant wife, he was conftantly urged by his popifh neighbours and his parifh prieft, to make her change

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her religion; but he refufed to interfere about her mode of worfhip. At laft, he was fo much difgufted and fhocked at their bitter and unremitting reproaches, that he became a convert to the proteftant faith. In confequence of this, he was denounced by his parifh prieft, who laid his flock under a prohibition not to deal with him. This interdict reduced him to poverty, from having obtained a good livelihood as a fhopkeeper in the town of Ennifcorthy.

On the thirtieth of May, 1798, he, his wife and daughter, were taken to the camp of Vinegar-hill, where the rebel troops were drawn up at parade in the form of a half moon. Conners, John Plunket, and James Rigley, two more proteftants, were led out in front of them to be executed. James D’Arcy, a corn-factor, in good circumftances, who volunteered in this bloody bufinefs, ftept forward from the line, with a horfe piftol, and fhot them one after another, charging the piftol with great deliberation, and faying between each murder, “I will now do your bufinefs.” His daughter, Mary Conners, was offered ten guineas if fhe would not profecute; but fhe declared, that fhe would not fell the blood of her father.

The poor old widow of Conners was holding him by the arm when they fhot him; and, on falling, he pulled her to the ground. On rifing, fhe exclaimed, “You had now better put me to death!” and the brutal favage was on the point of doing fo, but other rebels, more humane, prevented him.

Thefe facts were proved at Wexford, on the trial of D’Arcy, the fixteenth of November, 1798, when he was convicted and hanged.

D’Arcy bore a very good charafter previous to this atrocious act.

It appears that many Roman catholicks, who had led irreproachable lives, and were efteemed for their moral conduct prior to the rebellion, imbrued their hands in human blood, without any horror or remorfe during the courfe of it, as their feelings had been blunted by fanaticifm.

Edward St. Leger, a proteftant, was taken prifoner and conductled to the old mill on Vinegar-hill, by a party of rebels, on the firft day of June, 1798, but was releafed foon after at the interceffion of one Fenlon. As he was leaving the prifon, he faw a man fitting on the ground, with no other clothes than a piece of a ragged blanket thrown over him. He prefented a moft ghaftly appearance, as his eyes were out, his

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head and body were much fwollen, and his cheeks were covered with ulcers. On St. Leger’s exclaiming, “What a miferable object!” he attempted to fpeak, but uttered fome inarticulate founds, which he could not underftand; for which reafon, he believed, that his tongue had been cut out. An armed rebel who was near, and feemed to be guarding him, told St. Leger, that he was under punifhment, and fpoke fomething of flow death; meaning, as he verily believed, that the unfortunate wretch was condemned to fuffer a flow death.*

Unwilling to difguft the reader, I will give him a circumftantial account of but a few of the various cruelties practifed on the victims who were immolated on Vinegar-hill by thefe ferocious fanaticks; had they been perpetrated by the dregs of the people, fome allowance might have been made for the force of religious bigotry on the minds of the vulgar herd; but we have to lament, that many perfons whofe birth, education, or opulence, raifed them far above that defcription, were prefent at, or were confenting to, the perpetration of thefe atrocities; for we find that they were conftantly in the rebel camps where they daily took place, and that they could have prevented them is unquestionable; for no inftance that I could difcover ever occurred, that the perfonal interference or the written protection of a rebel officer, or one of their priefts, did not fave the life of a perfon deftined for deftruction.

Mr. William Barker, a brewer and a merchant of Ennifcorthy, was a general in the camp: Mr. Patrick Sutton, formerly a merchant, and well educated, held that rank; and his two fons, one of whom was educated for the bar, were officers there: One Kelly, an opulent farmer near that town, a rebel officer, who has been hanged: The bloody Luke Byrne, a maltfter, and his two fons, in opulent circumftances: Meffrs. Codd || and Walsh, fhopkeepers, and reputed rich: Marineth, a farmer, was wealthy: Andrew Farrell was in good circumftances, and yet he was active in promoting the maffacres: Jeremiah Fitzhenry, married to John Colclough’s fifter, was of the ancient family of the Fitzhenrys, in the county of Wexford: John Colclough, of a family highly refpectable, who often reprefented the county, was well educated and in good circumftances,

* See Appendix, No. XIX. 6. || Francis Codd, another perfon of the fame name, was very loyal.

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difgraced himfelf by yielding to the influence of fanaticifm. He was the only papift that I could learn of his family. Meffrs. Garret and William Byrne were rebel chieftains, and attended the camps.

The reverend Mr. Pentland and Mr. Trocke were put to death on Vinegar-hill, on Tuefday the twenty-ninth of May, with about thirty proteftants more.

Luke Byrne, an opulent farmer and brewer of Ennifcorthy, though advanced in years, was remarkably cruel and fanguinary; and his two fons, Morgan and Mogue, were little lefs fo. His brother frequently acted the part of executioner on Vinegar-hill.

William Carroll, a tanner, of the proteftant perfuafion, who had always lived on terms of the warmeft friendfhip with Luke Byrne, accofted him in the ftreet of Ennifcorthy, when he was at the head of a party of rebels; but Byrne drew his fword, proftrated him with a blow of it, and ordered the pikemen, whom he commanded, to difpatch him; and they inftantly perforated his body with pikes. This honeft and induftrious man left a widow and eight children.

It is furprifing how wanton the rebels were in committing cruelties. On Thurfday the thirty-firft of May, John Doyle faw a wounded man lying in the ftreet s at Ennifcorthy, and approaching him, faid, in a ftrain of irony, mingled with cruelty, “What a pity it is you are not more alive!” and then ftabbed him feveral times with a pike, and turned over his body. Doyle was convicted of that crime before a court-martial, on the twentieth of July, 1799.

Thomas Clooney, a farmer, was worth feveral thoufand pounds. His fon was aid-de-camp to the rebel general at Rofs, and was fhot there.

Fenlon, a fchoolmafter, a young man of pleafing manners, and a genteel appearance, a captain in the rebel army, was hanged in Wexford.

Furlong, a rich farmer, was a rebel captain, Robert, John and Denis Carthy, very opulent farmers, and well educated, were deeply concerned in the rebellion. Their nephew Denis was ftained with the blood of the reverend Mr. Turner, murdered on Whitfunday. William Lacy, a fhop-keeper at Ennifcorthy, and brother to father Michael Lacy, (who ufed to fay mafs there,) was commiffary general in the camp on Vinegar-hill.

William Devereux of Taghmon, was in opulent circumftances. Meffrs. John and Edward Hay, actively concerned in the rebellion, were of an ancient popifh family, and were extremely well educated.

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A barbarous murder committed by the former, with all the coolnefs of deliberation, proves how far fanaticifm can extinguifh all religious and moral principle. A proteftant boy, known by the name of Grey Thomas, who lived at Newcaftle, near the houfe of Mr. John Hay, was murdered by him on Vinegar-hill.*

Mr. Hay was thoroughly convinced that every true proteftant was sincerely attached to the conftitutlon in church and ftate, and would oppofe the views of the united Irifhmen, who were defirous of feparating Ireland from England; of forming in it a republick under the aufpices of France, and of totally extinguifhing the proteftant religion, which they regarded as a peftilent herefy.

Thomas Smythfon, verified upon oath, on the trial of Edward Roche, a rebel general, at Wexford, the circumftances attending the death of Grey Thomas; and that he heard John Hay declare, in the rebel camp, “That they never could have luck while there were proteftants among them.”

On the fame trial, which began the feventeenth of December, 1798, Thomas Hatchell proved, that Mr. John Hay propofed on Vinegar-hill the maffacre of all proteftants; and both thefe witneffes proved that Edward Roche oppofed his fanguinary propofal.

There were commonly twenty priefts in the camp,‡ and they never interfered for the prefervation of proteftant lives, except in behalf of a perfon who happened to be the peculiar object of their regard, or in whofe fafety they were deeply interefted. On the contrary, it appears that numbers of them daily faid mais at the head of the rebel lines, and exhorted the rebels to extirpate hereticks or orangemen, which appellations they gave to proteftants.|| Some perfons have endeavoured to palliate the atrocities committed by the rebels, by faying, “That their fanguinary rage was not directed againft proteftants as fuch, but merely againft a political fect of them called orangemen.” This plea could be urged with much lefs colour in the county of Wexford than elfewhere; becaufe there were no orangemen there; nor was there even an attempt to inftitute an

* See Appendix, No. XIX. 7. ‡ The reader will find this verified by different affidavits in the Appendix.

|| See the affidavits of Richard Sterne, Richard Grandy, William Fleming, and Andrew Skeppard, in Appendixes, No. XIX. and XX,

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Orange lodge in it till the North Cork came into it, and they did not arrive there till the twenty-fixth of April.

A few days after, a ferjeant Jeffars attempted to make a few orangemen, among the loweft mechanicks at Ennifcorthy; but as foon as captain Snowe discovered it, he checked and prevented him. The truth is, that the appellation of orangemen was adopted to difguife the fanguinary and intolerant principles of popery, againft every other fect of chriftians,* and which has on moft occafions characterized it; but this thin difguife was feen through; for on many occafions, not only the infuriate favages, but even their priefts denounced them as proteftants, and the carnage of them was indifcriminate. Not only thofe of fuperior rank, whofe elevated fituation might have excited their envy, and whofe wealth might have tempted their rapacity, fell a prey to their fanatical fury; but the inhabitants of the humble abodes of induftry were equally obnoxious to it; though they had never heard the word orangemen ’till they were denounced as fuch by their affaffins.

I could not afcertain the number of proteftants who were maffacred in the rebel camp on Vinegar-hill and its vicinity; but I have been affured that they exceeded five hundred. Among thefe there were men of landed property, magiftrates, clergymen, merchants, farmers, labourers and mechanicks. I have obtained the names of as many as I could of the proteftants, who were murdered in the county of Wexford, at large, but I could not procure the whole. It will be found with the parifhes or townlands to which they belonged in Appendix, No. XIX. 9.

The doctrine of exclufive falvation in the Romifh church, from which this fanguinary fpirit flows, is inculcated in the koran of Mahomet. Ockley, in his hiftory of the Saracens,† tells us, that the Turks fay, agreeable to this doctrine, that every perfon who is not of their religion, is an enemy to God; and that when they are fighting againft fuch, they are fighting in the caufe of God.

The favage delight which the rebels took in the effufion of human blood on Vinegar-hill, refembles the conduct of Mahomet, when he conquered, and took .poffeffion of Conftantinople, in the year 1452, as

* See James Beaghan’s confeffion, Appendix, No. XIX. 8. † Vol. I. pages 198, 228.

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related by Knowles, in the following words of his celebrated hiftory of the Turks:

“That he, as a proud conqueror, with great triumph, entered the city of Conftantinople, then defolated, and void of -all chriftian inhabitants; and there, after the manner of the Turkifh kings, made a fumptuous and royal fcaft, unto his baftiaws and great captains; when, after he had furcharged himfelf with excefs of meat and drink, he caufed divers of the chief chriftian captives, both men and women, (of whom many were of the late emperor’s line and race) to be in his prefence put to death, as he with his Turks fat banqueting, deeming his feaft much more ftately, by fuch effufion of chriftian blood; which manner of exceeding cruelty, he daily ufed, until fuch time as he had deftroyed all the Grecian nobility, that were in his power, with the chief of the late Conftantinopolitan citizens.”

The Celts, who covered a great part of the European continent, immolated human victims to the Deity; and the Irifh, who are of that race, follow the fame practice, and both on the fcore of religion; but the former did fo as Pagans, the latter as Roman catholicks. The Auto da Fes, which continued till within a few years in Spain and Portugal, were alfo regarded as offerings to the Deity.

The fufferings of Mr. George Horneck and his family, a very refpectable farmer, of Girrane, in the county of Wexford, merit a circumftantial relation. From confiderable opulence, he was reduced to very great indigence by the rebellion. He had three fons, remarkably handfome, and efteemed for their good deportment. One of the name of George, had been bred in the univerfity of Dublin, and was enrolled in Mr. Ogle’s corps; another, called Robert, was bound to an apothecary, in Ennifcorthy. They fhewed great valour in defence of that town, but were overtaken and feized in their retreat towards Wexford, by a party of rebels commanded by Robert Carthy, of Ballyhogue,* who put George to a cruel death. They conducted Robert to the camp at Vinegar-hill, as a prifoner. The rebels then fent to his father, who, with other proteftants, was keeping garrifon at the houfe of the reverend John Richards, of Grange,† a clergyman of the eftablifhed religion, to inform him, that, if he

* A family diftinguifhed for their rebellious principles. † See plate III. a.

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would furrender his arms, they would fave the life of his fon, who would be permitted to ferve in their army. But the father refufed to comply; having given as a reafon, that he had taken an oath of allegiance, and fwore not to furrender them to any perfon, but to the government. At the fame time he implored them to be merciful to his fon. Next day the rebels ftripped him naked, and fhot him in their camp. As he betrayed fome fymptoms of life, after he fell, they knocked him in the head, with the butt-end of a firelock; and yet this unfortunate young man recovered about midnight, and though quite naked, and covered with blood, and ghaftly wounds, he crept to the foot of Vinegar-hill, waded over the river Slaney; and, though much exhaufted, he walked to his father’s houfe, which was feven miles off; on approaching it, he was buoyed up with the fond hope of finding an afylum there from the rebel blood-hounds; but, alas! how fevere was his difappointment, on finding it deferted by his family, who had fled for protection to Rofs, whither he endeavoured to follow them; but was intercepted by a party of rebels, who murdered him, and threw his body into a gravel pit.

Mr. Charles Cooper, fon-in-law of George Horneck, who, as a yeoman, had affifted in the defence of Ennifcorthy, was feized with three other loyal fugitives, at Caftle-bridge, and maffacred. As many victims, whom the rebels apparently put to death, had afterwards recovered, and made their efcape, they tied together with a rope the bodies of thefe four men. Philip Horneck, the brother of George, fell into the hands of the rebels at Alderftown, the houfe of Mr. John Glafcott, whence they conveyed him to their camp at Carrickbyrne, where they murdered him, and then quartered and burned his body. In his laft moments they infultingly afked him, whether he remembered the white-boys, on the ninth of June, 1775; That banditti infefted that year, not only the county of Wexford, but many other parts of Leinfter and Munfter.

On the night of the above day, a party of them attacked, and attempted to enter the houfe of George Horneck; when he and his brother Philip bravely defended it, repulfed the banditti, and killed one of them. That event excited the moft implacable vengeance in the breafts of thofe ferocious fanaticks, againft this loyal but unfortunate family.*

* Thefe facts relative to the Horneck family are fubftantiated by affidavit, fworn by George Horneck, before Standifh Lowcay, a magiftrate, the third of October, 1798.

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John Coffey, an old, fickly man, was taken in a chaife, near Vinegarhill, and led as a prifoner to the rebel camp. On being afked, whether he was a Roman catholick? he anfwered in the affirmative; but he was alfo required to prove himfelf fuch by croffing himfelf, and faying fome popifh prayers, which very fortunately for him he could do, though a proteftant: for they would have put him to death if he had failed.

Two or three days before the rebellion broke out, father Roche, the prieft, who became afterwards a general, waited on the reverend Mr. Richards, of Grange, his neighbour, gave him fome arms which he faid had been furrendered to him; and at the fame time affured him, that nothing was to be feared, as the people were loyal and peaceable. When the infurrection took place, fixteen proteftant families fled to the houfe of Grange,* and kept garrifon there. Father Roche, in two or three days after his pacifick affurances to Mr. Richards, went to his houfe, with two men more, and promifed him, that neither his perfon or property fhould be injured, provided he delivered to him the Horneck family, and the proteftant tenants of captain Blacker; but if he refufed, that his houfe would be immediately attacked by five thoufand men, with two pieces of cannon; but Mr. Richards rejected his infamous propofal with laudable fortitude, and in about ten minutes after, he and his little garrifon, on fixteen cars fet out for Rofs,† where they arrived with fafety; though they had a narrow efcape from a body of rebels pofted on a neighbouring hill.‡

I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XIX. lo, for the fufferings of George Piper, and his family, and his affaffination on Vinegar-hill, and the abominable conduct of father Redmond, of the parifh of Ferns, who not only refufed him a protection, when in the hands of the affaffins, or to refcue him from them, which he might eafily have done-; but, according to his wife’s affidavit, he was inftrumental in fending him there.

It often happened that one proteftant was compelled to kill another: Thus George Walker, parifh clerk of Ballycanew church, was compelled to fhoot John Cobourne, a butcher, of the proteftant religion, and of

* Plate III. 2. †Plate III. 5. ‡Verified by Horneck’ s affidavit before quoted.

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the fame parifh, on Vinegar-hill.* It is furprifing how active and unremitting the popifh priefts are, in reprefenting the proteftant religion as an abominable herefy, which, they fay, never fails to bring the divine anger on its profeffors.

Samuel Hendrick was married to a popifh wife by the reverend Mr. Handcock, reftor of the parifh of Kilcormuck, in which the nuptials were celebrated. On the twenty-ninth of May, having been taken prifoner by a party of affaffins who were fent from Vinegar-hill in queft of proteftants, he prevailed on them to conduct him to the reverend father Patrick Quigley, parifh prieft of Clone, hoping that he would fave his life by giving him a protection; but he informed him, that his marriage was null and void; that it only ferved the purpofe of gratifying a brutal paffion; and he refufed to grant him a protection, until he was married by a prieft. To preferve his life then, he was under the neceffity of being married a fecond time by father Quigley, and of paying him one guinea for celebrating the marriage rites.†

The reader will fee fome fhocking inftances of rebel atrocity in the affidavit of Robert Whitrey, in Appendix, No. XIX. 11.

I fhall refer him alfo, for fpecimens of cruelty practifed on Vinegarhill, to extracts from the trials of Thomas Clooney, William Fenlon, Andrew Farrel, Nicholas Walfh, and James Beaghan, in the fame Appendix, and No. 13, 14, 15, 16, and 17.

I fhall now proceed to give an account of two attacks which were made by the garrifon of Vinegar-hill, on Borris, the feat of Mr. Kavenagh,| in the county of Carlow.

ATTACK ON BORRIS.

Mr. Kavenagh,|| of Borris, having been diftinguifhed for his loyalty, and his activity as a magiftrate, was peculiarly the object of rebel vengeance; and as his beautiful feat was but fourteen miles from Vinegarhill, but ten miles from Lackan, and not far diftant from the Roar,§ a

* This was verified by the affidavit of Cobourne’s widow, in No. 390 of the archives of the houfe of commons, and quoted in Appendix, No. XIX. 9.

† Verified by affidavit fworn the zjth day of March, 1799, before A. Jacob.

‡ Plate II. 6, 7.

|| A gentleman lineally defcended from the kings of Ireland, and firft coufin to the earl of Ormond.

§ Plate VII. 3.

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populous and rebellious difstrict in the county of Kilkenny, his fituation was ferions and alarming.

The fyftem of free quarters had been enforced with confiderable ftrictnefs in the county of Kilkenny, in the month of May; and, by the orders of general Sir Charles Afgill, it was foon to be extended to the county of Carlow, unlefs the deluded inhabitants precluded the neceffity of it, by a fpeedy furrender of their arms, of which they w^ere well known to poffefe iarge quantities. The general’s orders, and the exertions of the gentlemen of that county, had made the furrender of pikes rather general; but it was checked by an order from the directory in Dublin, which was printed and circulated by their captains and ferjeants. It exhorted them, by no means to give up their arms, as an infurrection was immediately to take place.

It providentially happened, that Mr. Kavenagh’s corps of yeomanry, though not on permanent duty, was affembled early in the morning of the twenty.fifth of May, for the purpofe of arrefting all the difaffected blackfmiths in their diftrict; and as their exertions in that fervice was attended with confiderable fuccefs, it occafioned a general fpirit of commotion in the neighbourhood; which induced captain Kavenagh to keep his corps together, as he had every reafon to think that his poft would be attacked that night; and which the rebellious inhabitants were induced to undertake from the following motives: The orders of their directory for a general infurrection: The great quantity of pikes and pike-handles furrendered to the captain, and known to be in their poffeffion: The plunder of his houfe, and the hopes with which the leaders infpired their deluded followers, that they would not meet with refiftance.

The houfe of Borris was attacked on the night of the twenty-fifth of May, by a party of about five thoufand rebels, who were received with very great fpirit by the Borris corps, who repulfed them; but not until they had broke open the lowier windows of the houfe, which were but flightly barred, and refcued the blackfmiths who were confined in it. It was believed that not lefs than fifty rebels were killed and wounded on that occafion.

The exertions of the yeomanry corps of the neighbourhood, for three f)T four days, completely cleared the country of the moft active rebels,

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and their leaders, who joined their affociates in the county of Wexford, where they carried every thing before them.

The poft of Borris having been reinforced with thirty of the 9th dragoons, and twenty-four of the Donegal militia, and as captain Kavenagh’s corps confided of thirty-five mounted, and twenty-two difmounted cavalry, the garrifon remained unmolefted till the twelfth of June, though not far diftant from fome of the ftrong rebel camps.

On the day before, Sir Charles Afgill, by concerted movements of the troops in his diftrict, furrounded the rebel camp formed in that difaffected diftri£t, the Roar, oppofite to Rofs, after having fhot many of the affaffins who compofed it.

The events of that day, and the fubmiffion of the adjoining diftrict, had lulled the garrifon of Borris into a fecurity, which was near proving fatal to them; for about one o’clock on the next day, they received an account, that great multitudes of rebels were pouring down from the different paffes through the mountains, which feparated that poft from, their camps in the county of Wexford.

At that time the fmall garrifon was weakened by the abfence of every officer but one, as they were engaged with feveral of their men in different duties in the adjacent country. The rapid movements of the enemy allowed no time for calling them in; for in lefs than two hours after the notice of their approach, they filled the town of Borris, and fet fire to all the houfes in it belonging to Mr. Kavenagh and his yeomen; they, however, met with a gallant refiftance at the manfion-houfe of Borris, though its garrifon was reduced to twenty of the Donegal, and feventeen of the yeomanry, including their ferjeants, who commanded them. The rebels had a howitzer, which they brought to bear upon the houfe, but were unable to batter it. They were commanded by father Kearns, a prieft, and a noted rebel leader, who was afterwards hanged at Edenderry. Seven rebels were found dead on the fpot; but it has been fince learned, that they carried off many of their killed and wounded on cars, and that they threw many of the former into the burning houfes; only one of the garrifon, a Donegal foldier, was killed, and two were wounded,

One of the rebels who was wounded, and could not retreat, proved to be a tenant of Mr. Kavenagh, who lived clofe to his houfe, and to whom

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he had been fingularly kind. On being afked why he embarked in this treafonable enterprife, he confeffed, that he was tempted to do fo, by a promife of obtaining a portion of his eftate.*

Several perfons who were engaged in this attack, affigned the following reafons for it: That it was partly undertaken at the inftigation of the rebels of the neighbourhood, who breathed revenge in confequence of having been driven from their homes, and had fled to the Wexford camps: They had earneft hopes alfo of feizing a large quantity of ammunition; for they had heard, that it was a depot, in confequence of fome artillery chefts which had been left there by a regiment who had marched through it; and it was their intention on feizing it, and the arms of the garrifon, to have proceeded accrofs the rivers Barrow and Nore, at Ennifteague, and to have affifted in the projected renewal of an attack on Rofs, by advancing againft it from the Kilkenny fide, on Rofsbercon; a march in which they had little reafon to doubt of being joined by the whole country through which they paffed. From that day, the operations of the rebels were confined to the county of Wexford,

About the fixteenth of June, a detachment of the garrifon of Rofs, proceeded by a circuitous march to Graignemanagh, in the county of Kilkenny, a moft rebellious diftrict, and blew up the bridge there.

The day after the rebels got poffeffion of Ennifcorthy, they formed a camp on the mountain of Forth, commonly called the Three Rock mountain, with a view of attacking Wexford, which is within three miles of it,

I have already delineated the proceffion of a body of rebels from Ennifcorthy to that mountain, headed by father John Murphy, with a large crucifix in his arms.|

But previous to my entering on a defcription of the events which took place at Wexford, I think it right to give the reader a fhort hiftorical and geographical account of that town.

Wexford || is a fea-port, borough, market, and corporate town, and rather populous for its fize. It is the chief in the county of the fame name, and the third largeft; in the province of Leinfter. It is governed

* See the affidavit of John Semple on this affair, in Appendix, No. XIX, 18. † See Richard Sterne’s affidavit, in Appendix, No. XIX. 2. ‡Plate III. 6. and Plate VI.

[Folding Map:] Plan of the Town of Wexford with inset box styled “Reference to the Houses deftroyed by the Rebels in June 1798 [facing p.381.]

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by a mayor, recorder, and bailiffs. It is the fhire and affizes town, and gives the title of earl, as does Waterford alfo, to the noble family of Talbot, who are earls of Shrewsbury in England. It returned two members to parliament. It is feated on a bay in the Irifh channel, at the mouth of the river Slaney. The harbour, though capacious, is fhallow. It is formed by two necks of land, with an entrance half a mile broad, and was formerly defended by two forts, one at the extremity of each ifthmus, called fort Marget, and fort Rofslare; but as its entrance is obftructed by fand banks, fhips drawing more than ten feet water feldom enter it. Ships of greater magnitude load and unload three miles from the town, near the fouth fide of the haven, where there is fufEcient depth of water, but no flhelter from the fouth winds. Wexford was originally fortified by the Danes, and improved and enlarged by the firft English fettlers in the twelfth century, who took it from the Eafterlings, after a fiege of four days, on the fourth of May, 1170. It was befieged by Cromwell, the firft of October, 1649, and having been betrayed by captain James Stafford, commandant of the caftle, it was taken by ftorm, and Sir Edward Butler, the governor, and two thoufand foldiers, were put to the fword.

Large veftiges of the town-walls are ftill vifible, and the four gates which led to it remained, until lately, almoft perfect. The town is irregularly built, and the ftreets are narrow. There is a large and elegant new church in it. Four religious houfes were erected there at a very early period. Firft, a priory of regular canons, fuppofed to have been founded by the Danes, and is called the priory of St. Peter, and faint Paul of Selfker. Its prior fat in parliament, as a baron. The church ftill remains, with a large fteeple in the centre.

Second, the priory of St. John and St. Bridget, for knights hofpitallers, founded in the twelfth century, by William Marfhall, earl of Pembroke. There remains yet part of the old church, without the walls, which has been fince converted into a Roman catholick chapel.

Third, the grey friars had a convent there, in the thirteenth century, buih in the reign of Henry III.

Fourth, St. Mary Magdalen, a leper hofpital, erected in the year 1408, the tenth of Henry IV.

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The trade of Wexford is not very extenfive. It confiils chiefly in barley and malt, of w hich it exports large quantities; and in beer, beeft hides, tallow and butter. In 1763 it contained one thoufand three hundred houfes, of which fix hundred and fifty were ftated. In 1788, it had one thoufand four hundred and twelve. But its chief boaft and ornament is a magnificent wooden bridge, over the river Slaney, which was built by Mr. Samuel Cox, an American, who erected thofe of Derry, Waterford, Portumna, and Rofs. It is one thoufand five hundred and fifty-four feet long, and thirty-four broad, ftanding on feventy-five piers of piles, of fix uprights each, with a portcullis, or draw-bridge, for veffels to pafs through. It was begun June the twelfth, 1794, and was finifhed in February 1795; and ftands in twenty feet water. This magnificent bridge was built by a fubfcription of £14,000.

The general rifing of the rebels, the defeat of the North Cork detachment at Oulart, and the taking of Ennifcorthy, had fpread fo great an alarm, that two hundred of the Donegal regiment, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Maxwell, arrived at Wexford, on the twenty-feventh day of May, to ftrengthen the garrifon there, confifting of the remainder of the North Cork, which did not amount to three hundred effective men: the Healthfield and Ennifcorthy cavalry, captain Ogle’s infantry, the Ennifcorthy infantry, and the Wexford infantry, commanded by doctor Jacob, and the Scarawalfh infantry, the Wexford and Taghmon cavalry. As an additional reinforcement to the garrifon, a detachment of the Meath regiment and four officers, under the command of captain Adams, and one corporal and feventeen gunners of the royal artillery, with two howitzers, commanded by lieutenant Birch, marched from Duncannon-fort for Wexford, on Tuefday the twenty-ninth day of May.

The firft night they arrived at Taghmon,* where they expected to be reinforced by eighty of the thirteenth regiment, under major Scott, and four companies of the Meath regiment, commanded by the earl of Bective. Though thefe troops did not arrive in time to join them, the Meath detachment fet out on their march, near two hours before day, having been encouraged to do fo by the country people, who gave them

* See Plate III. 6.

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the moft folemn affurances that they would not be molefled on their march; though in doing fo, they had no other defign, but to expofe them to a numerous body of rebels who lay in ambufh for them.

When they arrived within four miles of Wexford, having feen ten or twelve men on an eminence near the road, they prepared for action; but after fome time, not perceiving an enemy, they renewed their march. Having arrived near the mountain of Forth,† three miles from Wexford, where the rebel camp was formed, they were furrounded on all fides by a great number of rebels, who raifed a white flag, and foon after began a very fevere fire, accompanied by the moft dreadful yells.

The militia, panick ftruck by the numbers of the enemy, and the darknefs of the night, betook themfelves to flight; in confequence of which, eighty-nine of the privates, and three officers, including captain Adams, who commanded, were cut to pieces; and of the artillery, four gunners were killed; a corporal and eleven men were taken prifoners, and the howitzers and ammunition fell into the hands of the rebels. As foon as they had taken the artillery men, they were proceeding to put them to death; but a rebel having afked them of what religion they were, a gunner of the name of Dungannon, anfwered, that they were Roman catholicks, which faved their fives; though in fact, fix of them were proteftants. Dungannon being a papift, knew the object of the question.‡

Lieutenant Birch, of the Royal Irifh artillery, who commanded a detachment of that corps, gave an account of that difaftrous affair, in the following letter to major Stewart of his own regiment

“Sir, Duncannon-fort. 23d of July, 1798.

“Some time fince I related to lieutenant-general Stratton the circumftances which produced the lofs of the howitzers, under my command, in the moft collected manner I could.

“On Tuefday the twenty-ninth of May, I left this, with two howitzers, one corporal and feventeen gunners, fixty-fix privates of the Meath regiment, and four officers, under the command of captain Adams. At Taghmon we underftood we were to be reinforced by eighty of the thirteenth regiment, under major Scott, and four companies of the Meath, under lord Bective, from Waterford. Major-general Fawcett joined us,

† Plate III. 6, 7. ‡ See Andrew Sheppard’s affidavit in Appendix, No. XX. i.

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but the other troops not arriving, we proceeded on our march to Wexford. We were given to underftand by every one we met on our march that we fhould meet with no oppofition between us and Wexford; and having no fufpicion that the rebels were affembled fo near us, we were not ordered to take any caution againft a furprife. Within four miles of Wexford we perceived about ten or twelve men affembled on a hill, near the road, on which we prepared for action; but after remaining in that, fituation fome time, perceiving no further appearance of oppofition, we were ordered to limber up and proceed. Having proceeded fome diftance, at the foot of a high mountain, we were fuddenly attacked by feveral thoufands of the rebels, who fupported a fharp fire, with loud fhouts, on all fides againft us; before they opened their fire, they hoifted a white flag, and two or three hats on very long poles, for a few feconds. After the firft fire the militia betook themfelves to flight, having thrown down moft of their arms. We in vain attempted to prepare again for action, but our horfes, which were not trained to fire, grew furious and unmanageable, fo that it was impoffible to do any thing; and they threw us into fuch inftant confufion, that, with the fudden flight of the infantry, we found it utterly impoffible to fpike the howitzers. Three of the Meath officers, with moft of their men, were killed, and one taken. On our part, befides the howitzers, four gunners killed; one corporal, eleven gunners taken, two of whom were afterwards killed at Rofs, the reft have arrived here fafe; two gunners and myfelf efcaped.”

This victory, and the acquifition of fo large a quantity of arms and ammunition, infpired the rebels with boldnefs, and induced great numbers to flock to their ftandard; but nothing contributed fo much to this, as the fanaticifm which the priefts kindled in the ignorant multitude, by affuring them in their fermons and exhortations which they conftantly preached in their camps, that it was the will of God to root out herefy; and to give their holy religion an afcendancy, was manifeft, by his enabling them, who were unprovided with arms, and ignorant of the ufe of them, to overthrow the foldiers of an heretical government, who were well-armed and difciplined; and they frequently took musketballs out of their pockets, and affured them that they had been hit by them in battle; but that the balls of hereticks could make no impreffion

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on them, nor upon any true Roman catholick, who was fortified by faith. At the fame time, they affured the mifguided multitude, that they could difcomfit and difperfe the heretick troops, by throwng chaff or fand at them.* The gunners, whom the rebels took prifoners, were compelled to ferve in their army.

Major-general Fawcett marched from Duncannon-fort† to Taghmon,‡ with eighty of the thirteenth regiment, and a party of the Meath, to fupport the detachment under captain Adams; but on hearing of their defeat, he returned. As foon as lieutenant-colonel Maxwell was informed of that event, he marched out with two hundred of the Donegal regiment, and about one hundred and fifty yeomen cavalry, to fupport the thirteenth regiment, who were expected that morning at Wexford. When he arrived at the foot of the Forth|| mountain, near the place where the detachment of the Meath regiment was cut to pieces, he was attacked by a numerous body of rebels, who maintained a heavy fire on his party, from behind rocks, hedges and houfes, which lay at the foot of the mountain; and they difcharged fome fhots at them from the howitzers, which they had taken that morning. For the purpofe of embarraffing our troops, they drove a number of horfes along the road, amongft them, which, in fome meafure, produced the defired effect; and the confufion was very much encreafed by the precipitate retreat of the cavalry, who, pent up in a narrow road, where they could not form or render any poffible fervice, and at the fame time, expofed to the enemy’s fire, found it neceffary, for their fafety, to fly to Wexford. On this a great body of the rebels rufhed down from the mountain, with a view of cutting off the retreat of the remainder of the troops, and which they would have effected, but that the Donegal regiment repulfed them by a heavy and well-directed fire. At laft, colonel Maxwell perceiving that he would rifk much, and that no poffible advantage could be derived from maintaining his poft againft fo great a fuperiority of numbers, ordered a retreat. In this action, lieutenant-colonel Watfon, formerly of the fixty-fifth regiment, who had retired to Wexford, and who volunteered on this occafion, loft his life, and fome privates of the Donegal were killed and wounded.

* Appendix, No. XX. See the affidavits of Fleming, Sheppard, Grundy, and Sterne. †Plate III. 9. ‡ Ibid. 6. || Ibid. 6, 7.

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On Monday the twenty-eighth day of May, the military, and loyal inhabitants of Wexford, began to put it in a ftate of defence, by forming barriers at the different avenues leading to it, through which no perfon was allowed to go, without a pafs obtained from the chief magiftrate of the town, or one of the officers on guard. The barriers confided of walls rudely made of large ftones, with an interval in the centre, which was filled up with large blocks of timber, occafionally removed, to let the cavalry, patroles and videttes, pafs and repafs. On Tuefday the twenty-ninth of May, a detachment of the Donegal regiment, and fome yeomen corps, marched in. On Wednefday the thirtieth of May, about four o’clock in the morning, the drums beat to arms, on receiving intelligence, that a detachment of the Meath regiment had been cut off; at which the people, being much alarmed, ran about the town in great confufion, and numbers of them went on board veffels in the river, failed out of gun-fhot, and remained at anchor, waiting the event of an attack, which they expected would be made on the town. The confternation was much increafed by the following circumftances: At a very early hour they beheld the remote end of the wooden bridge in a ftate of conflagration, and the flames advanced fo rapidly, that it would have been foon confumed, if the inhabitants of Wexford had not extinguifhed them. It was fet on fire by a body of rebels, whofe defign in deftroying it was, to prevent the garrifon from receiving a reinforcement of troops, and to cut off their retreat, when they fhould be attacked by the rebel army encamped on the mountain of Forth.

Lieutenant-colonel Maxwell, after he returned, held a council of war, when it was refolved to evacuate the town, as not tenable, for the following reafons: The rebels encamped on the Three Rock mountain, not!efs in number than ten thoufand, and emboldened by their recent victories, and the large quantity of arms and ammunition which they had acquired, meditated an immediate attack on Wexford, and had even put themfelves in motion for that purpofe; and it was well known, that its rebellious inhabitants, who had been fometime organized, and were well fupplied with arms and ammunition, would have fired on the garrifon from the windows, while they were defending themfelves from the rebels outfide; of which they had fome convincing proofs.

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Two perfons were difcovered with arms and ammunition in a houfe near one of the barriers, where a cannon was planted, ready to fire on the gunners. A perfon who was fent out of town to reconnoitre, the evening before it was evacuated, was fired at from a houfe in John-ftreet, as he was returning. The garrifon were fo much afraid, that the difloyal inhabitants, following the example of thofe at Ennifcorthy, would fet fire to the town, while they were engaged in its defence, that the mayor would not permit the bakers to heat their ovens, in confequence of which the troops were in the utmoft diftrefs for want of bread: Provifions were apparently fo fcarce, that the king’s troops were almoft ftarved; and yet as foon as the rebels entered the town, long tables, well ferved with food, were laid for them in the ftreets.

Many of the foldiers, who compofed the garrifon, were difpirited by the repeated advantages obtained by the rebels, particularly over the Meath regiment, and by the retreat of the Donegal regiment that morning from the mountain of Forth. Some of them were mutinous, and refiifed to do duty. The confternation began to grow general through the garrifon.

Some gentlemen of confequence went to the gaol to liberate Mr. Bagenal Harvey; but he, perceiving that the rebels, whofe caufe he had efpoufed, were on the point of gaining the town, refufed to accept their offer.

On the evacuation of the town by our troops, and before Bagenal Harvey had quitted the gaol, or had taken an open and decided part in fupporting the rebellion, he confulted Gladwin the gaoler, whom he confidered a man of integrity, what line of conduct he would advife him to purfue; and he propofed, that they fhould both fteal privately out of town, and go to Duncannon fort; and at the fame time he affured him, that if he would furrender himfelf to the general officer who commanded there, and make a complete and unequivocal renunciation of his errors, it would remove every ftain and fufpicion which his former conduct had brought upon his charafter; but unfortunately for him, Mrs. Dixon entering the gaol at that moment, he related to her what Gladwin had faid; on which fhe declared, “That as he had begun the bufinefs with them, he muft go through with it;” which induced him, wavering at that moment, to preponderate on the fide of rebellion.

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As this gentleman made a confpicuous figure in the rebellion, in confequence of which his life and property were forfeited to the laws of his country, I fhall fay fomething of his charafter and fituation in life.

He was of a very refpectable proteftant family in the county of Wexford, and inherited an eftate of above £2,000 a year from his father, which he had increased confiderably by his œconomy. He received the rudiments of his education in Trinity College, Dublin, and was afterwards called to the Irifh bar, which he attended during his father’s life. His figure was fmall, and his countenance, though ugly and rather mean, was expreffive. He was univerfally allowed to be a man of humanity, and of the ftricteft honour and integrity. His firft coufin was married to general Keugh, another rebel chieftain, whofe friendfhip he warmly cultivated, and to whofe houfe he reforted whenever he went to Wexford. His political opinions, like thofe of his friend, were founded on principles of metaphyfical abftraction, which often end in the deftruction of thofe who cherifh them, in the fubverfion of all focial order, the degradation of greatnefs, and the plunder of wealth. He naturally had a difcontent and a gloominefs of mind, which made him prone to find fault with the forms of our excellent conftitution, which he wifhed to reform. Conftantly affociating with men who openly profeffed fimilar principles, but who, different from him, were actuated by the malignant hope of rifing to wealth and confideration, from obfcurity and poverty, during a feafon of general confufion; from a moderate reformift, he gradually became an inveterate anarchift and a rebel.

In confequence of information given by Anthony Perry, of Inch, to the magiftrates at Gorey, on the twenty-third of May, Mr. Harvey was taken and committed to the gaol of Wexford, on the Saturday night following, at eleven o’clock; and in confequence of charges made by the fame perfon, Mr. James Boyd arrefted at day-break, on Whitfunday, Edward Fitzgerald, of Newpark,* eight miles from Wexford, and lodged him in the county gaol.

When Mr. Boyd firft appeared, Fitzgerald laid his hand on his breaft, and made the moft folemn affurance of unfeigned loyalty; yet a great quantity of pikes were found in his parlour, ready mounted, and fit for fervice. Edward Hay flept in the fame bed-chamber with him.

* Plate III. 4.

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After his arreft, he affected many delays, in hopes of being refcued by the rebels, who had rifen, and were approaching his houfe in great numbers; but Mr. Boyd compelled him by menaces to fet out for Wexford.

On the fame day Mr. Boyd arrefted and committed Mr. John Colclough, of Ballyteigue,* in the barony of Forth, eleven miles from Wexford. They were all bailed the day before the evacuation of that town; but it was at the fame time agreed, that one of them fhould remain in prifon, as a hoftage for the reft, and that fell to the lot of Mr. Harvey.

But to return to the evacuation of Wexford, which took place the thirtieth of May. The neceffity of that meafure was fully proved by the following circumftance: That all the popifh inhabitants of Wexford, with but few exceptions, difplayed their rebellious principles in the moft fanguine manner, as foon as the king’s troops left it, and produced great quantities of arms, which they would have turned againft them, if the town had been attacked.

Such was the zeal of the rebels, that fome of them endeavoured to feduce the foldiers of the Donegal regiment, during the fhort time they were in Wexford;† and one of them in the fuburb through which they retreated, brought to his door two loaded mufkets, to fire at the column when they were at fome diftance; but a Donegal foldier, whom he did not perceive, happened to be near, and fhot him.

The evacuation of the town, which for prudential reafons was not announced till the troops began their march, threw its loyal inhabitants into the utmoft confternation. Thofe who forefaw that the event muft have taken place, embarked a day or two before, in fuch veffels as they could procure; but thofe who had no intimation of it till the retreat began, got on board, precipitately, any veffels, even without decks, which happened to be near the fhore. Some proteftants, of active and approved loyalty, dreading the immediate vengeance, of the rebels, waded up to their middle, to fmall boats, in which they were to be carried to fhips or floops; and the boatmen, in many inftances, exafted three or four guineas, for conveying them but one or two hundred yards. Thofe whom

* Plate III. 10.

† Matthew Murphy, and others, were tried by a court-martial the 31ft of March, 1800, for having tried to feduce the Donegal regiment at Wexford.

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infirmity or the want of money precluded from the hope of efcaping by fea, abandoned themfelves to defpair, dreading the fate of the Ennifcorthy loyalifts.

Part of the garrifon marched out of the barrier rather irregularly, and with precipitation, about an hour before the main body, confifting of the following troops: The Scarawalfh infantry, commanded by captain Cornock; the Ennifcorthy, by captain Pounden; and fome loyalifts in coloured clothes. Part of the North Cork who were at the barrier, perceiving them, exclaimed, “What! the yeomanry and loyalifts, who fought with us at Ennifcorthy, are retreating; and fome of the yeomen of this town have united with the rebels: We won’t ftay here to be facrificed on that they fuddenly joined them. Captain Snowe, of the North Cork, endeavoured to make them return; but finding that he could not influence them, thought it his duty to head them, not only to prevent them from committing outrages, but for their own prefervation, to keep them in a ftate of fubordination.

This party amounted to about two hundred, including the foldiers of the North Cork. The main body of the garrifon, confifting of the Donegal militia, part of the North Cork, and many corps of yeoman infantry and cavalry, followed in about an hour after, under the command of lieutenant-colonel Maxwell.

When the firft party had advanced about four miles, they were informed that a large body of rebels lay in wait for them, at a fmall village called Mayglafs,* in the barony of Forth, about two miles further on. They, therefore, by the advice of captain Cornock, took a circuitous road towards the fea, and avoided them, which was very fortunate, as they might have been overpowered by the fuperiority of their numbers.

Difappointed of their object, the greater part of the rebels difperfed; however, about five hundred of them, who remained in a ftrong pofition at Mayglafs, attempted to oppofe colonel Maxwell’s party, who routed and killed a good many of them.

About feven miles from Wexford, captain Snowe overtook Mr. John Colclough and his wife in a phaeton; and as he, from refiding in that country, and from being a rebel chieftain, had great influence there, the captain refolved to detain him as a hoftage, to prevent any attack

* Plate III. 8.

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from being made on his detachment in their retreat. During their march, large bodies of rebels frequently appeared behind the hedges, ready to oppofe them; and whenever that happened, captain Snowe obliged Mr. Colclough to ftand up in his phaeton, as a token of amity; at other times, Mr, Colclough waved his hat in the air; on which the rebels difperfed, which evinced the great refpect they bore him.

He had been liberated the day before at Wexford, and faid, he was going to his houfe at Ballyteigue, in the barony of Forth; though in fact, he was proceeding to join the rebels; yet, with fingular diffimulation, he, ftanding in his phaeton, drank the king’s health, and faid.

Captain Snowe, remember that I am a loyal fubject I was committed on a charge grounded on the malicious information of a villain.”

Next day Mrs. Colclough triumphantly entered Wexford, which was in poffeffion of the rebels, in her phaeton, adorned with green emblems.

They compelled Mr. Colclough to accompany them to the river Scar,* where the tide being full, which made it impaffable, they were under the neceffity of making a detour of at leaft ten miles.†

About fix miles from Duncannon fort, when it was extremely dark, they were attacked and fired on in the rear, by a body of rebel horfe, commanded by John Murphy, of Loughnageer, who afterwards headed the Rofsgarland corps of rebels, and was concerned in burning the barn at Scullabogue. The foldiers, after firing a few random fhots, were panick ftruck, and fled to Taylor’s-town bridge; on which having thronged in great numbers, they were very much expofed to a heavy fire from the rebels, who were pofted in an adjacent furze brake on a hill.

Many perfons were killed on the bridge, and among them two women, one a foldier’s wife, the other a beautiful young girl, extremely well dreffed, who was the daughter of an Ennifcorthy loyalift, and had retreated with them from that town.

About fifty of the North Cork, and the yeomanry, were taken prifoners, and a good many were killed. James Neale, one of the band of mufick, his wife, and another woman, who became their prifoners, were perforated with pikes in a moft barbarous manner. After having ftripped them of the principal part of their clothes, their bodies were conveyed to a newly-ploughed field, and covered lightly with fods.

* Plate III. 8. 9. † They retreated by Bridgetown, Baldwinftown, and Dunarmuck, Plate III. 9.

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Neale’s wife, in whom life was not quite extinguifhed, recovered in the night, and removed the fods; and finding her hufband’s bloody fhirt and waiftcoat, fhe covered herfelf with then, and crept to Tintern, from whence fhe was fent on a car to Duncannon-fort, and from thence to Waterford, where fhe was completely cured in the hofpital. Her legs, thighs and arms had many pike wounds; and her head was fwollen and ulcerated with them.‡

As captain Snowe’s party, attacked in a ftrange country, and during a dark night, were panick-ftruck and difperfed, he was left quite alone, and arrived at Duncannon-fort about feven in the morning, after having experienced various dangers and diftreffes, and overcome with fatigue and hunger. Lieutenant-colonel Maxwell’s party retreated by Mayglafs, Bridgetown, Baldinftown, and Dunarmuck, and the pafs of the river Scar, at Barry’s-town; where, having been obstructed by the tide, they halted fome time to refrefh the troops; and thence to Duncannon-fort, by Foulkes’s mill. Thus the retreat of the garrifon of Wexford was in a great meafure performed, during a dark night, in a country whofe inhabitants were hoftile, and in a ftate of infurrection; yet in the courfe of their march of eighteen hours, they had not received any nourifhment.

Before I proceed to give the reader a defcription of the entry of the rebels into the town of Wexford, of which they got poffeffion the thirtieth of May, and of the events which occurred there, I fhall endeavour to give him an idea of their different ftrong pofts and encampments, an.d of the objects which they were defirous of attaining; and in this, their plans appear to have been fyftematick, and guided by policy and forefight.

Confident of fuccefs, from their recent victories, and the numerous hordes affembled on the mountain of Forth and Vinegar-hill; and as multitudes were hourly flocking to their ftandard, they divided their army into three divifions.*

‡ She was far gone with child; yet fhe was delivered at the ufual time, and the child is living.

* The zeal and policy, with which the rebellion in the county of Wexford was conducted, arofe from a plan, which lord Edward Fitzgerald had formed, of landing there a few troops from France, with a number of good officers, and a large quantity of arms and aminuuition, in a few remarkably falt-failing frigates.

ix, XVI. p.136.

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One under the command of Bagenal Harvey, and father Philip Roche, of Poulpearfy, in the parifh of Killan, was to form a camp on Carrick-byrne-hill,* for the purpofe of attacking the town of New Rofs. Another, under father Kearns, captain Doyle, and captain Redmond, nephew of father Redmond, parifh prieft of Ferns, marched to Vinegar-hill, from whence they were to proceed to take Newtown-barry.† The third, commanded by Anthony Perry of Inch, father Michael Murphy of Ballycanoe, and father John Murphy of Boolavogue, was deftined to attack Gorey; and having taken it, to march to Dublin.

By taking Newtown-barry, they would completely command the river Slaney, having previoufly gained Ennifcorthy and Wexford, fituated on it; befides the advantage of poffeffing the harbour of the latter.

Newtown-barry is in a defile furrounded with very high and fleep mountains; and, being on the principal road which leads to the counties of Carlow and Kildare, it would open a communication, and afford a perfect co-operation with the rebels in thofe counties, and enable them to prevent the arrival of reinforcements, or the conveyance of ammunition to the king’s troops from that quarter. The acquifition of Old Rofs,‡ would give them the command of a very fine navigable river, and open a communication with the county of Kilkenny rebels; befides, it is now well known, that moft of the difaffected inhabitants of Munfter would have rifen in mafs, as foon as that town had fallen into their hands.

The towns of Gorey,|| Arklow,§ and Wicklow, were fo thinly garrifoned, that the leaders of the third column were confident of proceeding to Dublin, without any material impediment. They knew alfo that immenfe numbers would flock to their ftandard in their progrefs; and that the rebels in the metropolis, with whom they held a conftant communication) bold, numerous, well-armed, and organized, would rife on their approach.

Government having received intelligence of the intended attack on Newtown-barry, colonel L’Eftrange was fent to defend it on the thirtieth of May, with a detachment of the King’s-county militia, a few dragoons, and two battalion guns; the whole, including two corps of yeomen, one infantry, the other cavalry, amounting to about three hundred and fixty. As the inhabitants had been in conftant expectation for fome days of an attack from the rebels encamped on Vinegar-hill, all the avenues to the town had been occupied by patroles, both day and

* Plate III. 5. † Plate II. 5. ‡ Plate VII. 5. || Plate II. 4. § Ibid, i.

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night, to prevent a furprife. On the evening of the thirty-firft of May, they were fuddenly alarmed by the arrival of a young woman in the town, with the utmoft precipitation, and crying out, “Here they are! here they are!” She had been a prifoner to the rebels on Vinegar-hill, where fhe was fo unfortunate as to fee her two brothers put to death, with extreme torture. In the frenzy of grief, fhe, at the rifk of her life, feized and mounted a horfe, and was fo lucky as to make her efcape, though clofely purfued.

Next day, the firft of June, colonel L’Eftrange went out with a party of dragoons to reconnoitre, in the direction of Vinegar-hill. When he advanced about three miles, he perceived the rebels advancing in great force, and fo concealed by a thick wood, and large hedge-rows, that he fuddenly found himfelf in the midft of them. After exchanging a few fhots, he returned to the town, and made the beft difpofition he could for its defence. Soon after the enemy began to advance in two large columns, one at each fide of the river, and under cover of very thick woods, which are on high hills that furround the town. As they approached, they communicated with each other, by loud fhouts and yells, which ferved as fignals to announce the moment of attack.

About three o’clock, the rebels fired fome round and fome cannifter fhot into the town, which obliged the out-pofts to retreat into it. As colonel L’Eftrange perceived a defign in the rebel column at the oppofite fide of the river to get on his rear, and to furround him; and as his fmall force would be infufficient to guard the different avenues leading to the town, after confulting with his officers, he refolved to abandon it, and to take poffeffion of a rifing ground, which commanded it; and by doing fo, he ftrengthened his force by its concentration.

The rebels, imagining that the king’s troops, intimidated by their numbers, had fled, rufhed into the town, and proceeded to plunder and burn it.. The yeomen, enraged at feeing their families and their property in fuch imminent danger, applied to captain Kerr, who commanded the yeomen cavalry, to lead them on; faying, that they would conquer or die. He afked permiffion to do fo, and obtained it.

Affifted by lieutenant-colonel Weftenra, and major Marley, they immediately advanced into the town, which was full of rebels, who were plundering and burning it; and who would have completely demolifhed

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it, but that a few loyal fubjects, by keeping up a conftant fire from their houfes, retarded and checked their deftructive progrefs. While the rebels were thus engaged, our troops attacked them with a heavy fire of grapefhot and mufketry, which routed them fo completely, that they fled in every direction; on which the cavalry charged, and killed great numbers of them; having purfued them about three miles on the Ennifcorthy road. Another large body of them, who took a different direction, re-affembled on a hill over the town, but were charged and routed by the cavalry, who cut down great numbers of them in the fields adjacent to it. On that occafion the yeomen acted with fingular valour. The number killed was about four hundred, and among them two priefts, who were dreffed in their veftments. This defeat was peculiarly mortifying to the rebels, from the great numbers which they had in the action; for father Roche, the general, who commanded there, owned afterwards, when a prifoner at Wexford, that moft of the men encamped at Vinegar-hill were engaged in the attack on Newtown-barry.

Father Redmond, parifh-prieft of Ferns, led his parifhioners to that action, in which numbers of them were killed. He was tried for it, but acquitted, becaufe people were afraid to profecute; of which colonel St. Leger, prefident of the court martial, affured me; and fome perfons, who faw him at their head, informed me of it.

An immenfe body of rebels marched from the camp on the mountain of Forth, near Wexford, on the thirtieth of May, to alfift thofe who were in the vicinity of Gorey,* in attacking it. They encamped the firft night at Oulart,† with an intent the next day to take poft in two divifions, one on Ballymore|| mountain; the other, on Ballymenane-hill;‡ and after having formed a junction, to have attacked that town. Captain White, of the Ballaghkeene cavalry, who commanded the garrifon of Gorey, having heard of their approach, marched out on the morning of the firft day of June, with twenty-five of the Antrim, twenty-five of the North Cork, twenty difmounted yeomen of the Gorey corps, and detachments of the Ballaghkeene, Gorey, and Camolin cavalry, and attacked the Ballymenane divifion, about three miles from Gorey, on the Ballycanoe road.§ After fuftaining the fire of the infantry for about a quarter of

* See Plate II. 4. † Ibid. Ill, a. ‡ Ibid. ,11. 6, 7. || Ibid. II. 5. § Ibid, IT. 6,

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an hour, they were broken and fled; on which the cavalry charged and killed about two hundred of them.

It was very fortunate, that the action took place before a junction could be formed. As foon as it began, Fitzgerald, Perry, and Roche, rebel generals, who commanded the Ballymenane divifion, rode off to call up the other; but the deroute took place before it could arrive. On being difperfed, they joined the other party on Ballymore-hills, meditating an attack on Gorey.

On Whitfunday, a horfe patrole from Gorey took three rebels in arms in the adjacent country, and hanged them in the town. They owned in their laft moments, that they were incited by their prieft to enter into the rebellion.

Intelligence having been communicated to government, that the fame body of rebels, with a large reinforcement from Vinegar-hill, meditated another attack on Gorey, to oppofe them, general Loftus was ordered to proceed from Dublin to Rathdrum, in the county of Wicklow, the twenty-ninth of May, with two hundred of the Dunbarton fencible infantry, and fifty of the 5th dragoon guards, which detachment was commanded by lieutenant-colonel Scott, who, on the following day, cleared the woods of Donane and the Devil’s-glynn, of the banditti which had attacked Newtown-mount-kennedy the preceding day.

General Loftus, after having made fuch arrangements as the nature of the circumftances would admit, for the defence of Wicklow and Rathdrum, proceeded to Arklow, agreeably to fubfequent orders received from general Lake.

On the fecond of June, he was informed by letter from general Lake, that general Euftace and colonel Walpole would join him with fome troops for the purpofe of co-operating with him.

On the evening of the fecond of June, general Loftus, having been informed that colonel Walpole was actually arrived it Carnew,* fent an exprefs to him with orders to join him next morning at Gorey.

I think it right to inform the reader, that lieutenant-colonel Walpole was fent from Dublin with orders to join general Loftus with what troops he could procure from general Dundas at Naas, Kilcullen, and Baltinglafs; and that he marched vinlth eight hundred men obtained from

him,

* Plate II. 4.

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with two fix-pounders and a howitzer, by Baltinglafs and Tinahely,* to Carnew. He was not vefted with any command, and received no other orders but to march the troops to Gorey, and to leave them under the command of general Loftus.

When colonel Scott’s detachment, confifting of two hundred fencible infantry, fifty dragoons, one hundred men drawn from the Antrim regiment, and two curricle guns, were moving from Arklow on the morning of the third of June, general Loftus received a letter from colonel Walpole, dating, that he thought Carnew a much better place to attack the rebels, pofted on Ballymore-hill, from, than Gorey;‡ that he had reconnoitred them twice, and had got the beft information of their defigns; that his force was able to beat the whole rebel army; and that therefore he would not move his troops from Carnew, but that he would himfelf meet general Loftus at Wicklow.

The general having confulted with colonel Scott and captain Ormfby, it was agreed, that he muft have meant Arklow. Colonel Scott therefore moved forward with his detachment towards Gorey; general Loftus having fent an exprefs to colonel Walpole to meet him at that town, leaving Arklow in charge of the yeomen.

General Loftus received a fecond letter from colonel Walpole, excufing himfelf for not coming, and faying, that he had received the beft information concerning the rebels, and had reconnoitred them himfelf; however, on the evening of the third of June, colonel Walpole arrived at Gorey, with part of his troops; for, notwithftanding the peremptory orders he had received to bring the whole of them, he left two companies of infantry at Carnew.

Colonel Walpole, though not vefted with any command, being too eager for fame, and defirous of enjoying the principal merit of any action that might be achieved, was rather forward and decided in giving his opinion; and though the officers who were his fuperior, not only in rank and authority, but in knowledge and experience, did not implicitly yield to it, they paid fome deference to him, on account of his confidential fituation in the caftle of Dublin, and the opportunity it afforded him of acquiring the beft information. He faid, he had obtained orders to

* Plate II. I. ‡ Ibid. 4.

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collect the troops which he had under his command, and to proceed to the county of Wexford, to co-operate with him, and general Euftace, who, he faid, was in the front of Gorey, towards Wexford; but unfortunately for general Loftus, it happened that general Johnfon, finding himfelf in an alarming and critical fituation at Rofs, detained general Euftace there, for the purpofe of availing himfelf of his affiftance.

At their firft interview, colonel Walpole faid, that he fuppofed general Loftus would attack the rebels next morning; and that he hoped he would afterwards march, or permit him to march, to Ennifcorthy; and after having taken that town, to proceed to Wexford.

In confequence of this extraordinary converfation, general Loftus took colonel Scott and captain Ormfby of the Wexford regiment afide, and lamented to them, that fuch a man as colonel Walpole was fent to act with him, as he was known to poffefs the confidence of the lord lieutenant, but shewed a downright unwillingnefs to obey general Loftus’s orders. It was then fettled, that colonel Walpole fhould not be permitted to march to Ennifcorthy, until they had received fome information from general Euftace; but that, as colonel Walpole feemed fo decided on attacking the rebels on Ballymore-hill, from his knowledge of their pofition, he agreed, that they fhould do fo in conjunction next morryng, provided it appeared feafible on reconnoitring them.

General Loftus then made the following arrangements for that purpofe:

At nine o’clock on the morning of the fourth of June, lieutenant-colonel Walpole was to march with the main body of the troops, two fix-pounders and a howitzer, towards Ballymore, by Clough,* where he was to be joined by one hundred men whom he had left at Carnew, The garrifon of that town were to take poft at Camolin,† fhree miles from Gorey, and to wait for further orders.

Lord Ancram was directed to march from Newtownbarry, fifteen miles diftant from Gorey, with two hundred and fifty of the King’s county militia, and his own detachment of dragoons, and to take poft at Scarawalfh-bridge, twelve miles from Gorey, thereto obferve the motions of the enemy on Vinegar-hill; and if he received no ojders before the afternoon, he was to meet colonel Walpole at Ferns. ||

* Plate II. 5. † Ibid. || Ibid. 6, 7.

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Lieutenant-colonel Scott, with two hundred of the Dunbarton fencibles and fifty of the 5th dragoons, under the command of general Loftus, moved towards Ballymore, by Ballycanew,* to the left of colonel Walpole, in a fouthern direction. Thefe two roads diverge foon after you leave Gorey; and at the diftance of about five miles from that town, there is a communication between them by a crofs road running from eaft to weft, and not far from Ballymore, where the two detachments were to have united and to have reconnoitred the rebels.

Captain McManus, with one hundred of the Antrim militia regiment, was pofted between Gorey and Ballycanew, near a crofs road which led to Clogh, to be ready to protect Gorey, or to fupport colonel Scott or colonel Walpole, as the occafion might require. Colonel Walpole was protedled on the left by the general himfelf, with colonel Scott and his party, a little more than a mile and a half diftant from him. On his right, within a mile and a half, he had upwards of one hundred light infantry ordered from Carnew, who were to wait his further orders. -General Loftus gave him twelve yeomen gentlem^, as guides, and todk “ten himfelf for the fame purpofe.

General Loftus defired him to proceed with the utmoft caution, and to let him know how he went on. The two roads, on which general Loftus and colonel Walpole were to proceed, towards Ballymore, were nearly parallel, and there was a crofs road between them at Clogh, which afforded an eafy communication.

At a road to the right, leading to Camolin, fome rebels appeared at a diftance, on which fome of the officers, under the command of colonel Walpole, fuggefted to him the propriety of forming, or of marching with advanced guards, and flankers; which advice he rejected, and replied, that he was commanding officer. On advancing to the crofs roads near Clogh, fome more rebels appeared; and captain Duncan, of the artillery, having advanced about two hundred yards before the party, to have a good look out, returned, and informed colonel Walpole, that he had feen a man on horfeback with a gun. At the fame time there was an appearance of rebels in front, and to the right of the road leading to Ballymore-hill.

* Plate II. 6.

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Had he any degree of prudence or military fkill, he would have inftantly deployed, and formed, which he might eafily have done, as the adjacent fields were flat and fpacious; and having done fo, he fhould have communicated his fituation to general Loftus; and having been afked to do fo, by fome of his officers, he replied, by faying, that it fhould be colonel Walpole’s, and not general Loftus’s action.

On being repeatedly preffed to fend an exprefs to general Loftus, he expreffed his fears that the rebels would efcape from him. Actuated with the vain glory of arrogating exclufively to himfelf the merit of defeating the rebels, he quitted this very advantageous pofition, and advanced to Tubberneering, a little beyond Clogh, where the road was deep and narrow, and the clay banks on each fide, with deep trenches, and bufhes on the top were very high. The adjacent fields which were fmall, with high and thick quick-fet hedges, had potatoes, corn, and uncut grafs in them, all which afforded ample means of concealment for the rebels, who were advancing towaxds Gorey; and on feeing at a diftance the king’s troops marching, formed an ambufcade at Tubberneering, to which place colonel Walpole advanced, in a moft irregular manner. The rebels, taking advantage of his difadvantageous fituation, fuddenly rofe from the adjacent hedges in which they were concealed, and directed a tremendous fire on the king’s troops, who were put in the ut. moft confufion, as great numbers of them fell, without a poffibility of forming for their defence.

Colonel Walpole, dreffed in a full uniform, and mounted on a tall grey horfe, formed a confpicuous object for the rebels, and fell in the firft onfet. The column was now actually furrounded, in a place, which from the height and number of its inclofures, was favourable for the irregular and defultory warfare of favages; at the fame time that it baffled the efforts of valour and difcipline.

An attempt was made by a detachment of the 4th dragoon-guards to turn the enemy’s right flank, but the clofenefs of the country made this impracticable.

Colonel Sir Watkin Williams Wynne, at the fame time, advanced with the Ancient Britifh fencible cavalry, which he commanded, to the front of the infantry, and retook a gun which had fallen into the hands of the rebels; but the gunners having been killed or forced to fly, and

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the artillery horfes having gone off with the limber, he was obliged to abandon it to the enemy.

After having fuftained the attack for about three quarters of an hour, with confiderable difadvantage on the part of the king’s troops, and having loft their commander, and three pieces of artillery, which were immediately turned againft them, they began to retreat in great confufion,as might be expected from raw and inexperienced troops.

The rebels having preffed hard on them, a general difmay imlantly took place, which would probably have been fatal to the whole of the column, had not lieutenant-colonel Cope, of the Antrim militia, been pofted at a fmall diftance, with a detachment of his own regiment, and rallied and formed them on the road, to impede the progrefs of the enemy. To this fmall band of brave men, under the command of that cool and gallant officer, the fafety of thofe who efcaped on that day is in a great meafure to be imputed.

The column retreated in the utmoft diforder to Gorey, colonel Cope difputing every inch of ground, and covering their retreat. When they arrived there, moft of the windows were occupied by the rebels, who kept up a heavy fire, and killed many of them; however, they effected their paffage through the town.

Colonel Cope found great difficulty in leading his men through it; for whenever the rebels fired at them from the windows, they imprudently rufhed into the houfes whence the fhots were fired, and obtained revenge by bayoneting the affailants.

Of his corps, amounting to one hundred and thirty, he loft between thirty and forty; and his horfe was wounded in fuch a manner as to be rendered ufelefs.

Captain Stark of the Londonderry militia, captain Duncan of the artillery, and captain Armftrong of the King’s county militia were carried into Gorey very badly wounded; but were obliged to retreat to Wicklow, on having their wounds dreffed, as the rebels were advancing into the town.

As colonel Walpole had made no communication of his fituation to general Loftus, he remained totally ignorant of it, till he heard a fmart firing on his right new Clogh; on which he fent an exprefs to

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captain McManus, who had been conducted by Mr. Hunter Gowan, to go over by the crofs road to fupport colonel Walpole; but the iffue of this unfortunate affair was decided fo quickly, that the main body of our troops having been routed before his arrival, the captain and his detachment were furrounded and taken prifoner, after many of them had been killed.

General Loftus, who was near the village of Ballycanew,* when he heard the firing, pufhed forward with his detachment to Tubberneering; but on his arrival there, had the mortification of feeing colonel Walpole and many of his foldiers lying dead and naked.

Sir Watkin William Wynne, having feen captain McManus, with a company of the Antrim, advancing to fupport colonel Walpole, fent captain Wynne, with a troop of his regiment, to cover them; but the furprife was fo fudden, that his efforts proved ineffectual.

Captain Wynne, on his arrival at the town, after the retreating column had paffed through it, found that the enemy, who were purfuing them, had attained the entrance of it, and had actually brought one of the guns which they had taken, to bear on the main ftreet. Thus captain Wynne, cut off from his corps, determined inftantly on forcing his paffage by the town, and on cutting his way through the rebels who furrounded the gun; and he gallantly effected it, but with the lofs of five yeomen killed, and a few men and horfes wounded.

Several bodies of people having been difcovered on the hills at the Arklow fide of Gorey, it was apprehended that frefh parties of rebels were affembling to oppofe the retreat of the column towards Arklow. Sir W. W. Wynne therefore preffed forward with the cavalry to difperfe them, but he foon difcovered that they were the proteftant inhabitants of the town and its vicinity, who, in defpair, had abandoned their houfes and their property, well knowing that they would have fallen a prey to the cruel and fanguinary fpirit of the rebels.

Above one thousand and feventy of them fled on the fourth of June to Arklow, and next day to Wicklow, carrying their wives and children on above three hundred cars, with which they formed booths or tents on the ftrand near that town, where, they, remained near a month, without any means of fubfiftence but what they received from charitable contributions.

* See plate II. 6.

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Sir Watkin having got the rear of his command clear of the town, ufed every effort to induce the troops to halt and form; but the panick was fo great, that all his efforts were fruitlefs, and they rufhed on precipitately, and in diforder, even to Arklow. In thefe circumftances, a council of war was held, and it was determined (probably judicioufly) but certainly much contrary to the feelings and inclinations of the yeomanry, to retreat to Wicklow, as their houfes and families were expofed to deftruction by this meafure, which however was effected in the courfe of the following night. The town of Arklow fuffered much lefs than might have been expected during an interval of thirty-fix hours, between the evacuation of it by the retreating army, and the arrival of major-general Needham there, on Wednefday the fixth of June. The main body of the rebels had not approached it; and but a few petty depredations were committed by fome home infurgents, who, after having plundered fome houfes, went off to their affociates at Gorey.

The fecurity of Arklow is to be imputed to the wife precaution of the officers commanding the army which retreated to Wicklow; who carried with them, as hoftages, a great number of its principal difaffected inhabitants, and whofe lives would have anfwered for any wanton act of mifchief or barbarity committed by the others.

The defeat of colonel Walpole left general Loftus with but two hundred and fifty men, in a moft alarming fituation, and it required not only addrefs, but the moll: prompt and vigorous exertion to extricate himfelf; for, it has been since difcovered, that the rebel army at Vinegar-hill had formed a junction with that which was pofted on Ballymore, making in the whole above twenty thoufand men, for the purpofe of taking Gorey; and this plan was connected with their main object of attacking the metropolis, which they endeavoured to accomplifh five days after.

The general advanced within three quarters of a mile of Gorey, which he found to be in poffeffion of the rebels. He had then no other refource to fave his fmall detachment, but to force his way through that town, or to form a’junction with’ lord Ancram. Large bodies of rebels were feen in motion on the adjacent hills, juft over their heads; and who often fired on them, not only with the guns which they had taken, but with their fmall arms. In this critical ftate, any, even the fmalleft delay, would have been attended with the lofs of the detachment. He

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made his men advance rapidly without returning the enemy’s fire, and confidered himfelf as very fortunate in having the affiftance of fo able and judicious an officer as colonel Scott. He, general Loftus, and captain Corry, having examined the pofition of the rebels, found that their numbers were immenfe; that the hedge-rows, leading to Gorey, were lined with them; and that all the adjacent hills were occupied by confiderable numbers, who fired on them with the two fix-pounders and the howitzer taken from colonel Walpole.

The general, therefore, prudently refolved to join lord Ancram, at Carnew,§ which could not be effected but by marching round the enemy’s right, and by croffing Slievebuoy* mountain. Lieutenant-colonel Scott moved off on the Camolin† road, while the general remained with the fifty dragoons, to watch the motions of the enemy; and captain Corry, who commanded them, endeavoured to engage the attention of the enemy, and to make them believe that he was moving towards Gorey, by the crofs road leading to the Ballycanew road; and had not captain Corry made this feint, lieutenant-colonel Scott could not have marched unmolefted to form a jundlion with lord Ancram, which was effected near Slievebuoy mountain, and by perfevering in not waiting to return the enemy’s fire. Carnew was occupied early next morning.

The difficulty of conveying the guns and the tumbrils over that mountain was very great, and could not have been effected, as there was no road for a four-wheej carriage, but for the advice of Mr. Brownrigg of Barndown, who had a perfect knowledge of the country. Thus this fmall body fairly marched round twenty thoufand rebels; and by the good countenance which they kept, and by preferving their fire, though conftantly fired at, they efcaped without any injury. At midnight general Loftus reached Carnew, where he learned that the light infantry ordered to Camolin to act with colonel Walpole, had, upon his defeat, retreated to Newtownbarry, and that general Euftace was detained at Rofs to fupport general Johnfon. Thus he had only the additional fupport of lord Ancram’s party; viz. two hundred and fifty men of the King’s county regiment, and eighty Mid Lothian dragoons; but upon lord Ancram’s report, that a detachment of the Meath and Donegal regiments had arrived at Newtownbarry,

§ Plate II, 4. * See Plate I. 5.

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the day before, efcorting ammunition from general Johnfon, he ordered that detachment to join him; by which he was enabled to fend detachments for the defence of Arklow and Hacketftown; and the important poft of Newtownbarry was well defended.

Had the rebel army taken advantage of their victory, and proceeded to Arklow and Wicklow, thofe towns muft have fallen into their hands, and they would probably have marched to, and attacked the metropolis; but, incited by the hope of plundering Gorey and its vicinity, they continued for five days to commit every excefs and enormity, that the love of rapine and favage cruelty could infpire. The proteftant church, which was the firft object of their fanatical rage, they completely difmantled. They pillaged and deftroyed the houfes of all the proteftants, and murdered many of their inmates, who could not make their efcape. They alfo plundered and demolifhed the town of Carnew; having harboured infatiable revenge againft its inhabitants, for the victory which they obtained over them on the twenty-feventh of May.*

A drummer of the name of Hunter, of the Antrim regiment, of the age of twelve years, fell into the hands of the rebels, in the unfortunate affair in which colonel Walpole loft his life. He carried his drum with him, and when he was conducted to the town of Gorey ,with fome other prifoners, they defired him to beat it, having intended to make him ferve them as a drummer; when he, actuated by a fpirit of enthufiaftick loyalty, exclaimed, “That the king’s drum fhould never be beaten for rebels;” and at the fame infant, he leaped on the drum, and broke through both its heads. The inhuman villains, whofe relentlefs hearts were not fufceptible of thofe refined fentiments, which would have excited a generous admiration of fo heroick an act even in an enemy, inftantly perforated his body with pikes.

In this action, a prieft attacked captain Duncan of the Royal Irifh artillery, and wounded him with a piftol ball, as he was mounting his horfe; but his temerity was foon punifhed, for the captain drew a piftol from his holfter and laid him proftrate.

The following aneedote of the Royal Irifh artillery, whofe valour has been confpicuous on all occafions, deferves to be recorded: During the ronfufion and difmay which took place among the troopr, when they were furprifed in the road at Tubberneering, the gunners of the artillery, with

* They plundered and burned Ramfort and Clonaltin, the two elegant feats of the Meffrs. Ram.

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the moft deliberate coolnefs levelled one of the hedges of the road, dragged the cannon into the adjacent field, and fired many fhots at a numerous body of rebels, who were pofted on a high rock, from whence, with their mufketry, they had killed many of our foldiers. They drove the rebels frorn that advantageous pofition, after having killed a great number of them, which contributed materially to prevent the complete deftruction of the army.

I fhall refer the reader to the affidavits of Andrew Shcppard, George Taylor and Blakely Ormfby, Appendix, No. XX. 1, 2, 3, for an account of the brutal treatment which they gave their proteftant prifoners in the town of Gorey. They murdered many perfons of that perfuafion in the adjacent country. The following occurrence happened there: A proteftant tenant of Mr. Stephen Ram, of the name of Poole, who bears an uncommon good character, fled from his houfe near Gorey when the rebels got poffeffion of it; fome of his popifh acquaintances perfuaded him to return, as perfons of his . religious faith were not molefted; but on doing fo, he found that they meant only to lead him into danger, by putting, him in the power of the Romanifts. He was advifed to repair to the rebel camp at Gorey, and to procure a pafs there; but he could not obtain it. He was then advifed to go to father Francis Kavenagh, a prieft, who had fupreme power at Gorey, and had a guard of pikemen at his door, to prevent more than one perfon at a time from entering it. On addreffing him for a protection, he faid, “After ferving the devil all your life, you come to me for a protection,” meaning that he had been all his life of the proteftant perfuafion. However, he gave him a protection; but in this he acted with diffimulation, as it was not meant to protect him; for he was arrefted and imprifoned, and narrowly efcaped with his life. This prieft was the oldeft, the beft beneficed, and reputed one of the moft refpectable priefts in the diocefe. By his apparent candour and liberality he had infinuated himfelf into the efteem and good opinion of the nobility and proteftant gentry of the country, whofe houfes he reforted to conftantly, and was well received there; and yet his conduct was fo exceptionable, that general Needham* would have had him tried by a court-martial, and he probably would have fhared the fate of his coadjutor, father Redmond who was hanged; but that fome refpectable perfons, in confideration

* I heard this from the general and many perfons prefent.

[ Plate III: Folding Map of New Ross & [facing] Map of Part of the Country round Ross ]

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of his age, and led by their partiality for him, perfuaded the general to difcharge him. This old hypocrite was very active in the rebel camps.

Being unwilling to break the thread of my narration of the events which took place at Wexford, during three weeks that the rebels were in poffeffion of it, before I enter upon that fubjeft, I will finifh the relation of many other tranfactions which happened during that period.

I mentioned before that an immenfe body of rebels had encamped on Carrickbyrne-hill,* for the purpofe of taking poffeffion of Rofs, which is fix miles diftant from it.

BATTLE OF ROSS.

Rofs is a corporate, a port, and a borough town, which returned two members to parliament. It is fituated on a large river, formed by the junction of the Nore and Barrow,J which unite about one mile above it, and meeting the river Suir at Dunbrody, runs in a fouth-ead direction by Paflage, and difcharges itfelf into the fea at Hook-tower, from which it is about twenty-five miles diftant. The navigation to it is very good, and veffels of near four hundred tons burden can lie clofe to the quay; for which reafon it was a place of confiderable trade, fo early as the reign of Henry V. and large quantities of corn and provifions are now annually exported from it. It obtained charters from Henry IV. Richard 11. Henry V. and VI. James I. and IL

It was formerly a place of great ftrength, being furrounded with high walls, with towers and baftions, of which there are confiderable remains: However, it made but little refiftance to Cromwell; though it was defended by lord Taalfe, an able general, who had a numerous garrifon in it. It had many religious houfes, of which there are fome remains. The whole of the town, except Friary-ftreet, South-ftreet, North-ftreet, the quays, and the fpace between there and the river, is on a very fleep defcent. It is ten miles from Waterford, nineteen from Wexford, and fixteen from Ennifcorthy.

In confequence of the encampment at Carrickbyrne, the Donegal, Clare, and Meath regiments of militia, detachments of the Englifh artillery, the 5th dragoons, and Mid Lothian fencibles, marched into Rofs.; and on the fourth of June, the county of Dublin regiment afforded a

* See Plate III. 5. † Ibid. ‡ Plate II. 5.

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very feafonable reinforcement to the garrifon, as the rebels on that evening, with dreadful yells, moved from Carrickbyrne to Corbethill, an eminence about a mile and a half from the town, and from which there is a gradual and uninterrupted defcent, after having driven in our out-poft, which had been ftationed on Lacken-hill.

A perfon, who was forced to attend them in their march, informed me, that they moved by parifhes and baronies, each having a particular ftandard; and that in their way they ftopped at a chapel, where mafs was faid at the head of each column, by priefts who fprinkled an abundance of holy water on them.

The garrifon, confifting of about twelve hundred effective men, and about one hundred and fifty yeomen, under the command of general Johnfon, continued on their arms all night. The infantry and artillery were moftly in a line outfide the walls of the town, to the eaft and fouth fide of it; the cavalry on the quay, the yeomen infantry on the bridge.

About four o’clock, one of the centinels at an out-poft fhot a man who was galloping towards him with a white handkerchief, which he waved in the air as a flag of truce. On examining him, it appeared that his name was Furlong, and that he was fent by Bagenal Harvey, the rebel general, to propofe to general Johnfon to furrender the town to him, as the following fummons was found in his pocket:

“Sir,

“As a friend to humanity, I requeft you will furrender the town of Rofs to the Wexford forces, now affembled againft that town; your refiftance will but provoke rapine and plunder, to the ruin of the moft innocent. Flufhed with victory, the Wexford forces, now innumerable and irrefiftible, will not be controled, if they meet with refiftance; To prevent, therefore, the total ruin of all property in the town, I urge you to a fpeedy furrender, which you will be forced to in a few hours, with lofs and bloodfhed, as you are furrounded on all fides. Your anlwer is required in four hours. Mr. Furlong carries this letter, and will bring the anfwer.

Camp at Corbethill, I am, Sir,
half paft three o’clock morning, B. B. HARVEY,
June 5th, 1798. General commanding, kc. &c. &c.”

I give the reader a copy of Bagenal Harvey’s appointment as commander in chief) which fortunately fell into my hands:

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“At a meeting of the commanders of the united army held at Carrickbyme camp, on the firft of June, 1798, it was unanimoufly agieedj that Beauchamp Bagenal Harvey fhould be appointed and elefted commander in chief of the united army of the county of Wexford, from and after the firft day of June, 1798.

Signed by order of the different commanding officers of the camp,
NICHOLAS GRAY, fecretary.”

“It was likewife agreed, that Edward Roche, fhould from and after the firft day of June inftant, be elected, and is hereby defied a general officer of the united army of the county of Wexford.

Signed by the above authority,

N. GRAY,”

About five o’clock in the morning, not lefs than thirty thoufand of the rebels approached the town, fome in columns, others in intermediate lines, with terrifick yells, having four pieces of cannon, befides fwivels.

A great number of priests, with their veftments on, and crucifixes in their hands, by moving through the ranks, and animating them by their harangues, kindled a. degree of enthufiaftick ardour in them, which nothing but fanaticifm could infpire.

They moved with flow but irrefiftible progrefs, like an immenfe body of lava, which iffuing from the bowels of Vefuvius, fpreads defolation over the plains of Calabria, and from which man alone can efcape, and that by flight only.

It is fuppofed that one-fourth of them had mufkets, the remainder were armed with pikes. Their fuperior force foon made our advanced guard retire to the main body, and they took poffeffion of our alarm pofts. The ftruggle there became ferious, and matters wore a very unfavourable afped, particularly at the Three-bullet gate, which poft was at laft forced by an immenfe column of rebels, who, regardlefs of danger from fanaticifm and ebriety, made a moft formidable attack, and carried one of our guns, which they immediately turned againft us.

In the firft onfet which they made at the Three-bullet* gate, they were repulfed; on which general Johnfon ordered captain Irwine to advance and charge them with a detachment of the 5th dragoons, in a field

* See Plate VII. 5.

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where they feemed doubtful whether to advance or make good their retreat. Seeing the cavah-y advance brifkly on them, they fled precipitately, leaped over fome very high ditches, and fired from behind them on the dragoons, who had approached very clofe to them, and attempted to leap over them, but in vain. The very fame circumftances happened in two other fields where they charged. They loft in the courfe of thefe charges cornet Dodwell, one ferjeant, one corporal, twenty-four privates, and twenty-fix horfes. The gallant general Johnfon was in each field where thefe charges were made.

When captain Irwine was approaching the Three-bullet gate from the eaft field, a twelve-pounder pofted there was fired, and killed his horfe, which fell on his leg, and prevented him from moving, at the fame time that our troops in that quarter had retired within the gate, and were retreating towards the bridge, and the rebels had advanced within a few yards of him, and would have killed him, but that they were engaged in taking poffeffion of the gun. In that critical moment an artillery horfe happened to pafs by, and fo near him, that he laid hold of one of the traces, and was dragged into the town, by which his life was faved.

The rebels, in great numbers, having entered the town in that point, part of them were engaged in fetting fire to the houfes, in which fome of the popifh inhabitants affifted them, whilft others pufhed for the bridge.

General Johnfon perceiving this, planted guns at the feveral crofs lanes, leading from Church-lane* and Nevill-ftreet, and one at the old market place,§ to which for fome time he attached himfelf. By thefe the rebels were repulfed with great llaughter. Such was their enthufiafm, that though whole ranks of them were feen to fall, they were fucceeded by others, who feemed to court the fate of their companions, by rufhing on our troops with renovated ardour.

One rebel, emboldened by fanaticifm and drunkennefs, advanced before his comrades, feized a gun, crammed his hat and wig into it, and cried out, “Come on, boys! her mouth is ftopped.” At that inftant the gunner laid the match to the gun, and blew the unfortunate favage to atoms. This fact has been verified by the affidavit of a perfon who faw it from a window.

* Plate VII. 5. § Ibid.

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The main body of our troops, overpowered and terrified by the immenfe body of rebels who entered the town at the Three-bullet gate, fled over the bridge to the Kilkenny or Rofbergen fide of the river, and the enemy being in poffeffion of the greater part of it,* (except where they were checked by one gun at the old market-place, and two more fupported by ferjeant Hamilton, at the main guard, which flood at the crofs formed by the junction of Mary-ftreet, Quay-ilreet, North and Southftreets) proceeded to plunder and burn. The gallant general Johnfon (whofe ardour and activity could be equalled by nothing but his cool prefence of mind,) feeing them in that fituation, followed our troops to the Kilkenny fide of the river, rallied and brought them back to their refpective ports, by which the rebels within the town were completely fubdued. He often exclaimed to the fugitives whom he rallied, Will you defert your general?” without any effect; but when he added, “And your countryman?” they gave three cheers, and followed him. Having fucceeded in rallying the fugitives, he rode before them to a part of our troops^ who, much to their honour, had kept their port near the Three-bullet gate, and informed them that a reinforcement of frefh troops had arrived from Waterford, which delufion produced a very good effect in animating them; however, he reinforced them with fome of thofe whom he had rallied, as there was a rebel column oppofite to them, which feemed, by its advancing towards them, determined to make one defperate effort. At this moment the fortune of the day hung in a balance; but it was foon turned by the fteady fire of our troops, who repulfed the rebels with great flaughter.

Then, by turning the rear of the rebels who had entered the town at the Three-bullet gate end of it, not one of them efcaped; and by manning the ditches outfide, he prevented them from receiving a reinforcement.

From the arts of feduction practifed on the Clare regiment, while at Waterford, where it had been quartered fome months, the rebels being fure of their affiftance, frequently exclaimed during the action, “Clare regiment, don’t fire on your religion!” Prudence would not admit, that a handful of men, almoft exhaufled by hunger and fatigue, fhould purfue an enemy fo fuperior in number to a confiderable diftance. The utmoft extent of the purfuit, and that only by a fmall part of the army, was to a ravin under Corbet-hill, and Roffiter’s ftores; from whence general Johnfon perceived

*It was ably ferved and defended by captain Bloomfield.

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them retiring, every man making the beft of his way to Carrickbyrne.* The enemy left dead two thoufand fix hundred, befides numbers whom they carried off on cars. The lofs of the king’s troops was one colonel, one enfign, four ferjeants, three drummers, eighty-one rank and file, and fiftyfour horfes killed one captain, one drummer, fifty-four rank and file, and five horfes wounded; one captain, three lieutenants, one enfign, two ferjeants, two corporals, feventy-two rank and file, and four horfes miffing. Lord Mountjoy, colonel of the Dublin regiment, who fell in the firft onfet, at the Three-bullet gate, was univerfally lamented, as his publick and private virtues made him an object of general efteem. He was poffeffed of high mental endowments, being an elegant fcholar and a good publick fpeaker. He had the gentleft manners, and the mildeft aftections, warm and fincere in friendfhip, and fo benevolent and humane, that he never harboured revenge.

Great great part of the rebels after the action encamped on Slievehilta,‡ a deep and high mountain, about four miles from Rofs, where they remained, regularly anfwering our morning gun; and thence they went to Lacken-hill,† where they continued, till they were diflodged by general Johnfon, when he marched to Vinegar-hill.

It is probable that the whole province of Munfter would have been defolated as much as the county of Wexford, if the valour and activity of general Johnfon had not preferved Rofs; for it has been difcovered, that the inhabitants of moft parts of that province were to have rifen by a preconcerted plan, if that town had fallen into the hands of the rebels; and it was proved, that meifengers were on the point of being fent from Waterford by the treafurers of the united Irifhmen, to fummon the people of the South to rife. General Johnfon was feen in every part of the battle, giving orders and animating the troops. It is aftonifhing how he efcapedi, as he was often in the moft perilous fituations, and had two horfes fhot under him. He received very material affiftance from general Euftace, whofe valour and activity were very confpicuous during the action.||

* Plate VIII. 6. 6. † Plate VII. 7. || Ibid. 5.

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I cannot pafs unnoticed the valour and loyalty of Michael M’Cormick, on that day. He had been formerly a quarter-mafter of dragoons, and having retired, was in the mercantile line at Rofs. Confpicuous by his huge ftature and a brafs helmet, he was conftantly feen in the warmeft part of the action, animating the troops, and rendered the moft effential fervict to general Johnfon.

About ten o’clock in the morning of the fifth of June, the Rofcommon regiment, in two divifions, one led by the honourable colonel King, marched from Waterford, to reinforce the garvifon of Rofs, which is ten miles diftant from it. When the firft had advanced about two miles on their march, they were met by fome of the fugitive foldiers from that town, who informed the colonel, that our troops, overpowered by numbers, and exhaufhed by fatigue, had been beaten with great flaughter, that they had fled to Thomaftown, and that the town of Rofs had been burnt. However the colonel, determined to do his duty, marched to a high hill over a deep defile called Glynmore,* in a ftraight line about two miles and a half from Rofs; whence, with the affiftance of a good glafs, he faw a fmoke iffuingfrom the town, but could not difcern any troops in it; from which he concluded that his intelligence had been well founded. He, therefore, thought it prudent to retreat, and the many important confequences which flowed from his determination, (though cenfured at the time,) ftrongly prove the vanity of human wifhes, and how great and infcrutable are the mercy and wifdom of Providence!

The enemy, when repulfed, retired at firft to Corbet-hill, whence they faw the Rofcommon regiment; and as they were ignorant of their retreat, and as the diftance, obfcuring the difcernment of the rebels, had magnified their number, they imagined that our troops had received a large reinforcement, which deterred them from renewing the attack that evening as intended; and it is to be feared, that it would have been fatal to the garrifon, who were overcome with hunger and fatigue, and many of them had funk into a ftate of ebriety and fomnolency.

It was alfo very fortunate that the Rofcommon regiment returned to Waterford that night, as the rebels, who were numerous, and well organized there, meditated an infurrection, imagining that Rofs had been taken.

Next day, colonel King marched with his regiment to Rofs, with two battalion guns and a piece of flying artillery. He found the people of the county of Kilkenny in a ftate of general infurrection.

See Plate V. 1, 6.

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When he approached Glynmore,* a deep valley, with a river which Is croffed by a bridge, he perceived great numbers of people on all the adjacent hills who fired fignal guns. The rebels had made the bridge impaffable, by breaking down one of the arches; but the colonel foon made it pastable, by laying beams and planks on it. He fent before him his grenadier company, with a piece of artillery, who, with a few difcharges of it, difperfed a body of rebels pofted on the oppofite hill, who meant to difpute his pastage.

That body had taken the preceding day twenty-five foldiers, and captain Dillon of the Dublin regiment, who had fled from Rofs; and on the firft difcharge of the artillery, they maffacred fifteen of the foldiers, and captain Dillon, whofe head they converted into a foot-ball.

One Gaffney, the leader of thefe affaffins, was taken and hanged next day at Rofs.

It has been difcovered that the Kilkenny rebels were to have co-operated with thofe who attacked Rofs; but that they miftook the day, which was very fortunate; for they would have cut off a great part of the garrifon of that town, when they fled over the bridge, overcome with hunger and fatigue.

The following barbarous murder was committed at the Roar,§ in the county of Kilkenny, about four miles from Rofs, the day before the battle. Mr. Bartholomew Clifte, Mr. Richard Annefley, and Mr. Richard Elliott, being unable from bad health, and the delicacy of their conftitution, to affift in the defence of that town, retired to the Roar on a car, which was fent for them by a tenant of Mr. Elliott, who was his fofter brother, and to whom he had been singularly kind.

When they had arrived at the church of that village, three ruffians attacked them with pikes, and continued for fome time to torture them, until they were dead, in the midft of a number of fpeftators, who unmoved, and with indifference, beheld this barbarous fpectacle.

Mr. Cliffe, who was univerfally loved and efteemed for the mildnefs of his manners and the benevolence of his difpofition, was thrown into the gripe of a ditch, mangled and covered with wounds, where they meant to bury him. He had ftrength enough to raife himfelf a little,

* Plate VII. 6. 5 Ibid. 3, 4.

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and to cry out for mercy; when favage woman, a difgrace to her own fex and to human nature, gave him a violent blow of a large ftone in the breaft, and put a period to his exiftence.

Mr. Elliott called out to his tenant, who had ever experienced the moft ftriking inftances of his regard, and faid, “Sure, Ned, you won’t fee me murdered?” but the unfeeling favage replied, “No;” and turned his back to him, while the ruffians continued to torture him. Mr. Elliott’s tenant was a man of fuch influence there, that he could have eafily prevented thefe barbarous murders.

The man who led the car to the Roar, and was eye-witnefs of thefe fhocking enormities, fubftantiated them by affidavit. It muft give the reader pleafure to learn, that Mr. Elliott’s tenant, and two moie of the affaffins were foon after fhot; and that the third has fallen a vidim to the vengeance of the law. The inhabitants of the Roar and its vicinity were remarkable for their difaffection and rebellious fpirit, for which they were feverely punifhed.

I fhall now relate fome of the incidents which occurred in the courfe of this very extraordinary action, which lafted from five in the morning till three in the evening. The main body of the rebels entered the town by the Three-bullet gate, and many alfo by the priory or fouth-gate, where one of the field pieces, that the rebels had taken fome days before near the mountain of Forth, was retaken by the king’s troops; but this took place after they were driven out of the town. They burnt all the thatched houfes, and many of the ftated ones in Neville-ftreet, which runs in a direct hne from the Three-bullet gate; every thatched and fome ftated houfes in Michael-ftreet and Mill-lane, which are at right angles with Neville-ftreet; all the houfes in the upper part of Mary-ftreet, which crofles the end of Neville-ftreet; all the houfes in Church-lane and the Chapel-lane, both which communicated with Mary-ftreet. On the whole, the number of houfes fuppofed to be burnt amounted to two hundred and eighty-fix.

There was very great deftruction of the favages in Chapel-lane, where they lay in heaps. They had poffeffion of it, and of the upper part of Mary-ftreet, for a confiderable time.

A numerous body of them, fuppofed to amount to five hundred, went down a great part of Mary-ftreet, which is on a declivity, to attack the

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main guard, ably defended by ferjeant Hamilton of the Donegal, and fixteen men only, with two fhip guns, which were very badly mounted, and yet they were ferved with fuch eifett as to occafion a prodigious flaiighter. He had a large quantity of ammunition under his protection, and as he remained almoft entirely unfupported, when the troops were driven over the bridge, an officer, from an idea that he muft be overpowered, recommended to him to remove it to the Rofsbergen fide of the water; but he rephed, “That he never would quit the fpot while he had life.” He made lanes through the body of five or fix hundred with difcharges of grape fhot, and completely repulfed them. This was the laft great effort which they made to overpower him.

Parties of from twenty to thirty made different attacks on him, but they were always knocked down by the Dowfeley family. William Dowfeley, his brother Samuel, both very old, two of his fons, and three other men, took poft in the houfe of the former, which is in Maryjlreet, oppofite to a lane called Bakehoufe-lane, and near the main guard, at the lower end of Mary-ftreet. As the favages were perfectly fecure in that lane from the guns of ferjeant Hamilton, they made many attempts to collect there in great numbers, for the purpofe of furprifing and ftorming his poft; but Dowfeley’s party plyed them fo well with conftant vollies, and were fo near them, that every fhot took place, and they killed no lefs than fixty in one fpot. They had an old foldier with them, who charged for them with great celerity, and put in each cartridge one large and four fmall balls. The lane was filled up with the dead.

A party of rebels got into a very good ftated houfe at the upper end of Mary-ftreet, which the foldiers having fet fire to, the favages were roafted alive; and when their bodies were brought forth, prefented a moft hideous and difgufting spectacle.

Half the houfes in the Crofs-lane, and almoft every one in the Friaryftreet were confumed. Three of them were recently built and were very commodious.

Great numbers of the favages were killed outfide the town, between the Three-bullet gate and the Bunnion gate, which lies at the upper end of it.

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Mr. Tottenham, the proprietor of Rofs, employed fix carts and a great many men for two entire days, in collecting the bodies of the flain. Mod of thofe found in the town were thrown into the river, and were carried off with the tide. The remainder were thrown into a foffe outfide the town wall, and were buried there.

The main body that entered at the Three-bullet gate, and contiguous to it, having divided, fome went down the Crofs-lane, others down Michael-ftreet, and others down Neville-ftreet and Mary-ftreet, fetting fire to the houfes in their progrefs. Another body burned half of Irifhtown,* which was near half a mile long; both fides having been burnt as far as they went. But there were not many employed in that fervice, as a party of foldiers that were ftationed at the end of a lane called Boreenaflane, that communicates directly with Irifhtown from Corbethill, killed a great number in the lane, and prevented them from getting into Irifhtown in any confiderable force. Major Vandeleur, of the Clare, was of very great fervice there.

The rebels brought one of the fieldpieces, which they had taken at the mountain of Forth, as far into South-ftreet as major Cliffe’s houfe, and one of the artillery men, taken at the fame time, was tied to it for the purpofe of ferving it. A fellow of the name of Forreftal, made him difcharge it, once with grape, and twice with round-fhot, at the main guard. The poor artillery man, whofe loyalty was unabated, elevated the gun in fuch a manner as not to do execution; for with the laft fhot he knocked off the quoin of a houfe, (but almoft clofe to the eves,) oppofite to the court-houfe, where the main guard was ftationed. The poor fellow boafted of what a fine fhot he had made; but Forreftal drew out a piftol, and fhot him through the head, faying, “That is a much better fhot.”

This was related by two perfons who were in a window over where the tranfaction happened. Forreftal was convicted of having committed fourteen murders, for which he was hanged. The two loyalifts, who were witneffes of this tranfaction, had but one piftol, and but one charge for it, which one of them would have fired at Forreftal, but that the other prevented him; for if he had not fucceeded in killing him, he

* Plate VII. 3.

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would have demolifhed his houfe with the cannon in a few feconds. It is very fingular that the rebels never ventured to fend a force round to penetrate at the North gate* end of the town, where they muft have fucceeded, as the main body of our troops were employed in defending it in the oppofite direction.

The following curious incident occurred in the town of Rofs: When the rebels entered the town, they dragged a man of the name of Dowfely, a proteftant, from his houfe, and his next door neighbour, a Roman catholick, denouaced him as fuch, for the purpofe of having him affaffinated; on which the rebels gave him three ftabs of a pike. A woman of the name of Catherine Whelan, a Romanift, his neighbour, and as, he thought, his friend, clapped her hands with joy on feeing the rebels enter the town, and welcomed the boys (as fhe called them) to Rofs, and faid, “They fhould kill Dowfely, as he was a proteftant.” They had at that time left him, as he had faid that he was a Romanift; but on her faying the contrary, they returned to him while lying on the ground on his fide, and having turned him on his back, defired him to blefs himfelf, and on not doing it right, they ftabbed him again, which was occafioned by her malevolent obfervation; on the whole, he received fixteen pike wounds. A woman of the name of Mary Foley, faw the rebels approach him again, take him up by the hair of the head, and afk him to fay fome popifh prayers; fhe then humanely whifpered fome of them into his ear, which he repeated, on which the rebels pardoned and left him. A young man of the name of Richards, who faw this barbarous tranfaction, carried Dowfely into his houfe, and he afterwards recovered by medical affiftance. All thefe circumftances were proved by the concurrent teftimony of Dowfely, Mary Foley and Richards, before a courtmartial, held at Rofs the eleventh of Auguft, 1798, by order of lieutenant-general Hulfe, for the trial of Catherine Whelan, who was caft for tranfportation.

A gang of affaffins, armed with pikes, and headed by Richard Long, was fent in queft of proteftants the firft of June, 1798, from Carrickbyrne camp; and they feized Francis Plunket and his fifter, both proteftants, between Robinftown and Palace, and conveyed them to the camp.

* See plate VII. 6.

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Long ftationed a great number of male and female rebels on the road leading to Rofs, with orders to intercept any proteftants that they might find going there, as numbers of that perfuafion fought an afylum in it from rebel vengeance. Plunket’s fifler befought the rebels in the camp to permit her to go home to her children; but they refufed, having faid fhe was taken there to fuffer death. Long affigned as a reafon, why he was fo active againft him and his fifter, that he was an orangeman’s fervant, and his fifter was an orangewoman. Long’s brother defired Francis Plunket to deny that he was related to his fifter, who was to fuffer death for being a proteftant, and that probably he might efcape; the poor unfortunate woman died of fear.

Thefe circumftances were proved before a court-martial, held at Rofs the feventeenth of Auguft, 1798, by order of lieutenant-general Hulfe, when Richard Long was caft for tranfportation.

When the rebels got poffeffion of the town, one of them who entered the houfe of a proteftant woman, gave her twenty-four wounds of a pike, notwithftanding which fhe leaped out of a window, and in doing fo broke lier leg; and yet fhe recovered, and is now living.

Notwithftanding the complete overthrow of the rebek at Rofs, and the flaughter of them which took place on the fifth of June, they, envcouraged by the thinnefs of the garrifon, which confifted of but one hundred and fifty of the Dublin militia, formed a fecond confpiracy for attacking and burning the town, and murdering all its loyal inhabitants, and then marching to Waterford, for the purpofe of taking it. The leaders of the confpiracy ufed to affemble at the houfe of one Malone, a publican, where they made different attempts to feduce the foldiers of the Dublin militia. One of them, who was very loyal, pretended to accede to and promote their defigns, and informed them that many of his comrades would co-operate with them; but he communicated the whole of what had paffed between them to captain Latouche, who, the better to develope their fchemes, affumed the habit of a common foldier, and was introduced by the loyal one to the band of traitors at Malone’s, as one of the fraternity, and pretended to be warmly attached to it.

In the courfe of converfation he difcovered, that they were quite fure of the co-operation of many of his foldiers, who were to deliver up the

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ammunition to them; and that the mafs of the people from all the adjacent country, aided by a numerous band of well-armed traitors who frequented the woods of Killoughrin, were to attack the town on the Friday following. They then attempted to adminifter an oath to him. on which he had them arrefted and committed.

Malone, at the head of the confpiracy, had lived twenty-five years with the father of Mr. Tottenham, had become rich, and fet up a publick houfe. Major Cliffe’s fervant, another of the confpirators, had long enjoyed his efteem and confidence; and two of Mr. Deane’s fervants, deeply implicated in the plot, had been reputed men of good character. fuch was the return which government received for their mild and conciliatory conduct which the rebels fo recently experienced!

The rebels having fecured the navigation of the Slaney, by getting the towns of Wexford and Ennifcorthy into their hands, their next object, for the purpofe of gaining the town of Rofs which they reckoned certain, was to fecure the navigation of the river on which it ftands, by which they would have opened a complete communication between the rebels of the counties of Wexford, Waterford, and Kilkenny, have procured a conftant and copious fupply of provifions, and have had the moft opulent and populous part of the county of Wexford completely in their power; and they would have prevented any fupply of ammunition from being brought up from Duncannon fort, the chief depot of the king’s army in that quarter: They would alfo have cut off all communication between Rofs and Waterford, which was the chief place where general Johnfon could expect to procure provifions for his army.

As all the inhabitants of the county of Wexford were in a ftate of infurrection, and confequently the general could not fend any intelligence to, or receive any orders from government, he would have been completely infulated with his fmall army, if the rebels commanded the navigation of the Rofs river. He would alfo have been prevented from fending the fick foldiers to Waterford, as the inhabitants of the country between Waterford and Rofs, ten miles afunder, were for many days on the point of rifing.

To obviate this, general Johnfon, who fhewed as much fagacity as courage during the rebellion, ordered captain Hill of the navy, with fome gun-boats, which he commanded, to deftroy all the boats on that

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river, which he accordingly did, to the number of one hundred and feventeen. Though the gun-boats employed in that fcrvice were well baricadoed, and had on board each of them a party of foldiers, who were commanded by the brave ferjeant Hamilton, the rebels never fuffered one of them to pafs without keeping up a conftant and fevere fire upon them; for which purpofe, they kept ftrong piquet guards along the banks of the river; and they ufually began this practice at Camolin wood, only a mile from the town. As it happened that one of the gun-boats ran a-ground, an immenfe body of rebels rufhed down from Slieve Kilta,* where they were encamped, and made feveral daring attempts to take poffeffion of her; and it was not without the greateft difficulty, that the other gun-boats, who feafonably came to her affiftance, refcued her from them. In this conflict, four men belonging to the gun-boats were killed, and feveral of them were wounded.

Another great object of the rebels, after they had got poffeffion of Wexford, was, to eftablifh a naval force upon the coaft.

They had already manned and armed two or three veffels in that port, one of them a Liverpool letter of marque, which mounted ten guns. By thefe means they fecured lord Kingfborough, and feized fome veffels freighted with provifions, which might otherwife have efcaped.

When our frigates arrived on the coaft, they completely put an end to that praftice.

The rebel leaders, for the purpofe of making their efcape, had affembled a number of fmall craft on that part of the coaft near Fethard; of which general Johnfon being aware, fent a revenue cutter, and fome gun-boats, under the command of captain Hill, for the purpofe of deftroying every veffel that might be found in that harbour; which was done as effectually as the nature of the fervice would admit; for thirteen veffels were either burned or rendered ufelefs. The rebels maintained a very heavy fire upon the gun-boats, during the performance of this fervice, and there appeared a very large force ready to refift any further attempts, which, however, were not intended. They were faid to be under the command of father Edward Murphy.

Very few, if any proteftants, were murdered in the parifhes of Old or New Rofs. Captain Tottenham, of the town of Rofs, having informed them of the taking of Ennifcorthy by the rebels, and defired them to make their efcape into the garrifon, and they providentially followed his

* Plate VII. 7,

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advice. Two perfons only, that I could hear of, of the parifh of Old Rofs, fell into their hands, when they were endeavouring to make their efcape: into that town, and were murdered by them. They were of the name of James, a father and fon, the former near eighty years old.

The reverend William Olafcott, rector of the parifh of St. James or Ballyhack,* which lies on the Rofs river, above Duncannon-fort, and oppofite to Paffage, having received the earlieft intelligence of the rebel encampment formed on the mountain of Forth, and the defeat of the Meath militia there, critically alarmed his parifhioners; fame of whom fought an afylum in the fort of Duncannon,† and others croffed the river at Ballyhack, and were treated with very great humanity by captain Forbes of the Ravenfworth tranfport, who received as many of them as he could accommodate in his veffel; and provided them with neceffaries. Two only fell into the hands of the rebels, who pofted piquets on all the roads leading to Rofs, Ballyhack and Duncannon, to intercept fuch proteftants as might attempt to efcape.

William Hore, of Harperftown,‡ efquire, nephew of the earl of Courtown, had appointed a day for the prieft and the congregation of the parifh of foncormuck,|| to affemble and take oaths of allegiance; but the rebellion broke out the day preceding it. He endeavoured to make his efcape to Duncannon-fort, on foot, by the moft fecret and by-ways; but he was feized by a body of pikemen, who were pofted to prevent orangemen from retreating to that garrifon. Mr. Hore requefted to be carried before father Edward Murphy, parifh, prieft of Bannow;|| with which they complied. But that reverend gentleman, though his will was a law, would not liberate him. He was therefore taken to Wexford, and fuffered on the bridge in that fcene of carnage fo difgraceful to human nature. William Allen Cox, efquire, captain of the Taghmon§ yeoman cavalry, lived at Coolcliff, in the fame parifh, and on a navigable river called the Bannow; but which is extremely narrow until it reaches Clonmines. He endeavoured to make his efcape in a fmall boat, in hopes of .getting to fea; but he was fo befet by pikemen, that he was under the neceffity of landing in the midft of a horde of thofe favages; however, he derived great confolation from the fight of father Edward Murphy, whofe

* See Plate I. 10. † Ibid. III, 9. ‡ Ibid. III. 7. || Ibid. III. 9, 9. § See Plate III. 6. ¶ Ibid. 7.

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protection he implored; but he briefly replied, “That his ftay there would be but fhort and he left him in the hands of thofe mercilefs wretches. He then took to his boat, and was foon after feized by the pikemen at the Scar pafs of Barrietftown,* and conveyed to Wexford, where he fuffered on the bridge.

The parifh of Bannow, of which Edward Murphy was prieft, is fo populous and extenfive, as to require two chapels: one called the chapel of Garrig, about two miles from Bannow, where he generally officiates; the other at Ballymitty, is not far from Taghmon. This reverend father was the perfon who preached the fermon at Vinegar-hill, which Richard Grandy was prefent at, and made affidavit of before George Ogle, efquire, and three magiftrates more.‡

A proteftant of the firft authority declares, that fhe heard him preach, at Carrig, a fermon, in which he faid, “That God Almighty befriended them in all their operations, for the attainment of liberty; and that the whole of the bufinefs was as vifibly his work, as that of dividing the red fea by Mofes.” He affured fome female proteftants† in his neighbourhood, whom he occafionally vifited, that he had forefeen and foretold to numbers, this ftruggle for liberty, as he termed it, fourteen years before it took place; and he afferted very frequently, that the whole force of England, even if fhe were twice as powerful as fhe is, would not be able to re-conquer Ireland, as Providence fought their battles.

During the fhort exiftence of the Irifh republick, he regularly inftrufted the proteftants in his neighbourhood in his catechifm, telling them that there were four hells, and a great deal more of fuperftitious nonfenfe. A proteftant lady, whofe fon was confined in Wexford gaol, on account of his religion, applied to his reverence to interfere for his liberation; but he gave her a fhove from him, faying, “He would, never fave a heretick; and that he had other bufinefs to mind.”

While this falfe prophet was celebrating mafs at Carrig, on a Sunday during the rebellion, he heard the report of a cannon; on which his congregation, known by the name of the Bannow corps, were immediately, under arms, and by has order proceeded in great force to Bannow

* Plate III. 8. ‡ Appendix, No, XX, 7. † The male fled, or were taken prisoners by the pikemen.

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to oppofe fome gun-boats, and a revenue cutter, fent into the bay of Fcthard, to deftroy fome boats and the ftores of a Mr. Lynn there, containing a great quantity of malt, which the rebels were taking away to brew for their camps. This reverend gentleman foon followed his troops, and drew them up with fome fkill on the beach of that place, at a fhort diftance from Fethard, on which the gun-boats were then firing; and it is faid, by perfons of veracity, who were forced into the rebel ranks that day, that Murphy ordered a number of women to march from his chapel, and join the rebel troops with hats on, that they might affume the femblance of men, in order to intimidate the failors by their numbers. The gun-boats fucceeded in deftroying fome fifhing fmacks; but as the fire which had been communicated to the ftores was extinguifhed, this facerdotal hero returned in triumph to Carrig, at the head of the Bannow corps, with colours flying, and mufick playing. He diftributed a great quantity of fcapulars in his parifh; and he frequently told fuch female proteftants as happened to remain there, that doctor Caulfield would be primate of Ireland, and that he would be archbifhop of Dublin.

Agreeable to the proclamation iffued by government, offering pardon to fuch repentant rebels as fhould take oaths of allegiance, and furrender their arms, Mr. Tottenham, the proprietor of Rofs, and other magiftrates, continued in the months of July and Auguft to extend the benefit of it to great numbers of that defcription, who carried in a few bad pikes and mufkets, merely for the purpofe of obtaining protections; from which, and from fubfequent events, it was unquestionable that they harboured .. their rebellious defigns as ftrongly as ever. And what fignified oaths to “fuch wretches, when the multitude had been guilty of the moft flagrant violation of them? None of them would confefs the names of their officers, except fuch of them as had been killed or hanged. One fanguinary ruffian was very candid in his confeffion; he faid, that general Harvey ordered him to attack and burn the town of Rofs; he faid, that he fired a great many fhots, and never without effect; that he entered Rofs by Neville-ftreet and Mary-ftreet, but could not proceed farther than the main guard. That poft had been bravely defended by ferjeant Hamilton of the Donegal regiment, with two fhip-guns, and fixteen men, who never abandoned his port. Mr. Tottenham afked this intrepid rebel,

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Whether he would have fired at him, if he had feen him? and he anfwered, that he would have been very proud to have had him under his eye. He afked him alfo how many he had killed? to which he replied, that he could not tell, as he had taken his ammunition out of a pouch; but that he was fure he never fired without killing or wounding a foldier.

MASSACRE AT SCULLABOGUE.

I contemplate with horror, and relate with reluftance, an occurrence which took place on the day of the battle of Rofs, which will remain a lafting difgrace to human nature, and an indelible ftain on the county of Wexford. During the encampment of the rebels on Carrickbyrnehill,* a party of them were pofted at Scullabogue,† within half a mile of the camp, where a barn was converted into a prifon for the confinement of proteftant prifoners. Bands of affaffins were fent round the adjacent country in queft of proteftants, whom they meant to extirpate, when they accomplifhed their final purpofe of overturning the government. For the manner in which this barbarous bufinefs was conducted, and the circumftances of cruelty and atrocity which accompanied it, fee Appendix, No. XX. 4, 5, 6.

On the eve of the thirtieth of May, captain King, the proprietor of Scullabogue, was advifed to abandon his houfe, and to carry off what valuable effects he could, as a camp was to be formed the day after on Carrickbyrne-hill, which is within half a mile of Scullabogue.

Next day he made his efcape, and the rebels took poffeffion of his houfe. It appears, on the evidence of different perfons, that one hundred and eighty-four proteftants were burned in the barn of Scullabogue, and that thirty-feven were fhot in the front of it.

The following clrcumftances appeared by the evidence of Richard Silvefter, a witnefs on the trial of Phelim Fardy, one of the wretches concerned in that horrid affair: That when the rebels encamped on Carrickbyrne-hill marched towards Rofs, on the fourth of June, the proteftant prifoners were left at Scullabogue, under a guard of three hundred rebels, commanded by John Murphy of Loughnageer, a rebel captain, Nicholas Sweetman and Walter Devereux, who both held the fame rank: That when the rebel army began to give way at Rofs, an exprefs was fent

* Plate III, 5. † Ibid. 6,

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to Murphy, to put the proteftant prifoners to death, as the king’s troops were gaining the day; but Murphy refufed to comply without a direct order from the general: That he foon after received another meffage to the fame purpofe, with this addition, that the prifoners, if releafed, would become very furious and vindictive: That fhortly after a third exprefs arrived, faying, the prieft gave orders that the prifoners fhould be put to death: That the rebels on hearing the fanction of the prieft, became outrageous, and began to pull off their clothes, the better to perform the bloody deed: That when they were leading the prifoners out from the dwelling-houfe to fhoot them, he turned away from fuch a fcene of horror; on which a rebel ftruck him with a pike upon the back, and faid, he would let his guts out if he did not follow him: That he then attended the rebels to the barn, in which there was a great number of men, women, and children; and that the rebels were endeavouring to fet fire to it, while the poor prifoners, fhrieking and crying out for mercy, crowded to the back-door of the barn, which they forced open for the purpofe of admitting air: That for fome time they continued to put the door between them and the rebels, who were piking or fhooting them: That in attempting to do fo, their hands or fingers were cut off: That the rebels continued to force into the barn bundles of draw to encreafe the fire. At laft, the prifoners having been overcome by the flame and fmoke, their moans and cries gradually died away in the filence of death.

It was proved on the trial of John Keefe, convicted by a court-martial on the fourteenth of April, 1800, on the evidence of Robert Mills, that, after the bloody work began, he faw the prifoner with a pike, the point of which was broken, and the top of the fhaft or handle was bloody > that he carried it to an adjoining forge, whetted it on a ftiarpening-ftone, and then proceeded to the front of the dwelling-houfe where they wer« fhooting the prifoners. Among the perfons moft confpicuous, we find the names of Fardy, Sinnott, Michell or Mifcally, who trampled on the dead and wounded bodies, and behaved otherwife in fuch a ferocious manner, as to obtain fom the rebels the appellation of the true-born Romans.

William Ryan, a farmer, about three miles from Scullabogue, had a daughter who was kept by a gentleman at Duncannon. The rebel guards at Scullabogue thinking that they might extract from her fome important

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information relative to the plans of the loyalifts, as her paramour was of that defcription, and dreading that fhe and her friends who were Roman catholicks, nught betray fome of the rebel feCrets to her keeper, lent a body of pikemen in queft of her; but not being able to find her, they were of opinion that her fifter Eleanor, who lived at Mr. Roffiter’s, would anfwer equally well. They therefore led her to the barn, and her father having fhortly after gone there to folicit her liberation, they committe; him and his poor old wife, who went there alfo, in hopes of being able to move their compaffion; but fhe fhared their fate, having been thruft into the barn, where they were all burnt.

No lefs than twenty-four proteftants were taken from the village of Tintern, about eight miles diftant, many of them old and feeble, and were led in one drove to the barn, where they perifhed.*

Thomas Shee and Patrick Prendergaft were burnt in the barn, both Romanifts, becaufe they would not confent to the maffacre of their proteftant mafters.

William Johnfon, a very old man, though of the fame perfuafion, fhared a fimilar fate. He gained a livelihood by playing on the bagpipes, and was fo unfortunate as to incur the vengeance of the rebels, by playing the tune of, ‘ Croppies, lie down.’

William Neil, another Romanift, who fuffered there, was by trade a tailor, and had worked for fome time in the garrifon of Duncannon. Having occafion to return to Camolin, of which he was a native, he procured the pafs of general Eawcett for his protection, but it turned out to be the means of his deftruction; for having been intercepted by the rebels, who confidered the pafs as an emblem of loyalty, they committed him to the barn, with his fon Daniel, who happened to accompany him, and they both perifhed in the flames.†

Some perfons have contended that the perfecutions in the county of Wexford were not exclufively levelled againft proteftants, becaufe a few Romanifts were put to death in the barn and at Wexford; but the fanguinary fpirit againft them was fo uniform at Vinegar-hill, on the bridge

* See Appendix, No. XX, 4.

† They burned the wives and fome of the chlldren of the North Cork militia in the barn, who were Roman catholicks; but it was fufficient to provoke their vengeance, that they wert connefted with the foldiers of an heretical king.

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of Wexford, and Scullabogue, and indeed in every part of the county, as to remove any doubt on that head.

The witnefs, during this dreadful fcene, faw a child who got under the door, and was likely to efcape, but much hurt and bruifed; when a rebel perceiving it, darted his pike through it, and threw it into the flames. While the rebels were fhooting the prifoners in front of the dwelling-houfe, a party of men and women were engaged in ftripping and rifting the dead bodies; and the prifoner, Phelim Fardy, called out to them to avoid the line of his fire, (as he was bufily employed in fhooting the prifoners,) and in faying fo, he fired at a man who was on his knees, and who inftantly fell and expired.

The barn was thirty-four feet long, and fifteen wide, and the walls were but twelve feet high. Suffocation then muft have foon taken place, as fo great a number of people were compreffed in fo fmall a fpace; and, befides the burning of the thatched roof of the barn, the rebels threw into it, on their pikes, a great number of faggots on fire.

Richard Grandy, who was prefent, fwears, that the prifoners in front of the houfe were led out by fours to be fhot; and that the rebels who pierced them when they fell, took pleafure in licking their fpears.*

A gentleman prefent, who had a narrow efcape, affured me, that a rebel faid he would try the tafte of Orange blood, and that he dipped a tooth-pick in a wound of one of the proteftants who was fhot, and then put it into his mouth. Whenever a body fell on being fhot, the rebel guards fhouted, and pierced it with their pikes.

Samuel and John Jones, two brothers, were put to death in front of captain King’s houfe in the following manner: When they were on their knees, the wife of one of them flood between them, took each of them by the hand, and clofed her eyes; and when they fell, in confequence of being fhot, fhe implored the rebels, as an act of mercy, to put her to death, but they refufed to do fo. She then got a car, and put on it the two bodies which the rebels had ftripped quite naked. She covered them with her cloak and petticoat; but when fhe had led the car to fome diftance, fhe was stopped by a party of rebel women, who

* See his affidavit in Appendix, No. XX. 7.

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led it back, and compelled her to return with them. They urged the rebels to put her to death, and fhe appeared to rejoice at the idea of refigning that life which they had embittered by murdering her hufband. They feemed well difpofed to kill her, and would have done fo, but that John Murphy, their captain, prevented them, having faid, that fuch a horrid deed would kindle a blufh on the cheeks of the Virgin Mary.

The Jones’s, who lived at Abbey Brainey, were in good circumftances. Murphy took out of one of their pockets a pocket-book, which, it was faid, contained notes to a confiderable amount. The father of the Jones’s, who was very old, died in a few days after of a broken heart, and he and his fons were interred in the fame grave.

One Sleater, an opulent man from Wales, who came to Ireland every year to buy cattle for the Englifh market, in which bufinefs he dealt very extenfively, was picked up by the rebels, and fhot among the thirty-feven prifoners. He had a pocket-book, which contained (it was faid) notes to the amount of £1,000 which fell into the hands of the rebels.*

On moft occafions, they did not offer any violence to the tender fex; but at Scullabogue, they burned a great many women and children.

It has been faid, and indeed proved, that John Murphy, the rebel captain, who commanded the guard at Scullabogue, refufed to maffacre the prifoners, till he had received the orders of a prieft of the name of Murphy, for that purpofe. Brien Murphy, parifh prieft of Taghmon, is fuppofed to be the perfon alluded to. The affidavit of Michael Afkins, which the reader will find in Appendix, No. XX. 9. throws great light on it.

The following occurrence, relative to a prieft, happened on the fame day, and fhews what great influence the facerdotal order had over the mifguided multitude: Patrick Dobbyn, and his three fons, William, Richard and Samuel, were taken prifoners at Old Court, in the parifh of Adamftown, where they refided, by Thomas Cavenagh, and fome more popifh banditti, who committed them to prifon at Scullabogue; the former on the fecond, the latter on the firft day of June. Elizabeth,

* The perfon who led him out to execution, was a ruffian of the name of Cowrean, whom he had employed in buying cattle, and who had gained confiderably by his kindnefs and generofity.

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the wife of Patrick Dobbyn, went to father Shallow, parifh prieft of the union of Adamftown and Newbawn, who refided at Ballyfhannon, one mile from Scullabogue, and implored him to have her hufband and fons releafed; but he refufed, and informed her, that he fhoukl be in as much dianger as they, if he went near the rebel camp; and yet the fame prieft liberated from the barn,* and faved a young man of the name of Lett, the fon of a Mr. Lett of Kilgibbon, within three or four miles of Ennifcorthy; and it appears alfo by affidavit fworn before general Fawcett, that father Shallow took an active part in the rebel camp at Carrickbyrne.†

William Fleming, a proteftant, and a yeoman in the Taghmon cavalry, having the protection of a prieft, went to the barn on the feventh of June, to look for the body of one Robert Cooke, a friend, for the purpofe of interring it; but the bodies were fo much injured by the fire, that he could not diftinguifh one from the other. I fhall refer the reader to his affidavit in Appendix, No. XX. 8. containing many curious particulars relative to the rebellion, particularly the exhortation of father Roche, the general, in the camp of Slievekilta,|| to extirpate orangemen and difaffected perfons, and in which he affured the rebels, that they were fighting for their religion.

The life of Fleming was often faved by the pafs of father Brien Murphy, a prieft of Taghmon, of which I give an exaft copy:

“Mr. Wm. Flemmon has complied with every condition required of him, and therefore is to be ftoped by no man.

June 2d, 1798.

Revd. BR. MURPHY.”

On the trial of Thomas Clooney, a rebel leader, at Wexford, the fifth of June, 1799, it was proved, that, while the camp was at Carrickbyrne, he at the head of three hundred rebels went to Old Rofs to burn the proteftant church, and the houfes of fome proteftants there; and that while the former was burning, he faid, the Devil’s houfe is on fire.

The ferocity of the rebels was fuch, that they often murdered each other with impunity in their camps, or during their marches.

8 Appendix, No. XX, 5. † Ibid. 10. || Plate VII. 7.

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A boy of the name of Bennett, about fourteen years old, entered the lawn of Mr. King, at Scullabogue, on horfeback, the day preceding the maffacre. One Hanlon, a fchoolmafter, infifted on getting his horfe; and on being refufed, he ran the boy through the body with his pike and killed him. Bennett’s brother, a young man, having arrived next day, afked permiffion to get revenge for the death of his brother; and having obtained it, inftantly killed the fchoolmafter. He was buried in a place feparate from the proteftants; for the rebels were heard to declare, that they would not inter him with hereticks.

The bodies of the proteftant prifoners were buried by a fubfcription, raifed by the rebel chiefs; Bagenal Harvey, who was filled with horror and fhame at the maffacre, having fet it on foot.

One Templeton, a yeoman, was taken prifoner at the battle of Rofs, by the rebels, and carried to Scullabogue, where he faw one Walter Devereux, a farmer, fitting on the wheels of a car, within ten paces of the barn; and Devereux pointing to it, faid, “That all proteftants and loyalifts fhould be ferved in that way.” On entering the barn, he faw the bodies in the fame fituation as defcribed by William Fleming.

Walter Devereux was taken at the cove of Cork, when attempting to make his efcape to America, and the protections of five different general officers were found on him; though he was afterwards charged with the maffacre of fome of the Wexford regiment at Newbridge, be. fides that at Scullabogue, which was proved by informations fworn before colonel Ram at Cove, and on the trial of Devereux at Cork.

Bagenal Harvey, who was a man of honour and humanity, though deluded by abfurd political fpeculations, was filled with the greateft horror on hearing of the maffacre at Scullabogue; and, therefore, the day after, he iffued general orders,* denouncing the penalty of death againft fuch perfons as fhould murder their prifoners; for which humane effort to check that fanguinary fpirit, which now for the firft time began to appear, he was depofed; and that inhuman favage, father Philip Roche, was elected in his ftead, at the camp of Carrickbyrne; and it appears that Edward Roche, who had been elected fecond in command of the republican army at Wexford, then became commander in chief, as appears

* See Appendix, No. XX. 13.

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by a paper* figned by him, dated the feventh of June, 1798The reverfe of fortune which general Harvey experienced in the eourfe of feven days, was no lefs rapid than unexpected, and convinced him of his folly and temerity.

A refpectable proteftant, who was taken prifoner by the rebels, and compelled to ferve in the camp at Carrickbyrne, informed me, that father Roche, in a publick harangue, denounced all proteftants as hereticks, and that they could not have luck or grace while any of them were permitted to ferve in their ranks: That on the fame day, he met Roche in a tent, and that he, with fingular diffimulation, affured him, that they made no religious diftinctions, and never regarded a man’s religion, provided he was loyal and true to their caufe: That Bagenal Harvey, on hearing Roche’s harangue, lamented to him, that the war unexpectedly turned out to be purely religious: That the priefts had got abfolute fway: That he feemed quite diftradted, and wifhed he could make his efcape.

On the eighth of June, the day after Bagenal’s Harvey’s depofition, Francis Glafcott, efquire, of Pilltown, his intimate friend, wrote to him for his protection; but he wrote in anfwer, that he was unable to protect himfelf. This letter marked ftrongly the diftrefs and perturbation of mind which he at that time fuffered.†

He lamented in this letter, that Mr. Tottenham, of Rofs, refufed to fpeak to Furlong, whom he fent with a flag of truce to general Johnfon, on the morning that the rebels attacked Rofs; and fome perfons have been fo weak and abfurd as to condemn general Johnfon for what happened on that occafion; but which human wifdom could not prevent.

A foldier, at an out-poft, fhot Furlong, a man of mean appearance, when in full gallop towards the town, and without any other emblem of his being a herald, or a meffenger of peace, than his having a white handkerchief in his hand; and the letter which was found in his pocket, contained nothing but a peremptory requifition to general Johnfon, to furrender the town to Bagenal Harvey, commander in chief; with which that brave officer would not have complied.

It has been faid, that Bagenal Harvey was depofed, becaufe he fhewed a want of courage in this action; but that is fcarce credible, for he difplayed

* See it in Appendix, No, XX, ij. † Ibid.

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very great firmnefs in various duels which he had fought in the courfe of his life.

Bagenal Harvey, on his depofition, was appointed prefident of the council at Wexford, confifting of a few leading members of the newlyeftablifhed republick, which fat for the regulation of their aflairs; and we find his name, with that of Nicholas Gray, his fecretary, to many orders iffued by them. See the oaths prefcribed by the council for the rebel officers and privates to take.*

Some days after the taking of Ennifcorthy, father Kearns, Patrick Sutton, and William Barker, all rebel chieftains, marched a body of rebels from that town towards Lacken-hill. They stopped at St. John’s, the feat of doctor Hill, clofe to Ennifcorthy, and took him and his brother with them, in order to leave them as hoftages, at Slievekilta camp, to fecure the lives of any of their leaders who might fall into the hands of the loyalifts. They remained at Scullabogue, twelve miles off’, the firft night, under the guard of fifteen favage pikemen, who flept in a fmall room with them. A hogfhead of whifkey was carried on a car, in the midft of the rebel column. Impatient at not having it drawn faft enough for them, one of the favages knocked in with a ftone a ftave of the calk, in confequence of which the liquor was loft.

One of the rebels led Mr. Hill to the barn, which had been burnt two or three days before, and he faw a great number of the guard turning up the bodies, in queft of money and watches, and who afterwards owned that they had been fuccefsful in their fearch.

Father Kearns returned in the morning, and defired them to prepare to march to Lacken-hill, near Rofs. He made them halt at Newbawn chapel, about a mile from Scullabogue, where he faid mafs’ for them, having a broad crofs belt, and a dragoon’s fabre under his veftment. The rebel chiefs knelt round the altar, from which Kearns, when mafs was over, endeavoured to exhort the rebels, in the fame ftrain that Murphy and Roche ufed at Vinegar-hill and Carrickbyrne; but the current of his eloquence was foon stopped by ebriety, his illiteratenefs, his grofs ignorance and vulgarity.

Some readers may regard thefe aneedotes as trifting and uninterefting, but it fhould be confidered that it would be impoffible to depict

* See it in Appendix, No. XX. 16.

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the fpirit of the rebellion, and the true character of the favages concerned in it, without giving a circumftantial account of the events which occurred in the courfe of it.

Mr. Stephen Ram, of Ramsfort, informed me, that many of his popifh tenants, who had been in the rebellion, were very communicative, and owned that they entered into it at the inftance of their priefts. They alfo declared, that it was ufual in the rebel camps, for each prieft to call over his parifhioners, and that the coadjutor acted in his ftead, if he was prevented by age or infirmity from doing fo. Thofe who appeared reludant were liable to cenfure.

When father Roche, the commander in chief, was encamped on Lacken-hill, he wrote the following letter to father Doyle:

“Revd. Sir,

“You are hereby ordered,’ in conjunction with Edmund Walfh, to order all your parifhioners to the camp on Lacken-hill, under pain of the moft levere punifhment; for I declare to you and to them, in the, name of the people, if you do not, that I will cenfure all Sutton’s* parifh with fire and fword. Come to fee me this day.

Lacken-hill, June 14th, 1798.
ROCHE.”
To the Revd. James Doyle.

It was given out in general orders, that the commander in chief fhould fend out guards, to compel fuch perfons as they fhould find loitering at home, and that fuch guards fhould punifh with death thofe who fhould refift them. Thofe who were found loitering fhould alfo be tried by a court-martial, and punifhed with death. See Appendix, No. XX. 1 3.

This is according to the French fyftem of terror.

The next memorable action which took place in the rebellion was the battle of Arklow, which happened on the ninth of June.

The rebel leaders knew, that if the metropolis fell, there would be a general infurrection of the popifh multitude all over the kingdom. They refolved therefore to make one defperate effort to gain it, knowing that immenfe numbers would flock to their ftandard in their progrefs thither, and that the mafs of the people in it would rife, as foon as they approached

* It is prefumed that Doyle was coadjuter to Sutton.

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proached it. Flufhed with the victory which they had gained at Tubberneering near Clough, they were fure that their efforts would be crowned with fuccefs.

The melancholy intelligence of colonel Walpole’s difafter fpread a general gloom through the metropolis, where it was received the evening of the day it happened. The confequences that might have refulted from it were not eafily to be forefeen. The hopes of the difaffected were raifed to the higheft pitch. Plans of infurrection were formed by the rebels in Dublin, as they had the moft fanguine hopes of being joined by their brethren in arms, who had given fuch an extraordinary and unexpected inftance of prowefs againft the king’s troops. Reports were induftrioufly propagated, magnifying the numbers of the rebel force; and ferious apprehenfions were entertained by many for the fafety of the capital.

The following letter was written by the rebel general, father Michael Murphy, at Gorey, on the fixth inftant, to Thomas Houfton, of Thomas-ftreet, Dublin, which fufficiently proves the determination of the rebel chieftains to march to, and attack the metropolis. Soon after the battle of Arklow, general Skerret met a foldier, who had fome plunder in his hands; among other things, a watch, a crucifix, and the following letter which he had found on the body of father Murphy:

“Friend Houfton!

Gorey, 6th June.

“Great events are ripening. In a few days we fhall meet. The firft fruits of your regeneration muft be a tincture of poifon and pike, in the metropolis, againft hereticks. This is a tribunal for fuch opinions. Your talents muft not be buried as a judge: Your fons muft be fteeled with fortitude againft herefy, then we fhall do; and you fhall fhine in a higher fphere. We fhall have an army of brave republicans, one hundred thoufand, with fourteen pieces of cannon, on Tuefday, before Dublin; your heart will beat high at the news. You will rife with a proportionable force.

Yours ever.
Decipher, B. I. K. M. Y.***
M. MURPHY.”

Father Murphy, in the conftant hurry and confufion in which he had been kept, in preparing for the attack of Arklow, had not time or

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opportunlty to forward this letter, which remains as a proof of the bold and malignant defigns of the facerdotal hero and his fanatical fectaries.*

So great was the confternation in Dublin, that the countefs Camden failed for England, and many ladies not only of rank and fafhion, but even of middling and mean fituations, followed her example. The regular military force in the capital was fmall but the loyal citizens enrolled as yeomen, to the amount of about four thoufand, well-armed and difciplined, nobly ftood forward to fave their country, completely overawed the difaffected within the city; and enabled government to detach from the garrifon the Cavan battalion of militia, and a fmall party of the Rea fencibles, who were fent off on the day following, in carriages impreffed for the purpofe, to Wicklow, to join there the debris of colonel Walpole’s column, and to endeavour to recover the town of Arklow. The honourable general Needham was appointed to the command of thefe troops, and reached Wicklow on the evening of the fifth of June. On the fixth, the column moved forward without oppofition to Arklow, but found the country altogether deferted by the male inhabitants, who had, almoft to a man, gone off to join their friends at Gorey.

The arrival of frefh troops from Dublin revived the drooping fpirits of thofe who had been defeated under colonel Walpole; though moft of them were in a deplorable ftate, having thrown away their packs, containing alltheir neceffaries, to lighten them in their retreat; and the fhoes they had, were completely worn out. On the march the column was joined by the Arklow corps of yeomanry, all loyal proteftants. As their houfes and property had been deftroyed by the rebels, they formed themfelves into fmall parties, before they joined general Needham; and fet fire to many houfes, of which the male inhabitants were knovm to have joined the rebels at Gorey; but thefe acts of revenge were completely put an end to by the general, and all the ftraggling yeomen were called in.. When the column approached within three miles of Arklow,† a

* From this letter, the reader may conceive to what a ftate of plunder, carnage and conflagration, the metropolis would have been reduced on the night of the twenty-third of May, if the pikemen had rifen and occupied the ftreets before the yeomen were alarmed, as they would have been joined by many thoufand-rebels from the country, who were waiting for the fignal to rufh into it.

† Plate II. ||. Fill

[Folding map:] Plan of the Town of Arklow with part of the Circumjacent Country

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ftrong party of dragoons was fent forward to reconnoitre. They pufued on to the town, and on their appearance, fome few fellows who had committed acts of violence and rebellion, after the retreat of the king's troops to Wicklow, made their efcape to Gorey.

The town was taken poffeffion of by the dragoons without any oppofition; and about four o'clock, on the fixth of June, the main column marched in. It is impoffible to defcribe the joy which their arrival diffufed through the town, as moft of the proteftant inhabitants had deferted their houfes, and fled to the beach, to avoid the deftruction w/hich feemed to impend over them and their families, and made their efcape in boats; but on feeing the column enter the town, they returned. The fcventh and eighth, the troops remained unmolefted; though they were in conftant expectation of being attacked. Patroles were kept conftantly in motion, and every precaution was adopted that prudence could fuggeft. Some fences were levelled, to clear the only pofition which it appeared advifable to occupy in cafe of an attack. The difpofition of the forces for that event was refolved on; and ground was marked out for encamping the entire body outfide the town,* that on any alarm they might turn out and form with greater promptitude.

THE BATTLE OF ARKLOW.

On the morning of the ninth, about eleven o'clock, intelligence was brought that the enemy were at hand. The garrifon inftantly turned out, and a cavalry patrole advanced two miles towards Coolgreney,† where they faw at fome diftance a mounted patrole of the enemy which immediately retired. It happened very fortunately that a detachment of the Durham fencibles, a very fine regiment, amounting to three hundred effeftive men, arrived about one o'clock that day, without whofe affiftance the little garrifon would not probably have been able to withftand the fuperior numbers of the enemy.

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ftrong party of dragoons was fent forward to reconnoitre. They pufhed on to the town, and on their appearance, fome few fellows who had committed acts of violence and rebellion, after the retreat of the king’s troops to Wicklow, made their efcape to Gorey.

The town was taken poffeffion of by the dragoons without any oppofition; and about four o’clock, on the fixth of June, the main column marched in. It is impoffible to defcribe the joy which their arrival diffufed through the town, as moft of the proteftant inhabitants had deferted their houfes, and fled to the beach, to avoid the deftruction which feemed to impend over them and their families, and made their efcape in boats; but on feeing the column enter the town, they returned. The feventh and eighth, the troops remained unmolefted; though they were in conftant expectation of being attacked. Patroles were kept conftantly in motion, and every precaution was adopted that prudence could fuggeft. Some fences were levelled, to clear the only polition which it appeared act vifable to occupy in cafe of an attack. The difpofition of the forces for that event was refolved on; and ground was marked out for encamping the entire body outfide the town,* that on any alarm they might turn out and form with greater promptitude.

THE BATTLE OF ARKLOW.

On the morning of the ninth, about eleven o'clock, intelligence was brought that the enemy were at hand. The garrifon inftantly turned out, and a cavalry patrole advanced two miles towards Coolgreney,† where they faw at fome diftance a mounted patrole of the enemy which immediately retired. It happened very fortunately that a detachment of the Durham fencibles, a very fine regiment, amounting to three hundred effective men, arrived about one o'clock that day, without whofe affiftance the little garrifon would not probably have been able to withftand the fuperior numbers of the enemy.

* Plate. VIII. Plate II, 2.

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9th of June, 1798.

Effective return of the forces under the command of the honourable major general Needham at Arklow

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About four o’clock in the afternoon, the out-poft at the charter-fchool A, was ordered in; and another cavalry patrole was fent there, and they obferved at fome diftance, the enemy deploying the immenfe mafs which had marched by the Coolgreney road, from Gorey, and extending themfelves into a kind of irregular line of great depth; the right being at the little rock of Arklow B, where a very ftrong column was formed, which marched by the fea-fide road, and was deftined to attack the lower end of the town, or fifhery C. On the Coolgreney road another immenfe column was formed, to attack the right of our pofition, at the upper end of the town D. When thefe arrangements were made, which took up half an hour, the enemy fent forward a numerous patrole of cavalry and infantry, wWch attempted to furround the patrole, which we had fent to the charter-fchool, and obliged them to fall back to the garrifon. In the mean time the king’s troops prepared for adioa, having made the following difpofition: A part of the Antrim, with fome fupplementary yeomen, commanded by captain Rowan, were deftined for the defence of the barrack E, and lined the walls on a temporary banquette erefted for the purpofe.

Another detachment of the Antrim, under the command of lieutenantcolonel O’Hara, was pofted at the upper end of the town at D, with a barricado fuddenly formed of cars and boxes in their front, and having one of their regimental field-pieces with their own gunners. The line of the king’s forces was formed with the Durham on the right, in the circular pofition FFG, which gave fome advantage in point of ground; but, after the firing began, the troops on the left of the Durham moved forward, under cover of the hedges, their front GGG, where they remained during the reft of the action. The Suflblk fencibles and the Tyrone light companies, with fome of the fupplementary yeomen hned the very ftrong hedges HHH; a fmall party was pofted in the churchyard I, and another at the end of the ftreet K, for the defence of the lower end of the town.

The main object of the rebels was to outflank and furround our little army, by which they muft have overpowered it by their immenfe fuperiority of numbers; which the excellent difpofition made by general Ncedham was well calculated to prevent.

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The cavalry, with the exception of one troop of the Ancient Britons, and the Arklow cavalry, pofted at L, were ftationed at the bridge, and on the fands outfide the town MMM, where they were perfectly under cover.

The rebels firft appeared on the tops of hedges, in a great circular line, extending from the Gorey or fea fide road to the fand banks near the fea, and was very deep. They put their hats on their pikes, and gave moft dreadful yells. The enemy now moved forward to the attack, and in their progrefs fet fire to Lamberton, the beautiful feat of the reverend Mr. Bayly, redlor of the parifh of Arklow N, which was entirely confumed. The party on the Coolgreney road was warmly received on their firft appearance, by colonel O’Hara, with his gun and party at the barrier D; and they fuffered very feverely from the two guns on the right of the Durham’s. One of the enemy’s fix-pounders was now dragged off the road by the lane N, and advantageoufly pofted on the fummit of an hill O, commanding the pofition of the king’s troops, but which was fo extenfive that they could not with their fmall numbers occupy the whole of it. The other gun which the rebels brought with them was drawn by the Yellow-lane P, and pofted not injudicioufly on an eminence at Q.

The enormous mob which compofed the rebel army was eftimated at twenty-five thoufand men by thofe who were beft informed. In their march they plundered the houfes of all proteftants of every thing valuable, and put in ftrict requifition all the fpirits and provifions that could be fupplied. Under the influence of intoxication and fanaticifm they were led on by their priefts, who infpired them with ideas of their own invinciblenefs; becaufe, as they informed the mifguided wretches, they were engaged in the caufe of heaven, and againft the enemies of God. To maintain that religious phrenzy, which was the only fource of their courage, they, at the end of every mile during their march, faid mafs for them, and ufed every mode of exhortation, and every fuperftitious device that prieftcraft could invent. They advanced in an irregular line, which was frequently broken by their running out to file along the hedge rows lying parallel to the pofition of the king’s troops, of the cover of which they endeavoured to avail themfelves. Their front rank was compofed of thofe who had fire-arms, and who were moftly from the barony of Shelmalier, on the Wexford coaft, where they fubfift during the winter

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by fhooting barnacles and other fea fowl, which makes them expert markfmen. They were covered in the rear by the pikemen many deep, and at certain intervals their line was ftrcngthened by numerous mafles of men, who were ready to fupply the places of thofe who feljl, or to act as occafion might require. Each company had a green flag or colour about two feet fquare, with a yellow harp in the centre. Some, however, were party-coloured, and equal in fize to the king’s colours. Their leaders were diftinguifhable riding through the ranks, marfhalling them, and giving orders.

During the engagement the rebels frequently repeated their dreadful yells, which heightened the terrifick appearance of this numerous hoft of barbarians, who feemed confident from their fuperlor numbers, that they could eafily overwhelm our fmall army.

The columrt* on the right of the enemy’s line, which formed at the rock B, and marched by the fea fide road S, attacked the lower end of the town with great fury, fetting fire to the houfes, and advancing under cover of the fmoke, with the moft determined perfeverance. The flames were fortunately interrupted by the interval between C and R, and did not communicate to the reft of the town.

The rebels, notwithftanding their moft defperate efforts, were unable to withftand the heavy and well-directed fire kept up by the party pofted at K; and nevef fucceeded in paffing the point R, at which multitudes of them were killed, but who were inftantly replaced by others; and they were plainly obferved throwing their killed, and, it is believed, many of their wounded into the flames, where they were confumed or buried under the ruins of falling houfes. The attack was fupported with the utmoft obftinacy on this point for two hours and a half, when the enemy began to defift from an attempt which had proved fatal to fo many, and to retire along the ftreet of the fifhery C, and by the fea fide road S.

This being obferved, the cavalry on the bridge, under colonel Sir W. W. Wynne, was ordered to charge, and that officer led them on with his ufual gallantry againft the enemy, many of whom were cut down on the fands TT, and the reft made their efcape up the Yellow-lane P, and into the enclofures, where the cavalry could not follow them.

While this warm conflict was maintained at the lower end of the town, the attack was fupported with ftill more obftinacy againft the barricade

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at D; by which the rebels were in hopes of making their way to the rear of our little army. This column was led on by father Michael Murphy, the prieft, of Ballycanew, who endeavoured to animate them by every argument and exhortation that could work on their bigotry. Many of their chiefs, who led them on to fucceffive attacks, were killed within a few yards of our guns.

Murphy, who had hitherto efcaped, headed the column at the charter-fchool, which was ftill very great; but as they fhewed a reluctance to advance, he took out of his pocket fome mufket-balls, which, he faid, were fired by the enemy, and fome of which had hit him without wounding him; and others he had caught in his hands. He affured them at the fame time, that the balls of hereticks could not injure them, as they were under the protection of the Almighty, in whofe caufe they were fighting, provided they were ftedfaft in their faith. By that ftratagem, he prevailed on many of the deluded wretches to follow him; and they fucceffively became victims of their fuperftition and temerity. Father Murphy, after many efcapes, fell himfelf by a cannon fhot, within a few yards of the barricade D, while fhouting to his followers, and waving in his hand a fine ftandard with a crofs, and Liberty or Death infcribed on it. The fall of this church militant hero had an immediate effe6t in damping the ardour of the enemy, which from that moment began to abate.

About eight o’clock, when it was almoft dark, they began to retreat towards Cool^reney, in an irregular and diforderly manner. They carried off nine cart-loads of dead and wounded. If the cavalry had one hour’s day light, they would have purfued them, and have cut off great numbers in their retreat. The lofs of the rebels was faid to be one thoufand killed, and great numbers wounded.

The rebel cannon were worked by fome of our artillery-men, who were taken near Wexford on the thirtieth of May; and as they levelled them too high, their fire was in a great meafure ineffectual; for during the whole engagement, but two fhots had any effect. One of them paffed through the ammunition box of one of our guns, the other broke the carriage and killed three of the gunners.

When our troops got poft’effion of Gorey, on the twelfth of June, a yeoman of the name of Sherwood, found a popifh confeffion of faith* in the box of a prieft, the original of which is now in the poffeffion of the

* See a copy of it in Appendix, No. XX. 15.

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reverend Mr. Bayly of Arklow. It has been publifhed in a pamphlet, entitled, Veridicus, and in another written in defence of the orangemen, in reply to Theobald McKenna, efquire; and as an anonymous writer has treated it as an impofture, from its monftrous abfurdity, I think it right to obferve, that various produftions of the fame nature, but infinitely more abfurd and ridiculous, are conftantly publifhed in Dublin, and circulated among the befotted multitude. Of thefe Fifty Reafons, the book on the Scapular or Carmelite order, the Funiculus triplex, or triple cord of St. Francis, the revelations of father John Murphy the traitor, hanged at Tullow, ftand foremoft.

Another of thefe confeffions of faith was found at Carlow; one was dropped by a drunken prieft of the name of Fitzfimmons, at the houfe of a gentleman in the county of Meath; and another was found in the pocket of a robber, who was killed in the Liberty, in the year 1795.*

I forgot to mention that fome weeks before the rebellion broke out, popifh children at Wingfield, and in the vicinity of Gorey and Arklow, and in many other places in the county of Wexford, wore red tape; and that fome proteftant children who did fo, wifhing to imitate them, were feverely reprimanded by popifh fchoolmafters. George Taylor, in his narrative, mentions it; and tells us, what I have heard from many refpectable perfons, that the pretext for ufing it was, that all the Roman catholick children, under the age of fifteen, were to be vifited by a dreadful plague; and that this piece of tape, which was endued with fupernatural powers, by the benediction of a prieft, would fecure thofe, who wore it, from infection; but it was believed, that the intent of it was to difcriminate popifh from proteftant children, when the general maffacre was to take place in the month of May. The country fhopkeepers brought immenfe quantities of it from Dublin, which they readily difpofed of George Taylor, who lives near Gorey, mentions this circumftance in his narrative of the Wexford rebellion.

Captain Grogan Knox, who commanded the Caftletown yeomen cavalry, and two privates in it, fell in this action. It is fuppofed that they advanced too far in purfuit of the enemy, after they had been driven out of the fifhery, and that by doing fo, they got within the range of our fhot. This loyal gentleman was brother of Mr. Cornelius Grogan, who was hanged at Wexford.

* This confeffion, it is believed, was compofed foon after, and alluded to the maffacre of 1641.

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I will now proceed to relate the principal occurrences which took place in the town of Wexford, from Wednefday the thirtieth day of May, when the rebels got poffeffion of it, till the twenty-firft day of June, when they were expelled from it. Some time after it was evacuated by the king’s troops, the rebels approached it, headed by Edward Roche, a farmer, who was permanent ferjeant in colonel Lehunte’s corps of yeomen cavalry, and having deferted from them on Whitfunday, became a rebel general. When they came to a place called the Spring,* within two hundred yards of the town, they knelt down, croffed themfelves, and prayed for fome time. A perfon in the van of their army, when advanced to the middle of the town, having by chance fired a fhot, the rear, who were outfide, fled M’ith precipitation, from motives of fear. As they paffed through the ftreets, they uttered the moft dreadful yells, and for three days after their arrival, they continued to plunder, every rebel gratifying his revenge againft thofe towards whom he bore any enmity. They appointed a commitee of feven, inveiled with fupreme command, in which Bagenal Harvey was appointed prefident, after having been depofed, and a fubordinate committee for the government of the town, which they divided into wards, in each of which they appointed and armed a company with officers of different degrees.

On entering the town, they by acclamation appointed general Keugh governor, or commandant of it, and bore him on their fhoulders to the court-houfe. This extraordinary man, who had been a private in his majefty’s fervice, rofe to the rank of captain-lieutenant in the 65th regiment, in which he ferved in America. He was about five feet nine inches high, and rather robuft. His countenance was comely, his features were large, and indicative of an active intelligent mind. Joined to a very happy and perfuafive manner of expreffing himfelf, he had an engaging addrefs, and great affability of manner. He married a widow, with whofe jointure and his own private fortune, he lived very comfortably in Wexford. Proud and ambitious, he thought that his own abilities, which he appreciated too highly, were not fufficiently rewarded; and envying thofe who were his fuperiors in rank and fortune, he hoped to rife iii that chaotic fcene which a revolution would elFed. In clubs and coffee-houfes, he conftantly cenfured the form of our conftitution, and faid it might be meliorated;

* See note VI. P.

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but under the mafk of a reformift, he concealed the dark defigns of a rebel. His difaffection became at laft fo confpicuous, that the lord chaucellor deprived him of the commiffion of the peace in the year 1796,

The rebels chofe certain perfons to diftribute provifions, and for thai purpofe to give tickets to the inhabitants to entitle them to a rateable proportion of them, according to the number of inhabitants in each houfe. The habitations of all the proteftants who made their efcape were plundered, many of them were demolifhed, and but few of thofe who remained in the town were fpared. All the proteftant men were immediately committed to prifon, except a few leaders who were really attached to their caufe, or who affected to be fo, to fave their lives, or thofe who concealed themfelves.

The day they entered the town, Mr. John Boyd, brother of Mr. B. member for the town, Thomas Sparrow, and one Hadden, a porter, were maffacred, Henry Box, a shoemaker, and a man of the name of Cook, contiguous to it.

Thofe who could obtain written protections from the popifh clergy, whofe influence was unbounded, or from the rebel leaders, were not moiefted.

The perfidious and cruel conduct of the rebel captains and failors to their proteftant paffengers, who paid them large fums of money to convey them to Wales, will ever remain a ftain on human nature. As foon as the rebels entered the town, a large green flag was hoifted on the barrack,* which is on an eminence; but thofe who had put to fea before it appeared, were fo fortunate as to efcape.

I give an extract from the letter of a proteftant clergyman, Mr. Handcock, (part of which I already quoted,) who retreated with his family from Ennifcorthy, to fhew the perilous and difaftrous ftate of the proteftant fugitives. “On the morning of the thirtieth of May, the day after our arrival at Wexford, in compliance with the earneft and irrefiftible adjuration of my wife, I determined on going to fea, carelefs whither; but fo traitorous were the boatmen, and fo refolved (as appeared in many inftances after) to deliver up the gentry to the rebels, that after bargaining with feveral of them for a boat to Waterford or Dublin, or a floop to Wales,

* See Plate VI. A. B.

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and being in the moft ruffianly manner infulted by the boatmen, and pelted with ftones from the fhore, I could not prevail on one of them to put off, until with a piftol in each hand, and defperation in my heart, they faw me hefitating, whether to blow out their brains or my own.**

The treatment of a party of gentlemen and ladies, who embarked on board a large floop, belonging to the bloody Thomas Dixon, the thirtieth of May, will fhew the reader the ferocious cruelty of the rebel failors to their paffengers. After having exacted a very large fum from them, he refufed to put to fea, till the veffel was lightened, as he faid, fhe was heavily laden with coals; on which the gentlemen and their fervants affifted in throwing over board a large quantity of that article. As an excufe for further procraftination, Dixon faid, he muft go on fhore to know what fignal to hoift; as he had friends among the rebels, and no veffel but his would be fuffered to fail. Having repaired in his fmall boat to the county fide of the bridge, where the rebels were in great force, he returned in about an hour and a half, and informed them, that the united Irifhmen were in poffeffion of the town; and with the femblance of friendfhip, he advifed them to conceal their arms and their uniforms, as many of them were yeomen. He went on fhore a fecond time, and returned with two boats full of men, well armed, and who immediately deprived the paffengers of their arms. Thofe with captain Dixon then proceeded to the barrack, from whence having made a fignal, the rebel failors in the floop informed the paffengers that they were prifoners, and that their captain had obtained the command of the barrack.

Thus this party of gentlemen and ladies, obnoxious for their loyalty, wete betrayed into the hands of the ferocious rebels, after having been defrauded of their money. They were landed, and lodged at the poftoffice, where they remained till the firft of June.

Mr. Crump, Mr. Bland, and Mr. Kellet, and their wives, who were of the party, repaired to the houfe of the former, but as it had been plundered of all its furniture, and materially injured by the rebels, they could not occupy it. They therefore repaired to Clonard, the houfe of Mr. Kellet, two miles from the town, which was not in the fmalleft degree injured, becaufe he was married to a lady of the popifh perfuafion; and for that reafon they remained there unmolefted, till Monday the fourth of June, except that they daily received three or four domiciliary

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vifits from rebel parties, who faid they were fearching for orangemen.*

On Sunday the third of June, Mr. Cornelius Grogan, of Johnftown,† within three miles of Wexford, vifited them, and afked them what part they would take in the prefent civil war? They anfwered that they would continue neuter. He told them that they would not be fuffered to remain inactive, and affured them that they would be taken to the camp if they perfifted in doing fo, and put to death if they attempted to make their efcape. He faid, that the united Irifhmen had waited on him that morning, and compelled him to take their oath: That at firft he was averfe to it; but having confulted one O’Connor a fchoolmafter on the propriety of taking it, he removed his doubts, by affuringhim that the moft loyal of his majefty’s fubjects might fafely fwear it That he was determined to go through with the bufinefs, as it was the only means of preferving his property; for, that the people had rifen in great force in different parts of the kingdom, and had been victorious in different engagements. Being invefted with the office of commiffary to the republick, he took an inventory of all the provifions at Clonard, from Mr. Kellet’s fheward; and afterwards went out and examined whether it was correct. He evinced his authority by giving a protection to a woman whom Mr. Kellet was fending to Wexford for bread. This unfortunate gentleman was feized of an eftate of £8,000 a-year, in the county of Wexford, and lived at Johnftown, in a rude, but plentiful hofpitality; attended by a few parafites, who flattered his prejudices, and paid the moft obfequious deference to his opinions. From their daily exceffes at the table, Mr. Grogan was feldom free from the gout. On moft occafions he evinced the moft decided difapprobation of the meafures of the Irifh government, in which he was encouraged by his needy and dependent affociates, who hoped to acquire riches and confequence from general combuftion. In him it probably arofe from envy, becaufe, from the want of mental excellence, (for he had but mean talents) and of proper exertion in publick concerns, he did not enjoy that weight and refpect in fociety, which gentlemen of much fmaller fortunes poffeffed.

* From whatever poft the rebels occupied, they, as a matter of courfe, fent out bands of pikemen in queft of proteftants, under the denomination of orangemen.

† See Plate III. 7

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It is fcarce to be doubted, but that he was not privy to the confpiracy which ended in a rebellion, though his conduct afforded ftrong ful’picions of it, as he was fond of the fociety of Keugh, Bagenal Harvey, and other difaffetled perfons; and his parafites were notorioufly difloyal.

It is much to be feared that this unfortunate gentleman fell a facrifice to his credulity, his avarice, and want of firmnefs. He retreated with the king’s troops from Wexford, about two miles, and then turned off to his own houfe, where he was circumvented by the rebels; who either compelled or feduced him to join them. Some are of opinion, that he repaired to his houfe, in hopes of preferving it from being plundered; others that he imagined he could not preferve his property but by embarking in the rebel caufe, which he was convinced would prevail, from the falfe and exaggerated accounts which he had received of their fucceffes and their numbers.

On Monday the fourth day of June, Meffrs. Bland, Crump and Kellet, were conveyed to the gaol of Wexford, by a ferjeant and twelve rebels, and were committed to a long narrow pastage, which was fo filthy and offenfive, (as numbers of proteftant prifoners were crowded into it) that Mr. Bland, who had been well acquainted with genetal Keugh, wrote him a note, reprefenting their deplorable fituation. On his arrival in the prifon Mr. Bland afked him, whether they could not be liberated on their parole? He replied, “By no means, as the wifhes of the people muft be indulged however he had them removed to an apartment at the other fide of the gaol-yard, where there was no furniture, but a wretched bed, without clothes. When they were going out, the rebel centinel who guarded the door, stopped them in a rude and peremptory manner; on which general Keugh faid, “Do you know whom you fpeak to? Who placed you there?” To which the centinel replied, in an angry tone, and with a ftern look, “It was the people that placed me here.” This incident affords an inftructive leffon to factious demagogues, who hope to rife on the deftruction of focial order; as it proves, even in the outfet of a rebellion, how precarious their power is over the giddy multitude, whom they hope to make the inftruments of their inordinate ambition.

On Wednefday the feventh of June, they were committed to a prifon-fhip,* with many other refpectable gentlemen. They were furrounded

* See Plate VI.

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by a multitude of pikemen as they marched to the quay, where they embarked. They were confmed fixteen days in the hold of a fmall Hoop, covered with an iron grate, and had no other bed but a light covering of dirty ftraw, over the ballaft, which confifted of ftones. Six rebel guards were placed over them. Their breakfaft confifted of a fmall barley loaf, which was almoft black, and half a pint of milk: Their dinner of coarfe boiled beef, with fome potatoes, let down in the dirty bucket of the fhip, without a knife or fork; for they were deprived of their knives as foon as they were committed. Their drink was bad beer or whifkey. Two days in the week their only food was potatoes and rancid butter, let down in the fhip’s bucket. Such was the barbarous treatment which a number of refpectable gentlemen received, for no other reafon than becaufe they were known to be attached to the beft of kings, and to the only conftitution in Europe which affords any degree of rational liberty!

From the fufferings of the paffengers on board a large Hoop called the Lovely Kitty, (and many of them were ladies of rank and fortune,*) one may form fome idea of what the proteftant fugitives endured from the favage fpirit of the rebel failors. Having embarked at three o’clock, in the morning of the thirtieth of May, they failed as far as the fort of Rofslare,† where the failors caft anchor, under the pretext of taking in ballaft. In the evening they were furrounded by a number of boats, the crews of which, being well-armed, boarded them, and were fo brutal and ferocious, as to fill them with ferious apprehenfions for their lives. Mrs. Gill, one of the paffengers, imagining that they were on the point of murdering her hufband, threw herfelf overboard, and floated to fome diftance from the veffel; but was purfued and faved. Having been carried on deck, fhe appeared lifelefs for fome time, and on being recovered, fhe exclaimed, “Ah! why did you bring me back to fcenes of mifery?” Mr. Stringer, who had efcaped from Ennifcorthy, having been afked by a ruffian how he came to burn his town, replied, “It was done by the rebels on which the failors exclaimed, “Over with him!” and inflantly threw him overboard. After fwimming fome time, part of the crew, more humane than the reft, followed him with the long boat, and faved his life, but he continued infane; and his wife, a beautiful young woman, was fo much affected, as to be defpaired of. As the veffel from,

* Mrs. Ogle aad her fifter were among them. † Plate III.

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its fmallnefs, could afford accommodation for but few of the paffengers, moft of them remained all night on the deck, among the failors, who were brutally drunk, and were conftantly uttering treafon, blafphemy, and obfcenity.

Sometimes they held fwords or piftols to the breafts of the women, uttering the moft horrid threats. They often ordered them on deck, during the courfe of the night, faying, “That they had bufinefs below with the gentlemen and they defired them not to be alarmed at piftols going off. They heard them fire many fhots, and were informed afterwards, that they killed eight or ten men in the hold.

Some of the females, dreading that they would offer brutal violence to them, refolved on drowning themfelves, fhould fuch an attempt be made. The failors often declared that they would exterminate all orangemen, and that there fhould be but one religion.

On Thurfday morning, the thirty-firft of May, a party of the paffengers, twenty-fix in number, and all women, except fix boys and girls, were conveyed to Wexford as prifoners, and lodged in the houfe of one Heron, a chandler, and in a very fmall room, where they had but one fmall pallet-bed to repofe on, and where they fuffered much from fetid air, bad food, and the want of fleep.

Heron and his wife were very kind to them, though the rebels conftantly threatened that they would demolifh their houfe, if they entertained orangemen or orangewomen, and they often fearched the houfe for the latter.

Mrs. Pounden, of Ennifcorthy, who did not difembark till the firft party landed, affured me, that when fhe was going from the veffel into a fmall boat, one of the failors fhot Mr. Dowfe, a paffenger, clofe by her fide, for no other reafon than becaufe he was a member of captain Richards’s yeomen cavalry at Ennifcorthy, and was a proteftant of diftinguifhed loyalty. The firft object thefe ladies beheld on their landing, was the naked body of Mr. John Boyd, which lay bleeding on the quay, disfigured with many a ghaftly wound, and writhing with agony of pain. When he was affaffinated, a number of rebel women exclaimed with favage joy, “Well done, boys! ferve all the hereticks fo,” Mr. John Boyd was brother to Mr. James Boyd, member of the town of Wexford; and becaufe his family were noted for their loyalty, this unfortunate gentleman was murdered as foon as he landed on the quay. He continued dying for

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above twenty hours, and often afked for a draught of water, to quench his infatiable thirft; but the rebel mob would not fuffer any perfon to relieve him. While in that deplorable fituation, a rebel lad of about fourteen years old fhot him with a piftol, which encreafed his pain, without putting a period to his exiftence.

On the fame day they murdered Mr. Sparrow, a yeoman, of Ennifcorthy, and dragged his naked body through the ftreets, and tied it to one of the piers of the bridge, where it remained buoyant, (a woeful fpectacle!) till the king’s troops arrived.

A gentleman of great refpectability, in the county of Wexford, affured me, that he was carried as a prifoner by a body of pikemen into a houfe, where he was confined for the night, that he found there fome gentlemen to whom father Corrin, a prieft, was granting protections; but he previoufly required that they fhould fwear that they had not taken the Orangeman’s oath; the printed form of which lay on the table. It was infamoufly fanguinary, containing an obligation to deftroy and extirpate Roman catholicks: This gentleman offered to take the oath, to entitle him to protection; but father Corrin refufed to adminifter the oath, having faid, “We know you too well to regard what you would fwear in that way”, alluding to his noted zeal and aclivity, as a magiftrate and a yeoman.

A very amiable and refpectable lady* and her children, who had embarked on board the floop of the fanguinary Thomas Dixon, was treacheroufly relanded by him; and having repaired to the houfe of Mr. Thomas Hatchel, fon-in-law of doctor Jacob, near the bridge, where, with the doctor, his family, and fome other proteftants, fhe was protected. While the town remained in poffeffion of the rebels, fhe wrote a very exaft diary of every material event during that period, which I fhall quote occafionally.

She tells us, “That Thomas Dixon went on fhore in his fmall boat, and at his return declared, that no woman or child fhould be killed; but that no man, except three, whom he named, fhould efcape. The favage failors intoxicated with victory and whifkey, arrived with boats to carry them on fhore, and a female heroine among them, fifter of Mrs. Dixon,

*Her name is concealed at her own defire.

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and wife to a miller at Altramont, brandifhed a fword, and boafting of her exploits, faid, “That the paffengers of no boat would be faved, except thofe of Thomas Dixon, as he was brother-in-law to Roche the commander of the rebel army.” Another boat full of ruffians, more furious than the former, arrived, and fwore they would burn the boat, if they found one gun or a man concealed under deck. More ruffians arrived drunk, and boafting of their murders, would not drink unlefs Mrs. —— drank firft, left, as they faid, they fhould be poifoned.

“At dawn of day, on the thirty-firft of May, Dixon returned, faid many horrible things, boafted of various murders, and made her ftand on deck, and fee the dead body of Mr. James Boyd on fhore.

“When the landed, fhe found the ftreets crowded with rebels, who were conftantly firing fhots. The boatman afked her, if fhe knew ever a Roman catholick? and fhe faid, fhe was acquainted with Mrs. Talbot; he then led her the back way to her houfe; but fhe then reimbarked, having found it fhut. He afked her, if fhe knew doctor Jacob? and having faid fhe did, he recommended to her to go there, as it would be a fafe houfe.* They landed her oppofite to his door, and fhe was well received there. The hall was full of ruffians who brought faggots to fet the houfe on fire, but fome of them humanely prevented it.

She was then without food or fleep from Sunday night the twenty-feventh, except that fhe got a little tea from Mrs. Dixon. She was diftracted, and felt more the enthufiafm of defpair than infanity. She took her daughter by her hand, and went to Bagenal Harvey, who did not know her, being covered with coal-afhes, and convulfed with mifery. She reminded him of their acquaintance; he gave her a protection, but faid he had no real command, and that the rebels were a fet of favages exceeding all defcription. She afked him, when this was to end? He anfwered, probably not for fome time, as government would not fend a force into the country till they had collected a proper one. He faid, he muft get the people out of the town, and form a camp, for otherwife it would be deftroyed in a few hours. Shortly after, they confented to go to camp, and fhe faw many thoufands of them going there. They were

* She look this for doctor Jacob’s, but it was his fon-in-law’s Mr. Hatchel’s; and the rebels availing themfelves of the doctor’s furgical ftill to drefs their wounded men, they fhewed a regard for, and protected him, and fuch of his friends as fought an nfy him in Mr. Hatchel’s houfe.

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led by many priefts. They often ftop ped, knelt down, kifted the ground, croffed themfelves; and then fet up the moft hideous yells, and followed their priefts. All that time fhots were conftantly fired. Small parties of them entered and fearched the houfe. The firft of June paffed in the fame manner.

“J. R. a Roman catholick of great humanity, came and told me with candour, how much the proteftants were fpoken againft but faid, he trufted that the women and children would be fpared.

“In the evening, doctor Caulfield, the Roman catholick bifhop, came, and was very kind to me, J. R. having told him who I was. The doctor faid, he was cautioned in the ftreet, to beware how he protected proteftants. He gave me a protection, but like B. Harvey faid, “He had no influence: That the people could not be defcribed: That in reality, the devil was roaming at large amongft them: That their power never could hold: That they were making it a religious war, which would ruin them: That government was too ftrong, and muft conquer: That this rebellion had been hatching four years.” I think he might have given government notice of it.*

“Second of June, the mob were conftantly talking in the ftreet of punifhing proteftants. Colonel Lehunte, and many others, went to the chapel, and renounced their religion, were chrifte’ned; and then marched in proceffion through the ftreets.

“Third of June, they made three proteftants fhoot a man in the Bullring. We received conftant domiciliary vifits from the rebels, who we thought would murder us ere they departed.* The rebels paraded twice a-day oppofite our door, having fifes, fiddles, and drums. It was a kind of regular tumult; every one was giving his opinion. My little boy liftening one day faid, “Mamma, are they all kings?”

On Trinity Sunday the third of June, a fermon was preached in the chapel, to a large congregation, confifting of a numerous body of pikemen, and fome proteftants, who affumed the femblance of fincere converts to fave their lives, and who went there to be christened for the fame purpofe. Father Roche, the preacher, and chaplain to the popifh bifhop, doctor Caulfield, inveighed from the altar againft the errors of

* This is her obfervation.

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proteftants, whofe religion he reprefented as an abominably herefy. He then explained and enforced the doctrines of popery, particularly that of exclufive falvation. He defired them to perfevere with firmnefs, as they were fighting in the caufe of God againft hereticks. When the fermon was over, father Broe, a friar, proceeded to chriften the proteftants, in which ceremony he ufed much water, having almoft wafhed their faces.*

Some papifts who were connected with, or attached to proteftants, ftrenuoufly urged them to change their religion, and even taught them how to crofs themfelves, and to fay popifh prayers, from a thorough conviction that the prefervation of their lives depended on their converfion.

This happened to Mr. Gibfon, while in prifon, to whom fome papifts lent mafs books, and pointed out to him the prayers which he fhould learn by heart.

The rebels, in their domiciliary vifits in fearch of orangemen, arms or ammunition, in the houfes of proteftants, never failed to carry away with them any articles of wearing apparel, or remarkable furniture, that pleafed them. The women were much more active in plundering than the men, not only in Wexford, but in the country. They conftantly entered and plundered the houfes of their proteftant neighbours, without fhame or remorfe.

The wives of the country rebels often made a fantastick appearance, with the elegant apparel of proteftant ladies of Wexford, put over their own homely drefs. Some of them were feen mounted on horfeback, with handfome veils, having at the fame time pikes in their hands.

At firft there were ferious apprehenfions of a famine, as no provifions were carried to market, except butter and milk; and they were fold for one fourth of the ufual price, from the fcarcity of fpecie, the paucity of bidders, and the fears of the farmers that it would be feized by force for the ufe of the republick, if they were not fpeedily fold.

Officers to regulate the price of provifions were inftituted in every parifh in the county. They alfo appointed armed veffels to cruize in the channel, which were to intercept fuch as they found laden with coals, or any of the neceffaries of life.

For this reafon, a committee was formed, to fupply the town with provifions,

* Some time after the rebellion was fuppreffed, he demanded his hire from fome of thofe whom he had chriftened. See Appendix, No, XX. 27.

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and they appointed commiffaries in every parifh, who plundered the adjacent country.

William Devereux of Taghmon, commiffary of his own parifh, was folicited by a rebel to give him a pair of fhoes; and he faid, “Have. you killed a foldier?” and he anfwering in the negative, Devereux faid, “You fhall not have the fhoes till you have done fo.” This the rebel proved on Devereux’s trial at Wexford.

The governors of the newly-eftablifhed republick prohibited the circulation of bank notes, with a view of injuring the credit of government, which tended materially to diftrefs the inhabitants of Wexford.

A perfon of the utmoft veracity affured me, that in his prefence a rebel, who had been concerned in the plunder of Mr. D’Arcy’s houfe, pulled out of his pocket a large quantity of bank notes, in the ftreets of Wexford, and tore them; fwearing at the fame time, with much vehemence, that he would ruin all the banks in Ireland.

The narrow efcape of Mr. Milward, an officer in the Wexford militia, and Mr. Richard Newtown King, a magiftrate of the county, will shew the reader with what malignant zeal the rebels fearched for proteftants, whom they denominated orangemen.* Thefe gentlemen lay concealed at the houfe of Mr. Hatchel,† fon-in-law of Dr. Jacob.

One Herring, a rebel captain, in the courfe of making domiciliary vifits in queft of orangemen, entered Mr. Hatchel’s houfe with a drawn fword, at the head of an armed band of rebels. On finding Mr. Milward, he conveyed him to prifon; but firft informed Mr. Hatchel’s family, that he would burn the houfe, if they concealed any more orangemen. On this Mr. King, who happened to be in the only room which they did not fearch, declared that no perfon fhould fuffer on his account. He therefore retreated backwards to another houfe at fome diftance, and in doing fo, was obliged to fcale fome walls, and to wade through a fmall ftream, much fwollen with the tide. He lay concealed fome days in a wretched out-office, not better than a pig-fly, and was fupplied with food by Mrs. Jacob. His wife, though fhe lodged near him, would not venture to approach him, left the place of his retreat fhould be difcovered. At length, the rebels who were active and inceffant in their refearches, difcovered and committed him.

* See James Beaghan’s confeffion in Appendix, No, XIX. 8, † See Plate VJ.

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Thefe two gentlemen were on the point of being maffacred the twentieth of June, on the bridge of Wexford, when Mr. Efmond Kyan, a rebel chieftain, faved their lives, by telling the rebel bloodhounds, that the king’s troops muft finally fucceed, and that they would gain ample vengeance of them for putting fo many proteftants to death in cold blood, and without any provocation whatever.

Efmond Kyan, who was wounded at the battle of Arklow, was coming to Wexford to get medical affiftance, and happened to be crofting the bridge when the maffacre was going forward.

Thofe who obtained a certain quantity of provifions from the committee who diftributed it, expected to have the exclufive enjoyment of it; yet the rebels would enter their houfes, and take it out of their pot und carry it ofl”, or fit down at their table and eat fhare of it; and while fitting at the tables of proteftants, they would often fay, “That they loved liberty and equality, and that they liked to fee mafters and fervints affociate together.”

“They led their wild defires to woods and caves,
And thought that all but favages were flaves.”

On Trinity Sunday the third of June, a man of the name of Murphy, of the popifh perfuafion, w-as fhot in a fmall place, formerly called the Bull-ring, now Fountain-fquare,† for having profecuted a prieft of the name of Dixon, for being an united Irifhmen. Mr. Middleton Robfon, a ganger, and Meftrs. Plgott and Julian, furveyors of excife, all proteftants, and prifoners In the gaol, were brought forth and compelled to fhoot him. By way of encreafing the ignominy of his death, they had him executed by hereticks. Previous to the execution the rebel pikemen, who acted as guards, croffed themfelves, knelt down and prayed fometime for his foul. As foon as the vidim fell, the bloody Thomas Dixon, firft coufin of the prieft, drew his fword, ran it through his body, and having held it up to publick view, reeking with blood, exclaimed, “Behold! the blood of a traitor†”, and then he ordered the furrounding pikemen to plunge their pikes into the body. Dixon the prieft, convicted on his evidence, was condemned to be tranfported. This execution took place foon after the celebration of mafs, at the publick chapel; and previous to it, father Gorrin, the parifh prieft, adminiftered the rites of

† Plate VI. K.

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his church to him; and yet he, or any of the priefts in Wexford, could have faved the life of Murphy without any difficulty. Thefe facts were proved on the trial of Michael McDaniel, one of the affaffins, held at Wexford the eighteenth of June, 1799.

On Monday morning the fourth of June, another man of the name of Murphy, a papift, was fhot for having given information againft rebels. His executioners were three proteftant prifoners, Charles Jackfon, Jonas Gurley, and Kennet Matthewfon,§ Edward Fraine, a man of fome opulence, and who was fuppofed to gain £300 a year as a tanner, was officer of the guard. When the executioners were brought into the yard, Fraine addreffed Charles Jackfon, and had the following converfation with him: “Mr. Jackfon, I believe you know what we want of you.” He anfwered, “Yes; I fuppofe I am going to die He then fell upon his knees, and begged that he might be allowed to go to fee his wife and child. Fraine fwore he fhould not, and informed him, that a man was to die that evening at fix o’clock, and that he did not know any more proper perfons to execute him, than he and the two others. He added, that he fuppofed he could have no objection to the bufinefs, as the culprit was a Roman catholick. Jackfon replied, “Sir, fhpuld I have no objection to commit murder?” Fraine faid, “You need not talk about murder; if you make any objections, you fhall be put to death in ten minutes; but if you do your bufinefs properly, you may live two or three days longer; fo I expect you will be ready this evening at fix o’clock.” Another rebel captain infultingly addreffed him in the following manner: “If you could get a few orange ribands to tie round your neck during the execution, it would, I think, have a pretty appearance.” The executioners were remanded to their cells, where they remained praying till fix o’clock in the evening, when they were brought again into the gaol yard, where they found the prifoner Murphy furrounded by about a thoufand armed rebels.

The proceffion to the place of execution, which was about a mile and a half off, at the other fide of the bridge, was in the following order: A large body of pikemen, who formed a hollow fquare; a black flag;

§ Thefe men were much efteemed in Wexford. Gurley and Matthews were afterwards murdered by the rebels oq the twentieth of June.

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the drum and fifes; Murphy, the condemned man next, followed by Jackfon, with Gurley and Matthewfon behind him. When this arrangement took place, the dead march was fttuck up, and beat till they arrived at the fpot where the victim was to fall a facrifice to their fanatical vengeance. He was placed on his knees, clofe to the river, and with his back to it. Previous to the execution, the rebels knelt down and prayed for about five minutes; which ceremony was adopted as in the former inflance. The rebels were ordered to form a femi-circle, with an opening towards the water. Charles Jackfon afked permiffion to tie his cravat about the poor man’s eyes; but they defired him not to be nice about’ fuch’ matters, as it would be his own cafe in a few minutes. When the mufkets were called for, it was fuggefted, that if they gave three at once to the executioners, they might turn about and fire at them. It was therefore refolved, that they fhould fire one at a time. Matthewfon, the firft perfon appointed to fhoot, miffed fire three times. They gave him another mufket, with which he fhot Murphy in the arm. Jackfon was next called upon; and as they fufpected that he would turn and fire on them, two men advanced at each fide of him, with cocked piftols, and two men with cavalry fwords were placed behind him, who threatened him with inftant death if he miffed the mark. He fired, and the poor man inftantly fell dead; after which Gurley was obliged to fire at the body, while proftrate on the ground. It was then propofed that Jackfon fhould wafh his hands in his blood, but it was over-ruled, as fome of the rebels faid he had done his bufinefs well. A ring was then formed round the body, and a fong in honour of the Irifh republick was fung to the tune of, “God fave the king.”

This dreadful bufinefs took up about three hours, after which the executioners were marched back to prifon. Thefe circumftances relating to it are to be found in Charles Jackfon’s narrative, and they were confirmed by the evidence given on the trial of Matthew Greene of Wexford, who was tried, condemned, and executed there, for having acted as a rebel officer at this atrocious fcene.

Charles Jackfon informs us, and I have been affured by different perfons of veracity, that proteftants were frequently taken out of the Wexford prifons, and conveyed to the different camps, and in particular to Vinegar-hill, to be executed there. This was done whenever they were

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at a lofs to fupply the facrifice of proteftant victims, which was daily made, as a regale to the rebels when on parade.

James Lett, chandler, Richard Leech, mafter fhoemaker, William Mooney, who kept the Fox-inn at Ennifcorthy, and John Hawkins, were taken from Wexford, by a rebel guard, who was to convey them to the grand flaughter-houfe. Vinegar-hill. Finding that they were to die near their own homes, they prevailed on a rebel, who was attached to them, to go before them with fpeed, and to prevail on their neighbours to come forward, and to ufe their friendly interceftion for preferving their lives. The rebel guard, dreading that they might poffibly efcape through the humane interference of their friends, difpatched them at a place called Lacken, threw them into one grave, and covered them lightly with fods. They were all, except Hawkins, half alive, when buried, and groaned and ftruggled a great deal while the rebels were interring them.

On the morning of the twentieth of June, four proteftants, of the names of Cavenagh, Willis, Furlong, and Prifcott, were conveyed from the gaol of Wexford to Vinegar-hill, and fhot there.

The defeat of the rebels at Rofs fublimated their vengeance againft proteftants in moft parts of the county, but particularly at Scullabogue, Vinegar-hill, and Wexford. Charles Jackfon tells us, that on the day it was announced, fifteen of the Wexford, and ten of the Ennifcorthy people were ordered out of the gaol, to revenge the lofs which the rebels had fuftained at Rofs. He fays, “When this notice was given, I ran into my cell, got upon my knees in a dark corner, and pulled fome ftraw over me; but a man of the name of Prendergaft* came in, and drew me out, uttering fhocking threats againft me. He dragged me into the yard, where I found my unhappy comrades on their knees. One of them who had been a proteftant, but had become a catholick, and who was now imprifoned on a charge of being an orangeman, requefted to have the prieft with him before he died. This was immediately granted; and a meffenger was fent to father Corrin, the Roman catholick prieft of Wexford. He prefently came; and to give effect to his admonition and interceffion, had dreffed himfelf in his cowl, and

* An opulent fhopkeeper and maltfter, who was hanged.

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bore his crucifix in his hand: He held up the crucifix, and all prefent fell on their knees: He exhorted them in the moft earned manner: He conjured them, as they hoped for mercy, to fhew it He made every poffible exertion to fave all the prifoners; but it was in vain: He faid he could witnefs that the Wexford people had never fired upon them, or done them any injury; and that he could not fay mafs to them, if they perfifted in their cruel refolutions. At laft he influenced them fo far, as to prevail upon them to return into the gaol the fifteen Wexford men; but for thofe from Ennifcorthy, he could obtain no remiffion.” They were conveyed to Vinegar-hill, and executed there.

It will reflect eternal fhame and difhonour on the popifh priefts of the county of Wexford, of whom numbers were conftantly in the town, besides thofe who refided there, for having fuffered fuch atrocities to be committed by their fanguinary fleck, over whom they had unbounded influence, and by whom they were not only revered as men, but adored as Gods. The favage pikemen never met them in the ftreets, without bowing low to them with their hats off, and continued fo while they were in their fight; and they never met doctor Caulfield, the popifh bifhop, without falling on their knees, and receiving his benediction.

Now it will appear by the following protection, that doctor Caulfield, the popifh bifhop, could protect the Ennifcorthy as eafily as the Wexford people, however odious they were. Two perfons of the former were confined in the gaol of Wexford, and dreading that they might be maffacred, applied to two priefts of Ennifcorthy to protect them; and having obtained a recommendation from them to doctor Caulfield, he gave them a protection, in confequence of which they were liberated, and were never afterwards molefhed. I give the reader an exact copy of the recommendation and protection.

Reverend Doctor Caulfield, Wexford.

“My Lord!

“If poffible you’ll have the Meffrs. liberated, or removed to fome more comfortable lodging: They are well difpofed, and have never injured any one individual. Your compliance will oblige your affectionate friend,

Ennifcorthy, June 15th, 1798. JOHN SUTTON, prieft.”*

* He conftantly vifited the camp at Vinegar-hill.

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“The Meffrs. — , I am fure, are free from any party bufinefs, orange, or any thing inimical to any fociety of people, as is mentioned above. I remain, my lord,

Yours moft sincerely,

WM. SYNNOTT, P. P.”

“From the excellent characters of the above gentlemen, I beg leave, in the name of Jefus Chrift, to recommend them to be protected.

Wexford, June 15th, 1798. JAMES CAULFIELD.”

Richard Grandy, though a proteftant, obtained a pafs from a prieft, merely becaufe he was fuppofed to have fome furgical knowledge; and the rebel magiftrates who prefided at Taghmon, viz. John Breen, James Harper, Jofeph and Matthew Commons, gave it as their opinion, that Grandy would be perfectly fafe in pasting through the country with fuch a protection, and accordingly he never was molefted, though he traverfed a great part of it.*

“Mr. Richard Grandy is hereby allowed to pafs and repafs, to and from any part of this diftrict, whenever he thinks proper; and will be of great ufe in the neighbourhood, to drefs the wounds of any neighbour who may be wounded.

EDWARD MURPHY, parifh prieft of Bannow and Ballymutty, &c. To the different guards of Ballymutty and Bannow, &c.”

This prieft anticipates the wounds that his neighbours, whom he knew to be rebels, might eventually receive; and he addreffes the rebel guards, confcious of his influence over them. Father Collins granted the following pafs to the fame perfon:

“Pray allow the bearer, Mr. Richard Grandy, to pafs.

JAMES COLLINS, parifh prieft of Duncormuck.”

On the trial of general Edward Roche, at Wexford, Mr. Goodall, a yeoman, who had been led to execution on the bridge, declared upon oath, that no perfons but the priefts could have prevented the effufion of blood.

The following certificate was given by father Broe, a friar, to a perfon whom he had chriftened, in order to fave his life:

* See his affidavit containing this pafs, and the exhortation of father Murphy to extirpate hereticks, Appendix, No. XX. 7.

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“I hereby certify, that A. B. of C. in the parifh of D. has done his duty, and proved himfelf a catholick. F. JOHN BROE.”

Dated Wexford, “June 21ft, 1798.

Mr. Meadows, who was a prifoner in the gaol, informed me of the following incident which occurred while he was there: A papift who had been committed in a miftake, fent for a prieft, and remonftrated to him on the injuftice of confining him: “For,” faid he, “you know as well as I do, that we are fighting for the mafs, the crofs, and the lamb. It was I that led on the Ballaghkeene men at the battle of Oulart.” On faying this, the prieft had him releafed.*

It was refolved at the rebel camp near Rofs, immediately after the victory obtained by the king’s troops, to put all the proteftants to death. Mr. Meadows was at that time in the prifon-fhip in the harbour of Wexford. A rebel, who had a warm regard for him, having made his efcape from the camp, repaired to Wexford, and told Mr. Meadows’s brother, who was not in confinement, that the prifon-ship would probably be funk that night; and he urged him to prevail on Mr. Corrin, the prieft, who, he faid, had -more influence than any other individual in the town, to have his brother releafed.

As the taking and captivity of lord Kingfborough, now the earl of Kingfton, by the rebels, is an important and interefting incident, I will give a circumflantial relation of it. The head quarters of the North Cork regiment, which he commanded, was at Wexford, and on the breaking out of the rebellion, he refolved to join them. From Dublin to ArkIow,† he travelled by land, but as the roads were infefted by a rebellious banditti, he took a boat there, manned by failors of approved fidelity, who had been recommended by the reverend Mr. Bayly of Lamberton. Having stopped at Courtown, on the coaft, to get fome refrefhment, it is believed that fome difaffected perfons there conveyed intelligence of his lordfhip’s intention to the rebels at Wexford. At Ballynalker, about three or four miles from the harbour’s mouth, they perceived a number of armed men on an eminence, from whence one of them having fired a mufquet, the

* A refpectable and loyal Roman catholick of Waterford, who was there while it was in poffeffion of the rebels, affured the late lord mayor, (now aldemian Thomas Fleming) and me, that the priefts could have prevented the effufion of bloodby a turn of their finger.

† Plate II. 1.

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ball paffed over their heads. When they arrived at the entrance of the bay, they were met by a veffel failing faft before the wind, the pastengers in which they took for women; but when they clofed each other, fifty rebels varioufly armed†, ftarted up and threatened to fhoot them if they did not furrender. They at the fame time hoifted a green flag, with a harp, but without a crown. They wore white bands round their hats with Unity and Liberty infcribed on them. They made prifoners lord Kingfborough, captain O’Hea, lieutenant Bourke, of his own regiment, and the boat’s crew. Generals Keugh and Harvey were ready to receive them on the quay where they landed. For two days his lordfhip was lodged at the houfe of general Keugh; he was then removed to an inferior kind of inn, called the Cape of Good Hope, thence to the prifon-fhip, where he remained but eight hours, having been afterwards lodged in a private houfe, where a guard was placed over him. Keugh afked him, how he thought government would treat him and his party, if they had them in their power? Lord Kingfborough replied, That they would hang every one of them.” On which Keugh obferved, “We know that we fight with halters round our necks.” The day of his lordfhip’s arrival, Bagenal Harvey fet out for the camp at Carrickbyrne, where the rebel, army that attacked Rofs was ftationed. Keugh told lord Kingfborough, “That he would permit him to write to lord Caftlereagh, the lord lieutenant’s fecretary; but faid, “He expected he would inform him how well he and his fellow-prifoners were treated and he added, “That he expected his friends Meffrs. Sheares, Bond, Emmett, Jackfon, M’Cann, &c, would receive fimilar treatment.” He informed lord Kingfborough, that the members of the Irifh union had no confidence in the oppofition party in the Irifh parliament, becaufe they confidered them as infincere; and that they had propounded catholick emancipation, and reform of parli?.-. rnent, merely to promote their own ambitious defigns.

Mrs. Snowe, the wife of captain Snowe of the North Cork regiment,: informed me, that lord Kingfborough afked her foon after his capture, “Whether fhe thought the rebel chieftains would have put him to death?” She replied, “She was fure they would not, becaufe they regarded him as a very good hoflage, fhould they enter into any ftipulations for their, own fafety; and that by preferving his life, they might conciliate him, and obtain his influence and intereft to fecure their own and to fuch motives, I am forry to fay, we muft impute the fafety of lord Kingfborough.

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This lady heard general Keugh upbraid his lordfhip for not having treated doctor Caulfield with fufficient refspect, when he waited on him; and to make an atonement for it, he, with the permiffion of lord Kingfborough, wrote a note to the doctor, to requeft he would call on him again; and he affured him of the neceffity of conciliating him, as his countenance and protection were abfolutely neceffary for the fafety of his perfon; and in compliance with Keugh’s request, doctor Caulfield waited again on lord Kingfborough. Keugh was folicitous of obtaining the doctor’s protection for his lordfhip, becaufe he was convinced of the perilous fituation in which he ftood, from the following event: “After Murphy had been fhot in the Bull-ring, on the third of June, Thomas Dixon who had prefided at the execution, proceeded to Keugh’s houfe, at the head of a band of favage pikemen, and clamoroufly infifted on having the bloody orangeman, lord Kingfborough, delivered up to him. Keugh fuccefsfully oppofed his atrocious defign, but not without confiderable difficulty. Keugh affured lord Kingfborough, that the attention which he fhewed his lordfhip, and the zeal which he difplayed for his prefervation, had leffened his authority fo much among the people, that he could no longer be accountable for his fafety if he remained in his houfe, for which reafon he left it. Keugh feverely rebuked lord Kingfborough for having received a vifit from the officers wives of his own regiment. Robert Carthy, a rebel of fome property and confiderable influence, happened to enter his lordfhip’s lodgings while the ladies were there; and declared, in oppofition to Keugh, that they fhould go there as often as they chofe, and that Keugh had no right to interfere. On which Keugh faid, “I am governor of the town.” Carthy. “Who appointed you?” Keugh. “The people.” Carthy. “No, they would not truft fuch a fellow; I am one of them, and I never gave my confent.” He then grappled at Keugh, but lord Kingfborough interfered, and put an end to the altercation; however Carthy, on retiring, challenged Keugh to fight. Some days before the king’s troops arrived at Wexford, he affured a lady of my acquaintance that his life was conftantly in imminent danger, as he had loft all his authority, and there was no fubordination among the rebel foldiers: That one day while he attended the committee,* the bloody Thomas Dixon, attended

* It was proved on the court-martial that tried him, that he was prefident of it; but that his engagements as governor prevented his regular attendance.

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attended by two fufileers, went to the door of the committee-room, and fent in for Keugh, under the pretext of having fome bufinefs to tranfact with him; but very fortunately for him, he could not go to them, having an indifpenfable engagement; and having been afterwards affured, that they meant to affaffinate him, he accufed the fufileers of it, who declared that they bore him no ill-will, but that they were perfuaded to murder him by Thomas Dixon.

Dixon and his wife were two fanguinary monfters, who were inceffantly endeavouring to incite the people to acts of violence and bloodfhed. He kept an inferior kind of inn in the town of Wexford, which was very much reforted to by rebels, who held their clubs and confpiracies there. He was proprietor of two large floops, and was bred to the fea, which gave him very great influence among the failors, whom he frequently inftigated to commit carnage and plunder.

At one time the rebel foldiers threatened Keugh’s life in the ftreets; and to appeafe them, he gave them the moft folemn affurance, that he had been warmly attached to their caufe fix years, and their fworn friend more than three.* A few days before the king’s troops expelled the rebels from Wexford, Keugh found a party of them going to put a pitch-cap on lord Kingfborough, and afterwards to affaffinate him. He was fo fortunate as to prevent them from perpetrating their nefarious defign, but not without very great danger, as a ruffian prefented a mufket at him, and was with difficulty reftrained from firing it. I have heard from the concurrent teftimony of different perfons, who refided in Wexford at that time, that nothing but the humane and active interference of generals Keugh and Harvey, prevented that indifcriminate flaughter of proteftants there, which took place in many other parts of the county, particularly at Vinegar-hill; but when they loft their authority, the bloody work began. When that was completely loft, Keugh invented and told the rebels the following ftory, in order to check their thirft for blood; “That twenty-five thoufand northern prefbyterians were armed and embodied, under a Scots general, and would march to the fouth immediately, and take ample vengeance of them, if they maffacred any more proteftants.” At one time, the rebel foldiers infifted on bringing him to trial. Some days before the town was relieved by the king’s troops, he told a

* This was proved on his trial.

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refpectable gentleman of my acquaintance, then refident at Wexford, thaf his life was in imminent danger; and that though he might efcape affaffination, the anxiety and agitation of his mind would foon put a period to his exiftence.

Some of the gentlemen confined in the prifon-fhip, affured me, that the rebel guards frequently inveighed againft Keugh, and vowed vengeance againft him, becaufe he would not indulge the people, that is, becaufe he did his utmoft to reftrain their defire for carnage; to fuch a deplorable ftate was that unfortunate man reduced in a very few days, after he had attained the height of his ambition, and by that very rabble who had faluted him unanimoufly, and by acclamation, to be governor of the town!

Soon after he was arrefted by the king’s troops, on the twenty-firft of June, he told an officer of my acquaintance, that he was convinced, the period of his. life could not exceed forty-eight hours, even if his party had gained the afcendancy; and if the king’s troops fucceeded and entered the town, his fate would, be determined in twenty-four.

On the evening of the fourteenth of June, a party of the rebels rufhed into the committee or council-room, and nearly killed Keugh. The charge againft him was his being an orangeman. The rell of the members who were Roman catholicks, refcued him: but he, and al’ the proteftant leaders embraced that religion, and went regularly to mafs, at the head of the rebels: but they never could forget their having been protfeftants, and they treated them accordingly. She heard Tome of the rebels fay, all their policy and chriftianity fhall not fave them: and it was at laft avowed, that no proteftant fhould live, much lefs command them.”*

On Sunday the tenth of June, while the rebels were on parade, at the cuftom-houfe quay, governor Keugh informed them, that doctor Caulfield the popifh bifhop had ordered a fermon to be preached that morning from the altar, fuited to the times, and that they muft repair to the chapel to hear it. They accordingly marched thither, with fife, and drums playing. After mafs was celebrated, the reverend father Roche, chaplain to doctor Caulfield, pronounced the following difcourfe from the altar:

“I am very much difpleafed at feeing a practice among you of trying to convert the proteftants to our communion, becaufe their converfion cannot be fincere, and arifcs merely from a hope of faving their lives.

* Lady’s diary.

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Let there be no more of it, as they never will become true catholicks.” After a difcourfe of fome length, to his own flock, he addreffed the proteftants who were in the gallery, in the following words: “You are come here under the impreffions of fear, to profefs yourfelves catholicks; you are not fo in your hearts: You do it to fave your lives. Now, I tell you, my good people, don’t deceive yourfelves; if you are not sincere in what you protefs, I tell you you will all be murdered. I tell you to a certainty you will all be murdered!” This was repeated feveral times, with long paufcs, and great emphafis. Then addreffing himfelf to the pikemen, he pointed out to them the grievances they and their anceftors had groaned under, for a hundred years paft, by the oppreffion and cruelty of the proteftants; and after having wrought them up to the higheft pitch of religious phrenzy, he faid, “Notwithftanding the variety of ill treatment you have received from the proteftants, and are ftill fuffering, avoid the fpilling of blood. I recommend to you, to be merciful to thefe poor people, as you hope yourfelves for mercy: For God’s fake, be merciful to them. You are contending for your holy religion and your rights. The glorious fuccefs which you have obtained shews, that you are under the protection of the Almighty, in whofe caufe you are fighting. Continue your fpirited exertions then. You have put your hands to the plough, and you muft not look back. Be affured that you will all be murdered unlefs you fucceed and get the upper hand.” This prieft was very active at the battle of Foulkes’s-mill, in exhorting and ftimulating the rebels to enter into the action; nay, he was feen horfe-whipping thofe who betook themfelves to flight.

On the fame day that this fermon was preached, a proclamation was read from the altar,* requiring all perfons to apprehend and convey to the gaol of Wexford the following gentlemen, becaufe they had been active magiftrate: and zealous loyalifts: James Boyd, reprefentative for Wexford, Hawtrey White, Archibald H. Jacob, and Hunter Gowan. Printed copies of it were difperfed in moft parts of the county.

George Taylor, a printer at Wexford, was compelled, though a proteftant and a loyal subject, to print all the proclamations, orders and edicts, of the republick, which commonly ended with thefe words, “God fave the people.” I am well informed that he was obliged to put up a label in his fhop, announcing him printer to the republick.

* See Appendix, No. XX. 17.

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On Sunday the feventeenth day of June, notice was given from the altar, that the following Saturday was to be obferved as a fact, for the fuccefs of the war,

A gentleman of the utmoft veracity affured me, that father Murphy wrote on many doors in Wexford, a latin infcription, with his name, and the fign of the crofs annexed to it. This, it is fuppofed, was fome mark of religious diftinction.

A party of refpectable ladies, who lived together in a houfe, to which t.he rebels frequently paid domiciliary vifits, and under whofe windows ihey often affembled and converfed, heard them make the following obfervations: One faid, (while they were drinking whifkey in their parlour,) “This is a religious war;” another, “I fay it is not.” At laft, they grew warm, and gave the lie to each other; on which a third rebel interfered, and faid, “Sure we received orders not to fay it was a religious war, left we fhould bring down upon us the vengeance of the Northerns,” meaning the prefbyterians. They frequently boafted of their barbarities, and faid, “They would not fuffer any perfon to live who was not of their faith, as there was only one true religion.”

They often faid, when the fuccefs of the king’s troops began to make them, defpond, that the failure of their caufe arofe from having proteftants at the head of their armies, and that they could not have luck or grace while any of their fort were in their ranks.

The following circumftances occurred to a party of refpectable female proteftants, who refided in the fame houfe. They daily received three bt four domiciliary vifits from the pikemen, who treated them with brutal infolence. They frequently prefented piftols at them, and fometimes preffed the muzzle of them againft their breaft, or their fide, with fo much violence, as to give them exquifite pain; faying, at the fame time, with fanatical fury in their countenance, “You muft die!” and on being afked, why they treated them fo cruelly, they replied, “You are orangewomen, and bigots to your religion.” They would then afk them, “Were we ever known to wrong or offend any perfon? Have we not given to the poor as much as we can afford? and in the diftribution of alms have we ever made any difference between the members of your church and our own?” “That is all true; but you are orangewomen.

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You have the drop* in you. For generations in your family, you cannot name on either fide, a fingle catholick. One branch of your family came to Ireland with Cromwell; the other with king William, and therefore you muft die.”

The 13th regiment, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Bradfhaw, was quartered for above a year at Wexford, where he and his lady were very much efteemed and refpected. They marched to Waterford a fhort time before the rebellion broke out, and left their firft-born child at nurfe with the wife of one Wreck, who lived within a mile of Wexford. The rebels often threatened to burn his houfe, unlefs he would put the young heretick to death; but he, with becoming fortitude, mingled with humanity, refifted their menaces; and he was confirmed in this generous refolution by the refpectable females whom I have now mentioned, and who often vifited the child.

The rebels frequently attempted to force the gaol, and to murder the prifoners; but the guards, I prefume, influenced by their officers, fuccefsfully oppofed them.

A number of proteftant prifoners were marched from Gorey, and committed to the gaol of Wexford, on the fourteenth day of June. As they marched through the town, the houfes were hung with green emblems, and the mob expreffed their favage joy by fhouting aloud. The rebels ftripped the prifoners almoft naked, and put pitched caps on their heads before they left Gorey,

The reverend Roger Owen, a proteftant clergyman and rector of Camolin, was among them, without fhoes, and having a little ragged jacket.†

A refpectable lady, who faw from a window the prifoners pasting through the ftreets, affured me, that the wife of Thomas Dixon, fo remarkable for the ferocity of her difpofition, headed the rebels who efcorted them; and faid, with much violence, mingled with contempt, and pointing to Mr. Owen, who was barefooted, “There’s a proteftant clergyman! behold the proteftant clergyman!”

The fufferings of Mr. Lehunte, a refpectable gentleman of large landed property, who lived at Artramont,|| near Wexford, merit a circumftantial

* This was a common expreffion among the rebels, meaning of proteftant blood.
†See Appendix, No. XXI. 2, 3. || See Plate III. 5..

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relation. He commanded the Shelmalier corps of yeomen cavalry, who amounted to fifty-two, of which twenty-four were papifts; and of that number twenty deferted to the enemy at Oulart; and two were difmifted, becaufe they gave ftrong indications of difaffection. It was remarkable that numbers of Roman catholicks fhewed great zeal to join that and other corps in the county of Wexford, a fhort time before the rebellion broke out; though they had previoufly fhewn a great repugnance to do fo. Mr. Lehunte, on the evacuation of Wexford, was too late to get on fhipboard, and therefore fell into the hands of the rebels. Being a gentleman of a mild and humane difpofition, he was allowed to remain in a private lodging at firft.

Thomas Dixon and his wife, whofe thirft for proteftant blood was infatiable, contrived the following device to incite the rabble to affaffinate him. They repaired to Artramont, about two miles from Wexford, and at their return, proclaimed in the ftreets that there was an apartment there furnifhed with orange colour, in which plots and confpiracies had been formed by oraijgemen, for the extirpation of the Roman catholicks. He alfo produced a fire-fkreen, which had been innocently decorated with orange ribands, and on which there were many curious devices, the work of female ingenuity. He difplayed it through the ftreets as a flag, and ftop ping now and then, he, with a loud voice, put the following malignant conftruction on the figures which it contained, to a numerous body of failors and pikemen: That Hope, refting on an anchor, was emblematick of a failor burning on it, as the orangemen would heat it for that purpofe: That Hebe and the Eagle indicated that they would give the children of Roman catholicks to birds of prey to be devoured: That the lance of Minerva was fuch an inftrument as they would ufe for their deftruction. By fuch tortuous and malignant fuggeftions he wound the populace to fuch a pitch of phrenfy [sic], that, headed by Dixon, they flew to Mr. Lehunte’s lodgings, forced him with violence into the ftreet, and dragged him to the gaol, where they committed him to a condemned cell; on which Dixon informed him, that he fhould have but fifteen minutes to live.* In his progrefs to the gaol they buffetted him very much, tore his hair, and gave him two flight wounds.

* See in Appendix, No. XX. 2. Taylor’s affidavit who was in gaol.

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They would inftantly have put him to death, but that Bagenal Harvey, Cornelius Grogan, and Keugh, informed the populace who furrounded him, that the obfervations of Dixon were falfe and groundlefs; but their authority, being proteftants, did not continue long.

The artillery men, whom the rebels took when a detachment of the Meath regiment was defeated, on the thirtieth of May, were imprifoned in feparate cells in the gaol of Wexford, where they were almoft ftarved from the bad quality and the fcantinefs of their food;

Andrew Sheppard, a proteftant, and a corporal of that corps, was takeir into a fmall court, within the gaol, to be fhot. The executioner having burned priming four times at him, father Murphy, who had entered the gaol, cried out, “he has longer days to live; let the heathen go back to prifon;” having imputed his efcape to the Divine interference.

While thefe men were in prifon, many attempts were made by the rebel guards to force it, and put the prifoners to death, having faid, that they would not ftand guard over hereticks.†

General Roche, the layman, and Thomas Dixon, urged them to ferve in their army as artillery men, having promifed them commiffions, and in fome time eftates, if they would comply. As they had no other means of making their efcape, they confented, and were led firft to Gorey, and thence to the battle of Arklow, where they ferved as artillery men.

A Roman catholick of the utmoft veracity, who refided in Wexford affured me, that the rebel foldiers began to be envious of their fuperiors, and to exprefs the warmeft indignation againft the council and the committee, for living in great luxury and abundance, while they were wretchedly fed; and he was decidedly of opinion, that they would have maffacred them, if the republick had lafted a few days longer.

A fhort time before the king’s troops were victorious, and entered the town, the committee intended to have made a requifition of plate, and to have inftituted a mint.

To animate the rebels, reports were conftantly propagated by theiar leaders, that -Dublinwas in poffeffion of their friends; and when they were undeceived, they affured them that it was blockaded by five republican camps, and that it muft foon furrender, as the inhabitants were labouring under the preffure of famine.

† See Appendix, No, XX. i.

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From the very great fcarcity of provifions which took place in confequence of the wafteful confumption of fo many favages, the embryo republick muft foon have fallen to the ground, if the king’s troops had not put an end to it.

So completely deluded and deceived were the rebels in Wexford, that it was univerfally faid, and believed there, that they were conftantly fuccefsful; and that the very days that they were beaten, they frequently huzzaed in the ftreets, to exprefs their joy on the taking of Rofs; and one man rode with fpeed into the town, waving a piftol, and crying out, “Rofs is taken!”

Mr. William Hughes, a refpectable inhabitant of Wexford, of the proteftant religion, and a rigid loyalift, generoufly entertained in his houfe fome of the wives of the officers of the North Cork regiment, after their hufbands had retreated. Governor Keugh frequently preffed him to join his party, but he peremptorily refufed. One day he faid to him, “Though your wife is nearly related to mine, and to Bagenal Harvey, and though you have protections, you cannot expect to efcape, unlefs you enrol yourfelf in one of our corps but he fternly refufed. Keugh faid, “I will give you two days to confider of it and he replied, “If you gave me feven years, I would give you the fame anfwer.” And this in the prefence of his wife and fix children. Mrs. Snowe, one of the officer’s wives, who was prefent, faid to Mr. Hughes, “Confider ferioufly what . you are about, for your life belongs to your wife and your fix children whofe prefence were fufficient to fhake his firm refolution, and infpire him with a love of life; but he continued fleady in his principles.

A prieft fometimes attended Mr. Hughes’s houfe, and urged the officers wives to embrace his religion, affuring them, that no perfon could be faved who was not within its pale, but he could not fucceed.

Before I defcribe the maffacre at Wexford, and the evacuation of it by the rebels, it will be neceffary to give the reader an account of the battle of Vinegar-hill, and the very judicious difpofition which general Lake made of the troops, who were to attack that ftrong poft, which was the citadel and the grand rendezvous of the rebels, as the victory obtained there preceded that dreadful event.

The movements of the different columns who were to attack it, will be beft explained by the inftructions iffued by general Lake, the fixteenth of June, 1798, to the general officers who commanded them.

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General Dundas, will be directed to move on the feventeenth to Hacketftown, and to iffue his orders to general Loftus at Tullow,* to unite his force with him on the eighteenth at Carnew.†

General Needham, to move at three o’clock, A. M. on the nineteenth to Gorey; general Dundas having fent a ftrong patrole under general Loftus from Carncw, at fix o’clock on the fame morning to Grove’s-bridge;‡ four or five miles on the road to Gorey,§ to fupport general Needham, in cafe he fhould meet with refinance at Limerick-hill or at Gorey, and to communicate to general Dundas general Needham’s fituation.

General Johnfon, on the nineteenth, at four o’clock, A. M. to move to Old Rofs,§ and unite with general Moore in driving the rebels from Carrickbyrne-hill.** He will take up his pofition that day near Old Rofs, and fend a ftrong patrole to fcour the country towards the Black-ftair mountains,‡‡ in junction with Sir James Duff. This movement will require a very particularly concerted arrangement between general Johnfon and Sir James Duff. The patroles to return to their refpective corps on the fame day.

Sir Charles Afgill, on the eighteenth, will occupy Grove’s-bridge, Borris|| and Graigenamana,§§ and will remain in thofe pofitions until the twentieth, three P. M. when he will return, unlefs he fhall receive orders to the contrary.

Lieutenant-general Dundas, on the twentieth, will march to Ballycarney-bridge,*** keeping the eaft-fide of the Slaney to Scarawalfhbridge,‡‡‡ to arrive there at twelve at noon.

Sir James Duff will alfo move on the twentieth, by the road on the weft-fide of the Slaney to Scarawalfh-bridge, where he will arrive at twelve o’clock.

General Needham, on the twentieth, will move from Gorey to Oulart,|||||| to be there at twelve o’clock.

General Loftus. The corps from Grove’s-bridge, will move on the twentieth, through Camolin and Ferns,§§§ and unite with general Dundas at Scarawalfl-bridge, at twelve o’clock.

3 P General

* Plate II. I, a. † Ibid. 4. ‡ Ibid. || Ibid. § Plate III. 5. ** Plate III. 5. ‡‡ Ibid. 2 |||| Plate II. 6, 7. §§ Ibid. 8. ***Plate II. 7. ‡‡‡ Ibid. |||||| Plate III. 2. §§§ Plate II. 6, 7.

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General Moore, to land on the eighteenth at Ballyhack-ferry, and on the nineteenth, he will move at three o’clock, A. M. to Foulkes’smill,* and unite with general Johnfon in driving the rebels from Carrickbyrne-hill. He will take up his pofition that night at Foulkes’s-mill, fecuring the efcape of the rebels between that and Clomines.†

General Johnfon, on the twentieth, will move with his column to Ballymacus-bridge,| either to unite in the attack on Ennifcorthy, if neceffary, or prevent their efcape in that direction.

Should the rebels have evacuated Ennifcorthy and Vinegar-hill, the columns under general Dundas and Sir James Duff will take up their pofition that day in front of Ennifcorthy; and general Johnfon will at the fame time receive orders to take a pofition on the great road from Ennifcorthy to Taghmon.

General Moore, in this cafe, on the twentieth, will move from Foulkes’smill, and take poft at Taghmon, ftill fecuring the country between Taghmon|| and Clomines.

But fhould the enemy maintain their pofition at Ennifcorthy,§ the attack will be made on the twenty-firft at day-light, by the columns under general Dundas and Sir James Duff, and general Needham moving from Oulart.

The general forward movement and inveftment of Wexford will take place on the twenty-firft, when the feveral columns will be fo united as to receive directions as circumftances may point out.

Gun-boats. Orders are to be fent to the naval commanders to ftafion their gun-boats and armed veffels in Wexford harbour early in the morning of the twenty-firft, to co-operate in fuch manner as may be neceffary for the attack of the town, with the gun-boats from Waterford, which will be directed to fupport general Moore and the corps at Clomines on the nineteenth.

Such was the judicious arrangement made by general Lake, for furrounding the rebels on Vinegar-hill, for retaking Ennifcorthy and Wexford; and in fhort, for putting down the rebellion in that county: But before I proceed to defcribe the grand attack, it will be neceffary to relate fome events which took place previous to it in the north of that county.

* Plate III. 7 †Ibid, J. ‡Ibid. 1. || Ibid. 6. § Ibid.4.

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After the defeat at Arklow, the enemy took their ftation on Limerick hill,* to the north of Gorey, in great force, and continued to fpread devaflation over the adjacent country, murdering fuch proteftants as fell into their hands, and burning the houfes of thofe who were fo fortunate as to make their efcape, till the eighteenth of June, when generals Dundas and Loftus marched againft them, according to a preconcerted plan.

As Kileavin-hill,† from its declivity, afforded a much ftronger poft than Limerick-hill, the rebels took poft on it about eight o’clock on the morning of the eighteenth of June, as foon as our two columns made their appearance. General Dundas’s column moved from Baltinglafs, by Hacketftown and Tinnahely.‡ General Loftus marched by Shilela.|| A general action feemed unavoidable. General Dundas having refolved to move round Kikavin-hill, fent orders to general Loftus to march on the Carnew§ road, and to begin the attack by that town; but the following circumftance fruftrated their defign: When general Dundas had advanced a confiderable way towards the point where he was to begin his attack, he fuddenly found himfelf in a deep hollow road, with ftrong fences on each fide. He perceived alfo, that he muft have proceeded fome time in it, before he could have extricated himfelf, and recollecting the fate of colonel Walpole, he very prudently ordered the column to countermarch; and at the fame time fent orders to general Loftus to take fuch a pofition as to cover this retrograde movement. By this unexpected event, the two columns became united, and the rebels had a clear country to the north, the eaft, and the fouth-eaft, and were fo ftrongly pofted, that the main object of the generals was to protect themfelves on the weft fide, where the pofition of the enemy was fo well secured by a ravine in front, by large banks and high hedge-rows, that general Lake, who arrived at this time with his whole ftaff, thought it prudent to defer the attack till the reinforcements joined them. A brifk cannonade was maintained for fome time, but without any material effect. At length, general Lake ordered the troops to march to Carnew, where they remained that night. Two rebel fpies who entered that town were fhot. Green fafhes and cockades were found in their pockets.

* Plate II. 3, 3. † Ibid. 3, 4 | Ibid. i. || Ibid. a. § Ibid, 4.

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On the nineteenth of June, major-general Sir James Duff joined the army with his brigade from Newtown-barry,* and general Needham was moving on the road from Arklow to Gorey.† The troops at Carnew were under arms. A general attack was inftantly to have taken place, and from the number of our troops, and the excellent difpofition made by general Lake, there could not be a doubt of its fuccefsful iffue; but at daybreak it was discovered that the enemy had fled. Fearing to be cut off from their favourite pofition at Vinegar-hill, they retreated through Moneyfeed and by Gorey. Inftead of taking this ftep, had they pufhed forward with that celerity with which their movements were ufually made, in confequence of having but little baggage or equipment to tranfport, they might have feized on the important poft of Rathdrum, the key to the city of Dublin, from which they would have derived infinitely more advantage than from their retreat to cover Wexford and Ennifcorthy; becaufe our army muft have purfued them, and then the excellent and well-digefted plan formed by general Lake for furrounding them, would probably have been defeated.

I have already defcribed this in the orders iffued by him; and they were exactly fulfilled by the refpective general officers to whom they were directed, except by generals Needham and Moore, who were prevented by unforefeen and fortuitous circumftances, which I fhall hereafter explain.

General Johnfon took a pofition near Ennifcorthy,§ for the purpofe of driving the rebels from that town, in whicfh they were ftrongly ported. Lieutenant-general Lake and the entire ftaff remained with general Dundas, who, as I before obferved, marched to Scarawalfh-bridge.|

Lieutenant-generals Lake and Dundas, and major-general Wilford, with their ftaff, and the firft brigade of light infantry under the command of colonel Campbell, remained all the night of the twentieth of June upon their arms, at Sollborough,|| with a large body of cavalry, within two miles of Vinegar-hill. About one o’clock in the morning, general Johnfon reported his arrival on the other fide of the Slaney, near Ennifcorthy. General Needham’s column lay about half a mile off, on the left of general Lake’s army, whither he had marched from Oulart by general Lake’s orders.

* Plate II. 5 † Ibid. 4, J. § Ibid. III. 1. ‡ Ibid. II. 7, 8 || Plate III. 1

THE RETAKING OF VINEGAR HILL AND ENNIFCORTHY

Plate V: View of Vinegar Hill from the north-east side [facing p.476]

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General Duff, with his guns, advanced on the Ferns road, on the east fide of the Slaney,† having that river on his right flank, and firing on the rebel lines on the hills, and throwing howitzers into them as hr. advanced. In this movement he was fupported on each flank by the light infantry, under the command of general Loftus.

When they had arrived at the beginning of the afcent of Vinegar-hill, general Loftus was detached by general Duff to occupy a green hill in a park enclofed with ftone walls, which was on the fide, and compofed a part of Vinegar-hill; General Loftus furprifed the rebels bythe celerity of this movement, becaufe the hill was fteep; and the ground which he occupied there was divided by ftone walls; but by breaking open gaps, he had two guns carried over at firft, and foon after four more, by having untackled them from the horfes. From this pofiticn he was able to fire into the lower line of the enemy, rather on his left, with fuch effecti that eighty-five of them were afterwards found in their trenches killed with grape-ftiot. General Loftus made his movement by a narrow road on the left, diverging from the main one, and then rapidly afcended the hill. At the fame time, generals Lake, Dundas and Wilford, with colond Campbell’s light infantry, were advancing up the hill|| on the fouth-east; fide, and were firmly oppofed by the rebels, who maintained a very brifk fire on them, retreating at the fame time from one hedge to another, till they were driven over the hill. On that occafion general Lake had a horfe fhot under him. The movements of the two columns were fo well timed, that they met at the fame moment on the top of the hill.§

At that time, and not before, general Lake perceived how actively general Johnfon had been employed, and how ably he had fupported him on the fide of Ennifcorthy. From the numbers of the enemy, the height and the fteepnefs of the hill, and its being interfected in many parts with enclofures, formed by high clay banks, with foffes behind them, the rebels were completely protected from our fire. It is aftonifhing that our troops did not fuffer more, and that the rebel army were fo quickly diflodged, and driven from fo ftrong a pofition. They had no lefs than

† See Plate lV. 8. ‡ Ibid. 6, 7. ||Ibid. 10, 11.
§ In plate V. the reader will fee an exact outline of Vinegar-hill, with the movement of the troops, which, though a flight fketch, reprefents it with precifion.

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thirteen pieces of ordnance, and their infantry muft have been well fupplied with ammunition, as they maintained a very heavy fire. I fhall refer the reader to general Lake’s letter to lord Caftlereagh, for an account of the action.*

Father Clinch, an Ennifcorthy prieft, fell in this engagement. Being of a huge ftature, with a fcymitar and broad crofs belts, and mounted on a large white horfe, with long piftols, he made fo confpicuous a figure on the hill, during the action, and the day preceding it, as to attract the notice of our troops, particularly as he feemed to be conftantly employed in reconnoitring them. The earl of Roden having fingled him out among the fugitives, overtook him after a mile’s purfuit, and received his fire, which his lordfhip returned, and wounded him in the neck. He then difcharged his fecond piftol at lord Roden, on which an officer of his regiment rode up and fhot him. He wore his veftments under his clothes; he had near forty pounds in his pocket, a gold watch, and a remarkable fnuff box; all which, it is prefumed, he acquired by plunder. He had been as active in the cabinet as the field, having conftantly fat at the committee at Ennifcorthy; and mounted on his charger, and fully accoutred, he daily vifited the camp.

As general Needham’s column did not occupy the poft allotted to it in the firft arrangement for furrounding Vinegar-hill, on the fouth-east fide of it leading to Wexford, I think it right to explain the circumftanceswhich prevented it. He advanced on the twentieth inftant to Oulart, an inconfiderable village to the east of Vinegar-hill, and within fix miles of that part of it where he was to take poft. On that evening, when the troops had taken up their ground, and driven back fome advanced piquets of the enemy, and made a proper difpofition for protecting four hundred carriages laden with provifions and ammunition, for the army which attended them, general Needham received an order from general Lake, about half an hour after eight o’clock, figned by the adjutant-general, defiring him to march immediately with the troops under his command, to join general Lake at Solfborough, the feat of Mr. Richards, where he had taken up his head-quarters. The harnefting and arranging in the proper order of march fuch a number of carriages, occupied a good deal

* See Appendix, No. XXI. 1.

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of time. Thus incumbered, the movement of the column was flow; particularly as it paffed through deep and narrow roads, with high and thick fences on each fide, and in a country fo much enclofed as to render it impoffible to fend out flanking parties; though from their proximity to the enemy, there was every reafon to expect an attack, which, had it been made, might have proved fatal. However the column proceeded unmolefted, and arrived at Solfborough, about half past three o’clock, on the morning of the twenty-firft of July.

Major-general Needham, on reporting his arrival to general Lake, was informed, that he muft immediately occupy the pofition firft allotted to him, in the general orders. Thus, after a moft fatiguing march, without having had any refrefhment for his troops from the time he left Gorey, he was obliged to repair to the poft he was to occupy by a circuitous route, of eight miles.

General Needham, feeing the impoffibility of reaching the hill in propes time, fent to requeft general Lake would defer the attack, but this was pofitively refufed. General Needham therefore pufhed forward with his cavalry, and deftroyed many of the fugitives from the hill; having purfued them as far as the nature of the country would admit. It is muck to be lamented, that general Needham’s line of march to his pofition, was changed; as had he been fuffered to repofe his troops at Oulart on the night of the twentieth, and to have proceeded next morning to his deftination, very few of the rebels would have efcaped.* General Lake refufed to defer the attack, in conformity to general Needham’s requeft, for the following very good reafon: General Johnfon was engaged with a numerous body of rebels who defended Ennifcorthy; and they would probably have been aififted by their main body on Vinegar-hill, if general Lake had not immediately made a diverfion.

An immenfe column of the rebels which retreated from Vinegar-hill, “by the pofition which general Needham was to have occupied, marched by the eaft fide of the Slaney, firft to Carrick-bridge,† but commonly called Carrick-ferry, within three miles of Wexford, headed by the following generals: Father John Murphy, father Kearns the prieft, Anthony Perry, Edward Fitzgerald, and John Hay. After paffing Carrick-bridge,

* His orders were to attack at three o’clock.

† Plate III 5, 6.

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one column entered Wexford, under Murphy, Kearns and Perry, where they remained about two hours, threatening the deftruction of the town, and a general maffacre of the remaining proteftants, without diftinction of (age, fex, or condition; but they were partly prevented by the combination and the determined refiftance of the inhabitants of the town, who feared the lofs of their property, and they dreaded the approach of general Moore’s army.

Having left the town, they retreated over the bridge, headed by Efmond Kyan, Edward Fitzgerald, Perry and Kearns, and took the high and direct road to the county of Wicklow; which, and the north part of the county of Wexford, they continued for fome time to defolate.

The proteftants who had fled from Gorey and its vicinity to Wicklow, on the defeat of colonel Walpole, on the fourth of June, thinking that the victory at Vinegar-hill had reftored peace and good order, were attempting to return to their refpective homes, but were met by a large party of the rebels, who were retreating after their defeat, and who killed thirty-fix of them. For a fpecimen of their barbarity on that occalion, I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XX. 20, 21. It happened in Friday the twenty-fecond of June, which is now called in that country bloody Friday.

The other column, headed by prieft Roche, John Hay and Murphy, proceeded from Carrick-bridge to the mountain of Forth, where they remained for about three hours, holding a council of war, in which as Roche and John Hay differed in opinion, they left them, and were taken in a day or two after, and hanged at Wexford. Father John Murphy, and another prieft of the fame name, then led the column by a circuitous route through the barony of Forth, by Maglas,* the moor of Mulrankin, and the Scar pafs of Barretftown,† over the Scallogh-gap,‡ into the county of Kilkenny, fpreading defolation in their progrefs, having plundered and burnt the town of Caftlecomer, and the fuperb manfion of lady Ormond; and mafl’acred fuch proteftants as they could lay their hands on.

As the part which general Johnfon took in the attack on Vinegar-hill was by faf the moft perilous and brilliant, I fhall give the reader a more circumftantial relation of it. In his march from New Rofs, he met a rebel armed with a pike, who, on being informed, that he deferved to be hanged for having appeared in arms againft the king, replied, “You

* Plate III. 8. † Ibid. ‡ Plate II. 7.

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may hurt my body, but you cannot injure my foul, as father Roche has taken care of it.”

The evening before the attack on Ennifcorthy, he marched to Ballymacus,* about four miles from it; but wifhing to have his men frefh for the onfet next morning, he moved forward to Daphne, within a mile and a half of it. Soon after his arrival there, a large body of rebels, marching in columns and intermediate lines, advanced within half a mile of his army, and feemed determined to attack it; on which the general prepared to receive them; but they fent forward their lharp fhooters, who maintained a very fmart fire on his line, till he brought up his cannon and diflodged them with it.

The main body which marched from the town to attack him, occupied an eminence, on which three or four fhots from twelve-pounders were fired; and when the balls lodged on the hill, numbers of the rebels emulouily vied with each other to lay hold of them. After that fome fhells having been thrown on it, and a great body of them having furrounded them for the fame purpofe, they exploded, and blew them to atoms.

Next morning, after having driven the rebels from the high ground intp the town, which could not be effected without much danger and difficulty, as the rebels difputed every inch of ground, firing from behind the hedges, each of which afforded a ftrong poft; he kept that pofition for about an hour, during which he and the rebel army continued to cannonade each other; and he had the greater part of the Vinegarhill army to contend with, as general Lake did not begin to attack them for fome time.

In driving the rebels into the town, they made a moft obftinate refiftance, by their pikemen in the ftreets, and their mufketeers, who were excellent markfmen, from the windows.

Having advanced with one gun, to an open fpace, where the courthoufe† lies, a numerous body of pikemere rufhed from that building, with enthufiaftick vehemence, and feized and kept it for a few minutes, havinooverpowered the party which attended it; but it was foon retaken by a frefh column of troops, who killed moft of the rebels concerned in that

* Plate III. 3. † Plate IV. 4.

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furious onfet. The general then ordered the light infantry to charge over the bridge, and up the hill, which were occupied by a numerouB body of rebels; but they having fhewn an unwillingnefs to do fo, he called •on the county of Dublin regiment to perform that fervice, on which they gave three cheers, and led on by colonel Vefey and lord Blaney, in conjunction with the light infantry, forced the bridge, and marched up the fteepeft part of the hill, driving the rebels before them.

Major-general Euftace, who acted on this occafion with general Johnfon, difplayed great fpirit and gallantry.

That fide of the hill which general Johnfon afcended is by far the fleepeft, and commands the town.

As the army commanded by general Johnfon loft more men in killed .and wounded than all the other troops that attacked Vinegar-hill, we may conceive the difficulties and the oppofition which he muft have encountered.

He fuftained the following lofs: Two field officers wounded, two captains killed, two fubalterns killed and two wounded, two ferjeants, one wounded, one miffing, fixteen rank and file killed, fixty-two wounded, five miffing.

The arrival of general Moore’s army at Foulkes’s mill occafioned a very great alarm at Wexford and the Three-rock camp.* On the evening of the nineteenth, the drums beat to arms, and the church bell was rung. Keugh and Harvey were very buly, but feemed much difmayed. They fent all the rebel foldiers in town to the Three-rock camp. For three miles, the diftance from it to the town, each fide of the road was crowded with old men, women and children, on their knees, praying for their fuccefs, as they marched by. When they advanced about two miles, they met on horfeback father Keane, commonly called the bleffed prieft of Bannow. The rabble had uncommon veneration for him, becaufe they believed, from his fuperior fanclity, that he was more expert in working miracles, and had more fupernatural powers, than any other prieft. He was a little old grey-headed man. The rebels flocked to him with great cagernefs, to obtain his benediction, which he gave, by laying his hand on their heads, and muttering a few words.

• Having given the reader a defcription of the rebel camp on Vinegar-hill, I fhall give him that on the mountain of Forth, in Appendix, No. XXI. 3.

[483.

This prieft having been guilty of fome irregularities, foon after he was priefted, retired to Newfoundland, where he exercifed, for fome years, his facred function, and at the fame time the apoftolick purfuit of a fifherman. A boat, in which he ferved as a failor, having caught great quantities of cod fifh, in a harbour where it had been fought for in vain fome years before, this fudden change was imputed to his benediction beftowed on it. He returned to his native country, with the title of the bleffed prieft of Bannow, which is his native place. During the rebellion he diftributed many thoufand fcapulars* among the rebels; and to numbers he gave two, one to protect them in advancing, the other in retreating. He affured the wearers of this facred fymbol, that a ball from, a heretick gun could do them no more injury than a pea. He conftantly vifited the rebel camps, particularly that on the mountain of Forth; and a poney which he rode, was led by two men, who cried out, with a loud voice, “Make way for the bleffed prieft; of Bannow!” I have been affured that jie refufed his bleffing to fome rebels, unlefs they brought him the head of Mr. Goff, of Horetown, a quaker, who was juftly and univerfally efteemed; and it is faid, that he would moft certainly have been affaffinated, but for the victory of general Moore, which ftruck terror into the rebels.

A party of them took poffeffion of Mr. Goff’s houfe, under the command of one Monk, and they were attended by father Byrne, a prieft, who was purveyor to the party; and he compelled the Mifs Goffs, young and amiable women, to bake bread, and do every other menial office to fupply the rebels. A party of them one day afked his benediction, having knelt down for that purpofe; but he refufed to give it but to fuch as produced their pikes ftined with the blood of hereticks.

It was mentioned before that general Moore was to take poft at Foulkes’s mill, ten miles from Wexford, to prevent the rebels in their flight from Vinegar-hill, from efcaping by Clomines. He remained in the demelne of Mr. Sutton, of Longraige,† which is quite clofe to it, on the evening of the nineteenth of June.

Next morning, general Moore had a fmart action with the rebels, which is defcribed by him in a letter to general Lake.‡

* See in the Index, under the title of fcapular, a. fall explanation of this religious emblem; and in Plate V. a figure of one. † Plate III. C, 7. ‡ Appendix, No. XXI. 2.

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I have been affured by perfons well acquainted with the defigns of the irebel general that this action was brought on in the following manner:

That general Roche intended to have taken poffeffion of Rofs, when general Johnfon had left it; that he fent one party to Horetown, to watch the motions and engage the attention of general Moore, while the mainbody proceeded to Rofs; that the former fuddenly and unexpectedly came on general Moore’s army, and had a fkirmifh with them.

The main body having heard the firing, went to their affiftance, which brought on a general action.

Roche, after being defeated, meant to have kept one divifion of his army in the woods of Horetown, to the north, the other in thofe of Rofsgarland, to the fouth; and to have renewed the attack in the night, when aided by the darknefs, which would have been favourable to the charge of his pikemen, and relying on the fuperiority of his numbers,* he entertained ftrong hopes of fuccefs; but the arrival of the 29th and the Queen’s regiment as a reinforcement to general Moore baffled his expectations.

There were many priefts in the rebel army, exhorting their troops, and often horfewhipping, and even threatening the run-aways with fwords and piftols, to compel them to return to their ranks.

Having mentioned the occurrences which preceded and occafioned the evacuation of Wexford, I fhall now relate that event, and the dreadful maffacre of proteftants which took place the day before, and which has caft fuch an indelible ftain on that county, that every Irifhman who feels for the honour of his native country, fhould wifh that its very name was expunged from the map of Ireland. From the fanguinary fpirit which the rebels manifefted on all occafions during the rebellion towards that fed of chriftians, there is not a doubt but that they meant to extirpate them as foon as they had obtained a decided fuperiority over the government; and their leaders never failed to practife every artifice they could devife, to make them believe they were in a fair way of attaining it But when their delufions were removed, and they faw a very numerous and well-appointed army march into the county of Wexford, they

* He had at leaft fifteen thoufand. General Moore had not more than one thoufand two hundred.

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were flung with defpair, and refolved to indulge their fanatical hatred againft proteftants, by murdering fuch of them as were their prifoners.

Jofeph Gladwin, the gaoler of Wexford, an Englifhman, and reputed a man of veracity and humanity, has declared that Thomas Dixon propofed to get rid of the proteftant prifoners at once, by fetting fire to the gaol; but Gladwin faid, that it would be impoffible to accomplifh it, as the floors in every flory were arched. He then propofed to burn them in the ftreet; on which Gladwin ftipped backwards, and related the infamous defign of Dixon to Bagenal Harvey, who expreffed great horror at it; and faid, he did not think that matters would ever have proceeded to that dreadful excefs, and that he did not know how foon it might be his own cafe.

I fhall give the reader an account of this tragical affair, as related to me by fome refpectable perfons who refided in Mr. Hatchel’s houfe,* very near the bridge, where it was perpetrated, and were eye-witneffes of it,

“Between the hours of ten and eleven o’clock on the morning of the twentieth of June, we faw a body of rebels coming over the bridge, bearing a black flag, with a crofs, and the letters M W S infcribed on it in white; which was fuppofed to mean murder without fm; and on the other fide a red crofs. After having made a proceffion through part of the town, they fixed that woeful harbinger of death on the cuftom-houfe quay, near the fatal fpot where fo much blood was foon after fhed; and where it remained flying for about two hours before the butchery began.‡

“Soon after they arrived on the quay, they feemed to difperfe; however many of them remained there, and repaired to one particular place, where drink was given to them; and where a prieft was very bufy in diftribuiing it, and who, they believed, remained there till they left the quay, fhouting, “To the gaol! to the gaol!” when they all disappeared, but returned about four o’clock to the bridge, with a number of prifoners, whom they maffacred. They thus continued till about feven o’clock to convey parties of prifoners from ten to twenty, from the gaol and the

* Plate VI.

‡ Some refpectable proteftant ladies, prifoners at that time, affured me, that at that awful moment, they were informed, and with apparent forrow, by fome popifh women, in whofe houfes they lodged, that the hour was come, when every perfon in Wexford of their religion, would be put to death. Others received this melancholy intelligence the evening of the preceding day.

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market-houfe, where many of them were confined, to the bridge, where they butchered them. Every proceffion was preceded by the black flag, and the prifoners were furrounded by ruthlefs pikemen, as guards, who often infultingly defired them to blefs themfelves.†

“The mob, confifting of more women than men, expreffed their favage joy on the immolation of each of the victims, by loud huzzas.

“The manner, in general, of putting them to death, was thus: Two rebels pufhed their pikes into the breast of the victim, and two into his hack; and in that ftate (writhing with torture) they held him fufpended, till dead, and then threw him over the bridge into the water.

“After they had maffacred ninety-feven prifoners in that manner, and before they could proceed further in the bufinefs, an exprefs rode up in great hafte, and bid them beat to arms, as Vinegar-hill was befet, and reinforcements were wanting. There was immediately a cry, “To camp! to camp!” The rebels feemed in fuch confufion, that the maffacre was difcontinued.

“In the moment of confufion, the reverend Mr. Corrin, parifh prieft of Wexford, arrived on the bridge, to divert them from their fanguinary defigns, and which, it is faid, he did to the utmoft of his power. Soon after his arrival, he knelt down on the very fpot where the blood had been fpilled, and faid fome prayers. After which the rebels rofe from their-knees, and exclaimed, Come on, boys, in the name of God, to the camp! Thank God, we have fent thefe fouls to hell!” They then accordingly fet out for the camp.

“It is remarkable that the favage pikemen knelt down, lifted up their hands, and prayed apparently with devotion, before they proceeded to commit any of the murders.”

A lady, who was in Mr. Hatchel’s houfe, near the bridge, where this fanguinary fcene took place, defcribes it thus in her diary, which I quoted before: “About three o’clock, captain Dixon came to the quay, calling out, “To the gaol!” He was followed up the cuftom-houfe lane by numbers. They returned fome time after to the bridge. I thought fome alarm induced them to leave the town, and fat eagerly watching, till I beheld, yes, I faw, abfolutely faw, a poor fellow cry for life, and was then moft barbaroufly murdered.

† See Appendix, No. XX. 2.

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To give an account of this hellifh fcene is beyond my ftrength, nor could any perfon defire to hear it. No favages ever put their prifoners to more deliberate torture. I faw a boat go to the prifon fhip, and bring my friends and acquaintances (who on landing paffed by our door) to torture and death. I faw the horrid wretches kneel on the quay, lift up their hands, feeming to pray with the greateft devotion, then rife and join, or take place of other murderers. Their yells of delight at the fufferings of their viftims will ever, I believe, found in my ears.

“To defcribe what we all fuffered, would be impoffible. I never fhed a tear, but felt all over in the moft bodily pain. We expected life only till the prifons and the fhip* were emptied; when an exprefs came, to fay the army were marching againft Vinegar-hill camp, and that if they did not reinforce it immediately, all was loft. The town priefts then, and not till then, made their appearance. The leader of the murderers called to his men, in thefe words, which I diftinctly heard, “Come, my lads! we will now go; bleffed be God we have fent fome of their fouls to hell!” They went off really as if they had been performing a praifeworthy and religious action.”

Mr. James Goodall, who had been taken out of the prifon ship, and conveyed to the bridge, to be murdered, but was faved by the interference of Roche, the lay-general, declared upon oath on his trial, “That the affaffins on the bridge were like a pack of ftarving hounds rufhing on their game.”

Mr. Corrin had flept the preceding night at Clonard, two miles off, to chriften a child for Mr. Kellett, who was in the prifon-fhip, and whofe wife was of the popifh perfuafion. She, Mrs. Bland and Mrs. Crump earneftly entreated him to fave the lives of their hufbands, who were in the prifon-fhip, and he faithfully promifed to do fo. This I heard from one of thefe ladies.

Previous to his departure, he feemed fo much agitated by fear, as the king’s frigates and gun-boats appeared outfide the harbour, that he could fcarce go through the ceremony of baptizing the child; and he piteoufly befought them to protect him, as he would proteft their hufbands.

When they had put to death on the bridge between thirty and forty of the prifoners confined in the gaol, they feat a boat to the prifon-fhip,* and called for Meffrs. Cox and Turner. After having plunged two pikes

* It was but twenty-five tons burden, and twenty-two gentlemen were confined three weeks in its hold.

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into the bofom of the former, he jumped into the water from the bridge, but was fhot as foon as he rofe.*

Mr. Turner, a magiftrate, who beheld this woeful fpectacle, was next brought forward. They confulted about raifing his body on their pikes, and carrying it through the ftreets, as they harboured the moft infatiable revenge againft him, becaufe he was an active juftice of the peace, and a zealous loyalift. His own poftillion, Thomas Cleary,† infifted on having the gratification of fhedding his blood; but the intemperate eagernefs of the pikemen for carnage operated like mercy towards him, for a number of them joined him in perforating his body with pikes, and threw it over the bridge.

Mr. Lehunte was next fent for to the prifon-fhip, but he fortunately happened to be in the gaol, where he eluded their fearch in the corner of a cell. Their miftake, and the delay occafioned by it, very fortunately faved his life, as the exprefs arrived, and the alarm took place in the mean time.

Mr. Hore, of Harper’s-town, nephew to the earl of Courtown, a moft amiable inoffenfive gentleman, and Mr. Kellett, were next brought from the prifon-fhip. The former was afked, Whether he had any perfon who could fpeak in his favour? He faid, he had not, but requefted time to find a perfon who could do fo. He was then afked. Whether he was not connected with Mr. Boyd, member for the town? He anfwered, by faying, that Mr. Boyd was married to his fifter; to which the rebels replied, that is enough; and having immediately maffacred him with their pikes, they threw his body into the river. §

Mr. Edwards, taken out of the prifon-fhip, was faved, becaufe he was married to a popifh wife. It was afked by one rebel, whether he had ever prevented his wife from going to mafs? Another, who was friendly to him, anfwered in the negative, and faid, he had often attended his wife to the chapel, and had gone for her when mafs was over; on which he was difcharged.

* He commanded the Taghmon cavalry, had been a captain in the 5th regiment of foot, and had retired on half-pay. He was taken at Coolcliffe.

† See Cleary’s confeffion in Appendix, No, XX. 21.

§ As Mr. Boyd’s family were zealous loyalifts, they, and every perfon connected with them, were peculiarly the objects of rebel vengeance.

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Mr. Samuel Atkin, married to a proteftant, was murdered.

Another perfon of the fame name, and his two fons, were faved, becaufe, it was believed, the father was married to a popifh wife.

The bloody Thomas Dixon, and his wife, were prefent at, and fuperintended this dreadful fcene of carnage on horfeback.

When the rebels retreated from the bridge, on the alarm given bygeneral Roche, Dixon and his wife attempted to follow them; but their horfes ftartled at the immenfe quantity of blood which was fhed on the bridge, and refufed to pafs through it; on which they difmounted, and led their horfes over the bridge; fhe, at the fame time, holding up her riding habit, left it fhould be ftained with blood. She was heard to defire the rebels not to wafte their ammunition, but to give the prifoners plenty of piking.

It will reflect indelible difgrace on the popifh priefts of Wexford, of whom there were no lefs than fifteen or fixteen in the town during the perpetration of thefe maffacres, that none of them, except father Corrin, ever interfered to prevent them. They evinced the moft unbounded influence on all occafions; for no proteftant was ever injured who had been fo fortunate as to obtain a protection from one of them. It has been faid in defence of the priefts, that they were totally ignorant of the maffacres till Mr. Kellett fent to father Corrin.

It was well known, at an early hour, that the rebels meditated thefe fcenes of favage cruelty, and their intention was announced by the proceffion which they made with a black flag. The affaffinations began at the gaol about two, on the bridge between three and four, and ended between feven and eight. At different times, the prifoners were conveyed in numbers of from ten to twenty, furrounded by ferocious pikemen, and preceded by that enfign of death, through the principal part of the town.

When every perfon of humanity in Wexford was petrified with horror at fuch tragic fcenes, which continued for five hours, could the priefts alone have remained ignorant of them in fo fmall a town as Wexford? The idea is too abfurd.

I have been informed, that a young man from Rofs, who acted with the rebels, but who had more humanity than moft of them, went to doctor Caulfield, informed him of the maffacres which were going forward,

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and befought him to prevent them; but he refufed to interfere himfelf, but faid he would fend father Roche, his chaplain, who was prefent, for that purpofe; but he never was known to exert himfelf. The perfon who gave this notice to doctor Caulfield, with whom father Corrin had dined, related it to many perfons who affured me of it.

Mr. George Taylor, a man of great veracity, wrote a hiftory of the rebellion in the county of Wexford, of which he is a native; and he tells us, “That while this work was going on, a rebel captain, being ftiocked at the cries of the victims, ran to the popifh bifhop, who was then drinking wine with the utmoft compofure after dinner; and knowing that he could ftop the maffacre fooner than any other perfon, entreated him, for the mercy of God, to come and fave the prifoners. He in a very unconcerned manner replied, “It was no affair of his and requefted the captain would fit down and take a glafs of wine with him; adding, “That the people muft be gratified.” The captain refufed the bifhop’s invitation; and, filled with abhorrence and diftrefs of mind, walked filently away.

Mrs. O’Neil went to the doctor to complain of the murder of her nephew, Mr. Turner, on the bridge: He was one of the firft perfons taken out of the prifon-fhip, yet doctor Caulfield did not interfere, nor did Mr. Corrin, though he was prefent, till Mr. Kellett fent a meffenger for him; and there were many perfons maffacred in the interval between Mrs. O’Neil’s complaint and the deliverance of Mr. Kellett.

While they were difpatching Mr. Hore, of Harper’s-town, Mr. Kellett, who was the next intended victim, fent a perfon in the crowd, who had formerly lived with him as fervant, for Mr. Corrin, who dined at doctor Caulfield’s, the popifh bifhop, to let him know his perilous fituation; and he inftantly repaired to the bridge, threw himfelf between Mr. Kellett and the pikemen, faying that they fhould not kill him, without firft butchering him. Having thus refcued him, he firft led him to his own houfe, and afterwards to Clonard, about two miles off, the feat of Mr. Kellett, who kept Mr. Corrin at his houfe till next day, to protect him from the military, who were expected in Wexford. It was univerfally believed, that father Corrin’s interference did not proceed from pure motives of humanity, but from a preconcerted agreement with Mr. Kellett, for the following reafons; He did not approach the bridge, or ufe any exertion,

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till he received Mr. Kellett’s meffage at the bifhop’s; and when he led him away under his protection, he left the other prifoners on their knees in the hands of the ruthlefs pikemen, without offering to interfere for their prefervation.

The following circumflance tends ftrongly to confirm this opinion: A gentleman of very great refpectability, who was on board the prifonfhip, affured me, that on the morning of the maffacre, a fervant of Mr. Crump, went on board, and from the general tenor of his converfation, they could infer, that Meffrs. Crump, Kellett and Bland, would be faved at all events; which we may fuppofe was in confequence of the promife made to their wives by Mr. Corrin the evening before.

Charles Jackfon, an Englifhman, who had practifed the trade of a carver and gilder at Wexford, was among the laft party of prifoners fuppofed to have been faved by Mr. Corrin. He publifhed a narrative of his fufferings, and of the events which occurred at Wexford during the rebellion. The popifh clergy of that town have relied much on his veracity; and it is moft certain that his relation of the events of which he was an eye-witnefs is ftrictly true.

A popifh prieft of Wexford wrote a pamphlet under the fignature of Veritas, with the affiftance, and under the direction of doctor Caulfield, merely for the purpofe of vindicating the conduct of the Romifh clergy,† in which he often quoted Jackfon’s narrative, which gives a faithful reprefentation of the events which occurred, except while he was in prifon; and his account of them during that period was erroneous, for the following very obvious reafon: They were communicated to him by his wife, who being a rigid papift, was completely under the influence of the priefts.

He gives the following account of the efcape of himfelf and his fellow prifoners on the bridge:

“General Roche rode up in great hafte, and bid them beat to arras; faying, “That Vinegar-hill camp was befet, and that reinforcements were wanting that this operated like lightning on the rebels, who inftantly quitted the bridge, and left Jackfon and the other victims on their knees. That the mob, (confifting of more women than men,) who had been fpeftators, alfo inftantly difperfed in every direction, fuppofing the king’s troops were at hand: That the prifoners, ftupified with horror, remained

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fome time on their knees, without making any effort to efcape: That the rebel guard foon returned, took them back to gaol, telling them, that they fhould not efcape any longer than the next day, when neither man, woman or child of the proteftants fhould be left alive.”

Different perfons at that time in Wexford, and fome who lived near the bridge, have unanimoufly concurred with Jackfon’s relation of it.

A perfon of the utmoft veracity, who was led out to execution, and narrowly efcaped, has pofitively afferted, that he believes father Corrin would not have interfered at all, but that he imagined there was a complete reverfe of fortune, in confequence of the alarm occafioned by the arrival of the meffenger from Vinegar-hill; but this perfon was ignorant of the fecret compact which he had made with Mrs. Kellett.

As ftrong fufpicions were entertained, and infinuations were thrown out, foon after the maffacre at the bridge, that the popifh priefts in Wexford had more influence than any other perfons there, and that they could have protected thofe whom they chofe; father Corrin went to Mr. George Taylor, one of the prifoners who efcaped, when Mr. Kellett was refcued, and afked him to fign a paper, containing a contradiction of it, and a general approbation of the conduct of the priefthood in Wexford during the rebellion. He refufed to do fo, but at his inftance gave him the following certificate:

“I do hereby certify, that the reverend John Corrin, by his humane exertion, has been the inftrument in the hands of God, in faving my life, and even others of my fellow-prifoners, the twentieth of June, being the day of the general maffacre on the bridge of Wexford.

Ballywalter, GEORGE TAYLOR.”

Auguft 28th, 1798.

Mr. Taylor, on giving Mr. Corrin this certificate, afked him, “What ufe he meant to make of it?” he anfwered, “To employ it in my defence.” The reader will draw but one inference from this anticipated defence againft an accufation which was not at that time even thought of. As Meffrs. Taylor and Jackfon, who efcaped from the maffacre on the bridge, differed from each other in the relation of this dreadful event, I fhall endeavour to account for their apparent contradiction.

Taylor imputes their prefervation folely to the interference of Mr. Corrin: Jackfon to the alarm and confufion occafioned by the arrival of the

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exprefs, in which every one concurs with him except George Taylor. The former fays, they were led away from the bridge by Mr. Corrin. The latter, that they were left in the hands of the pikemen. I fhould give greater credit to the relation of Jackfon, than that of Taylor, for the following reafons: Mr. Kellett perfonally affured me, that Mr. Corrin led him away from the bridge; and it is moft certain, that the remainder of the prifoners were led back to the gaol by the pikemen, where they remained until the king’s troops entered the town. If Mr. Corrin had influence enough over the mob to check the maffacre, and to refcue Mr. Kellett, why did he leave the remainder of the prifoners in the hands of the ferocious rebels, who might have butchered them after his departure? In the ftate of ftupefaction to which the prifoners were reduced by terror, as Jackfon obferves, it is very poffible that Taylor might have miftaken the real caufe of their prefervation. They were furrounded by an immenfe mob, befides the pikemen; and as many specttators in the houfe of Mr. Hatchell, near the bridge, have unanimoufly agreed, that the alarm and difperfion of the rebels took place rather before the arrival of Mr. Corrin, it is poffible that Mr. Taylor might have miftaken the real caufe of it, particularly, as he could not have feen Mr. Corrin until the multitude difperfed; befides he is uncommonly near-fighted. I fhall not pretend to difpute his veracity, but I really believe he was miftaken.

The following occurrence muft diminifh our belief of father Corrin’s having acted from pure motives of humanity: Mrs. Margaret Lett, the wife of a brewer of Ennifcorthy, having been examined as a witnefs on the trial of Thomas Clooney on the fifth of July, 1799, at Wexford, depofed: That the had the protection of father Corrin; that her hufband was a prifoner in the gaol of Wexford; that Clooney wrote on the back of the protection, that he would go bail for Mr. Lett’s good behaviour, and that he would not leave Wexford, if Mr. Corrin would allow him* to be taken out of gaol; and that fhe went with the paper to Mr. Corrin, but he would not allow him to be liberated; that Clooney

* This fhews that Mr. Corrin was confidered as a perfon of great influence over the rebels, which be exerted on this occafion, and not for a humane purpofe.

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afterwards went to the prifon, took him out, and left him at her lodgings.

In this manner they put ninety-feven proteftants to death, at Wexford, on the twentieth of June. Some perfons have faid that the number did not exceed ninety-five; but the bloody calendar of all the proteftant prifoners there, which I have in my poffeffion, puts this beyond a doubt.

On the trials of Peter Byrne and Ignatius Roffiter, at Wexford, the former the fourteenth of June, 1799, the latter the twentieth of February, 1800, two members of the bloody committee that fat in the gaol, the following facts were proved upon oath: Kennet Mathewfon, John Atkin, Richard and Jofeph Ganford, proteftants, and prifoners in the gaol, were led before that fanguinary tribunal to be tried. One of the prifoners having afked Roffiter, “What they meant to do with them?” he replied, that “They were on the black lift.” Peter Byrne, member of the committee, had a piftol in his hand, and on feeing the prifoners, exclaimed in a rage, “It is not by two or three that you are to let us have the prifoners, (meaning to execute) for if you do not let us have them by the dozen, by J——s, I will blow up the gaol in two minutes.” John Roffiter, another member of the committee, shewed John Atkin the form of an oath which he faid the committee had taken, and the inftructions which they had received to regulate the manner of proceeding;* that early on that day, a man went to him where he was confined, and fhewed him a lift which he faid was the black lift, which he had got from the committee fitting below ftairs. The prifoners were then led to the committee-room door, but were kept out fide it. The man who firft accufed Mathewfon, rufhed into the room with a party of the rebels, who dragged him out. When the bloody committee were going out to fee Mathewfon put to death, John Roffiter having a regard for Atkin, and wifhing to fave his life, put him into the committee-room, defired him to fhut himfelf in, and not to appear at the windows, left he fhould be fhot.* He entered the room, and faw Mathewfon fhot and butchered with pikes in the ftreet. There was a table in the committee-room, on which there were

* It is evident that the monfters who compofed the bloody committee were guided and governed by fome fuperior power; that they took an oath to proceed in the bloody bufinefs, and had written inftructions how to act.

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pens, ink, and paper, and a green book, which, having put into his pocket, he crept under a bed, where he lay concealed, till John Roffiter afterwards, when the committee had adjourned, led him back to his cell, where he concealed the book, containing a calendar of all the proteftants at that, time prifoners in Wexford; the committee were much incenfed at the lofs of their book,* but could not account for it. The reader may well conceive the perturbation of John Atkin, who lay concealed under the bed, while the members of the committee were vowing vengeance againft the perfon who carried off their book.

The amiable lady, whofe diary I have quoted, fays in it, “Mr. R——,† a Roman catholick, and one of the committee for provifions, came to us the evening of the day the maffacre was committed. He was like ourfelves, half dead with horror, and declared that he entreated the priefts to come down with their crucifixes, and prevent the maffacre; but they all refufed to do fo. We told him that father Broe faid he had faved nineteen prifoners.

This Mr. R—— denied, and faid, it was the exprefs that faved them.

He told us, that the black flag meant that every one of that party had taken the black teft oath. He faid, that a man went into a fhop where he was, and afked another to give him the black teft oath. This was refufed, and the perfon he afked left the fhop; on which the man who wanted to take the oath, faid, “That fellow fhall be one of the firft I will kill; but as to the oath, I don’t care, for another will give it to me.” This oath is to be found at the end of Appendix, No. XX. 7. and was found in various places, and on different rebels who were killed,”

In many inftances it has appeared, that the Roman catholicks even in the meaneft fituation, could fave proteftants. The following is a notable proof of it:

John Tate, a proteftant, but carrying a gun among the rebels for the prefervation of his life, addreffed himfelf to a common man, a rebel in their camp at Little Limerick, faying, “There is a brother-in-law of mine in prifon at Wexford, I fhall be obliged to you, when you go there

* See a copy of it, Appendix, No. XX. 44.

† As he is no more, I may tell the reader that this was Mr. Pat. Redmond, a man of humanity, who filled his fituation with reluctance.

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to take him out and fet him at liberty.” This man, whofe name is James Murphy, never thought of the requeft made by Tate, until the day and inftant they were murdering the prifoners on the bridge; when recollecting that the name of the man he wifhed to liberate was Ifaac Stephens, he fearched the different prifons until he found him among a great number in the market-houfe of Wexford, and not only brought him with him and preferved him, but two more loyal yeomen who were in the fame prifon, and begged of him, for God’s fake, to fave them. He brought out thefe three men in the midft of near one hundred pikemen who guarded the door, and faved them. Their names were, Ifaac Stephens, cooper, at Caftle-bridge, Samuel Maud, farmer, and John Stedman, weaver.

The confeffion of James Beaghan,* one of the murderers of the reverend Mr. Hayden in the ftreets of Ennifcorthy, clearly proves what part the popifh priefts took in the confpiracy and rebellion; and that the name of Orangemen was fabricated merely to make the publick believe that the fanguinary fpirit of the rebels was not directed againft proteftants in general, but merely againft fuch of them as were members of that political fed.

The evidence upon oath of doctor McNevin, a member of the Irifh directory, before a fecret committee of the houfe of lords, dated the thirtieth of Auguft, 1798, proves that they. were deeply concerned in it. His words are, “That the catholick priefts had ceafed to be alarmed at the calumnies which had been propagated of French irreligion, and were well affected to the caufe; that fome of them had rendered great fervice in propagating with difcreet zeal† the fyftem of the Irifh union.”

Many perfons of undoubted veracity affured me, that the popifh bifhop, doctor Caulfield, gave his benediction to the favage pikemen as they proceeded to the maffacre on the bridge; yet I fhould not think of inferting it in this hiftory, if it were not authenticated On the oath of a refpectable gentlewoman who beheld it; becaufe, however fanguine the doctor might have been in the caufe, I could not have fuppofed that he would have been fo void of difcretion. Mrs. Crane, fifter to judge Chamberlain, made this affidavit.‡

* See Appendix, No. XIX. 8.

† He puts thofe who acted with difcreet zeal in contradiftinction to thofe who appeared without difguife and in a military capacity. ‡ See Appendix, No. XX. 23.

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I fhall not take upon me to fay, whether the doctor on this occafion acted in obedience to the councils of Lateran, Conftance, Toledo or Trent, all which are mandatory on perfons of his perfuafion to extirpate hereticks; or whether he acted according to his oath of inauguration, which requires that he fhould, to the utmoft of his power, perfecute and impugn all hereticks, fchifmaticks, and rebels, againft his fovereign lord the pope; but in writing a hiftory of the rebellion, I thought that I could not leave fo extraordinary a tranfaction unrecorded.

On Monday the nineteenth of March, 1800, doctor Caulfield wrote a letter to Bryan Murphy, a prieft of Taghmon, reproving him for having prefumed to give abfolution for fin, without having obtained a faculty for that purpofe. This letter, and two more on the fame subject, one from faid Murphy to a proteftant clergyman, and the other from father Kelly, parifh prieft of Taghmon, to doctor Caulfield, the reader will find in Appendix, No. XX. 23. Bryan Murphy is the perfon alluded to in Michael Aikin’s affidavit relative to Scullabogue, Appendix, No. XX. 9.

It is moft certain, that a refpectable inhabitant of Wexford fent a meffage to the friary near the chapel, to requeft the friars would order the rebels to defift from the maffacres; but they faid, that they would advife but not order them to do fo.

A proteftant clergyman of Wexford affured me of the following fact: About fix o’clock on the morning after the maffacre, one of the friars expreffed great joy to him on the profpect of peace, (as the defeat of the rebels at Foulkes’s mill was known); and he expreffed great concern that the priefts happened to be out of the way, and were ignorant of the maifacre, for other wife they could have stopped it, but foon after he faid, “We knew from the talk of the people in the morning, that we could not have faved Mr. Turner.”

The black flag was carried in proceffion again on the morning of the twenty-firft of June by Thomas Dixon, and his band of affaffins, as a fignal to murder the reft of the proteftant prifoners; but the large army which had furrounded Vinegar-hill the day before, and the victory obtained by general Moore the preceding evening at Foulkes’s mill, had intimidated the blood-hounds fo much, that they fearing left they

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might provoke the vengeance of the royal army, refolved to fue for mercy.

Doctor Jacob and his family, were not molefted for the following reafon: Being a gentleman of great medical fkill, not only as a phyfician, but as a furgeon, and as the rebels compelled him to take care of their fick and wounded men, as before-mentioned, they were not only anxious to preferve his life, but shewed confiderable refpect for him and his family who were lodged in Mr. Hatchel’s houfe.

The news of the victory at Foulkes’s-mill having been received at Wexford the fame evening it was gained, a number of rebel leaders, who had been prefent at the maffacre, affembled at governor Keugh’s houfe, and concerted meafures of conciliation, in hopes of procuring an amnefty. Next morning they waited on lord Kingfborough, requefting that he would be their mediator, and write to the different general officers to fpare the inhabitants of Wexford and their property, on laying down their arms, and returning to their allegiance; which he agreed to do, on their invefting him with the military command of the town, and reinftating the civil magiftrates.

During this negociation, the bloody Thomas Dixon, and many other rebel officers and privates, flocked to his lodgings, and implored his protection in confideration of their humane conduct in having faved the lives of many proteftants.

General Keugh and his friends having acceded to lord Kingfborough’s defires, his lordfhip agreed to forward the following propofals made by them to the different general officers:

“That captain McManus* fhall proceed from Wexford towards Oulart,† accompanied by Mr. E. Hay, appointed by the inhabitants of all religious perfuafions, to inform the officer commanding the king’s troops, that they are ready to deliver up the town of Wexford without oppofition, lay down their arms, and return to their allegiance, provided their perfons and property are guaranteed by the commanding officer; and that they will ufe every influence in their power to induce

* Captain McManus of the Antrim, was a prifoner. E. Hay, was a rebel leader, who went to protect him.

† Plate III. 2.

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the people of the country at large to return to their allegiance alfo. Thefe terms, we hope, captain McManus will be able to procure.

Signed by order of the inhabitants of Wexford,
MATT. KEUGH.”

Captain McManus was to have gone to general Needham to Oulart but finding that he had changed his pofition, he repaired directly to general Lake at Ennifcorthy, where he found captain O’Hea of the North Cork, and captain Burke of the Mayo, who were fent on the fame errand, the former to general Lake, and the latter to, general Moore.

Soon after the departure of captain McManus, the rebel leaders being uneafy left the victorious army of general Moore fhould arrive before their terms had been accepted by general Lake, urged lord Kingfborough to fend a fecond meffenger to general Moore, to requeft he would encamp at Carrick-bridge,* before he advanced to the town. His lordfhip employed for that purpofe enfign Harman of his own regiment, who was attended by one Carthy, a rebel captain.

Soon after he left the town, he was met by father John Murphy, and one Whelan his aid-de-camp, who were leading a large rebel column from Vinegar-hill. Murphy afked Harman, (who unfortunately was in full uniform,) whither he was going? he anfwered, to propofe terms to general Moore on the part of the people of Wexford. Murphy faid, in a great rage, “I will hear of no terms. Then addreffing his aid-de-camp, and pointing to Harman, he faid, “That fellow ought to die, for he has been condemned by a committee” on which Whelan drew a piftol, and fhot Mr. Harman through the head.

As captain O’Hea met one of the rebel columns retreating from Vinegar-hill, I give the reader his defcription of it He was accompanied by two rebel captains, one of the name of Clooney, as guides and protedlors. The column which he met was very numerous, and many of the men who formed it were well armed with mufkets, piftols, and blunderbuffes, and the remainder with pikes. General Edward Fitzgerald, who commanded, and rode at the head of the column, on feeing captain O’Hea in his regimentals, halted it; and after a cool falute, demanded his difpatches, which he read and returned, with an appearance of diffatisfaction. Many of the rebels cheered him, and feemed much pleafed with the idea of peace; and but a few curfed the idea, and faid, they would

* Plate III, 5, 6, now called Carrickferry.

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ftill fight. At the rear of the column he met Edward Roche, the lay-general, who faluted him, and fuffered him to pafs, when Clooney had explained the purport of his embafy.

General Lake gave the following anfwer to Keugh’s letter:

“Lieutenant-general Lake cannot attend to any terms offered by rebels in arms againft their fovereign; while they fo remain, he muft ufe the force entrufted to him, with the utmoft energy, for their deftruction.

“To the deluded multitude, he promifes pardon, on their delivering into his hands their leaders, furrendering their arms, and returning with sincerity to their allegiance.

Ennifcorthy, 22d June, 1798.
G. LAKE.”

The inhabitants of Wexford, who faw this rebel column advancing at a great diftance, were very much alarmed, dreading that they would plunder and burn the town.

When lord Kingfborough was invefted with the command of it, he fent a note to Scallion,* who was on board the prifon-fhip, to defire he would bring Mr. Solomon Richards of Solfborough to him, as he wanted his advice and affiftance, in the critical fituation in which he then ftood. The rebels attempted to fmk the boat in which he went, as he paffed under the bridge, which was very high, by darting their pikes through it; and would have effected it, but that they were prevented by Scallion.

Soon after Mr. Richards waited on lord Kingfborough, the rebel column entered the town, headed by father Murphy, who advanced to his lordfhip’s lodgings, mounted on a fine horfe fully caparifoned, having a cafe of piftols and a broad fword. Lord Kingfborough addreffed him from his window, and told him he would endeavour to obtain favourable terms for him and his friends, provided they conducted themfelves properly; and faid, he hoped he was coming to give up his arms: On which, the facerdotal hero, in a paroxyfm of rage, difmounted, and afcending to his lordfhip’s apartment, afked him, with much rudenefs and petulance, who he was? and on being informed, he faid, with great indignation, “I had you tried and condemned this morning at the camp at Vinegar-hill, and I’ll have you taken out and executed this night.”

* He was created an admiral by the fepublick, for having taken his lordfhip prifoner.

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Doftor Caulfield, the titular bifhop, who had juft arrived, began to expoftulate with him; on which lord Kingfborough defired him to refpect his bifhop; but Murphy flourifhed his hand over the bifhop’s head, faying, “I was once your prieft; but I am now a general.” However, when his anger cooled, he knelt down, kiffed his hand, and acknowledged his fuperiority.

Whelan, Murphy’s aid-de-camp, who was prefent, had a large whifkey bottle in his pocket, and a piftol in his hand; and he boafted that he had juft fhot his officer outfide the town, alluding to the murder of enfign Harman. He alfo faid, he would fhoot lord Kingfborough; on which his lordfhip cocked his piftol, prefented it at his breaft, and declared he would fhoot him, if he moved his hand, which prevented the perpetration of his fanguinary defign.

Mrs. Richards, her fifter, and fome officers wives, had fought an afylum at his lordfhip’s lodgings at this critical and alarming moment; and fearing that they fhould all be maffacred if lord Kingfborough fhot Murphy, or his aid-de-camp, one was in hyftericks, another fainted, and another fell on her knees to deprecate his lordfhip’s anger.

While they were in this ftate of perturbation. Perry the rebel general entered his lordfhip’s apartment, and carried Murphy and Whelan off; and foon after he led the band of rebel affaffins out of town, but left his two aid-de-camps, who were wounded, with lord Kingfborough, who had them taken care of.

The fudden flight of the rebels is principally to be imputed to their fear of the king’s troops, who were advancing; and the fudden arrival of a few brave yeomen, which I fhall defcribe, and whom they took for the advanced guard of our army, occafioned their precipitate retreat.

It is certain that doctor Caulfield ufed every means in his power, and fucceeded in preventing the rebels from murdering lord Kingfborough; partly by his fpiritual authority, and partly by telling them that he was a valuable hoftage; and that by preferving his life, and conciliating him, he would probably obtain favourable terms for them and their friends, and prevent the foldiers from defolating the town and the country.

When general Moore’s army was within about two miles of Wexford they perceived the houfe of a proteftant in the fuburbs on fire, from which they concluded, that the rebels were burning the town, Mr. John Boyd,

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reprefentative for the town, who commanded the Wexford cavalry, trembling for the fate of his wife and children, afked permiffion of the general for him and as many of the yeomen cavalry as would accompany him, to pufh forward to the town, and to make a defperate effort to fave their families and their property. The following perfons, with great magnanimity, volunteered in that perilous fervice, and ran a risk of devoting their own lives to fave the property and lives of the proteftant inhabitants who remained in the town; they were all members of the corps but one. Captain James Boyd, member of parliament, lieutenant Perceval, high fheriff for the county, corporal John Stetham, corporal William Hughes, A. H. Jacob, of the Ennifcorthy corps; and the following privates, John Tench, Jofeph Sutton, Archer Bayly, Marcus Doyle, Abraham Howlin, John Byrne, and William M’Cabe, Mr. Boyd’s fervant. Chriftopher Irwine, permanent ferjeant of the troop, followed them rapidly on foot, his horfe having been fhot. They dafhed into the town with a degree of valour bordering on defpair, and announced with a loud voice, that the army was at their heels. This gave the rebels fuch an electrick fhock, that, panick ftruck, they fled in all directions, fome over the bridge, others to the barony of Forth. Their confternation was fo great, that very few of them attempted on their flight to injure the inhabitants of the town. One rebel fixed at Meffrs. Jacob and Rudd, but the latter foon difpatched him. A rebel fired at lord Kingiborough in the ftreet, for which another perfon, a loyalift, inftantly fhot him.

During this fcene of confufion which their flight occafioned, the bloody Thomas Dixon, mounted on a very fine horfe which he had taken from Mr. Cadwallader Edwards, rode through the ftreets, with a broad fword drawn, and upbraided the rebels for their timidity and their dilatorinefs; and faid, “If you had followed my advice in putting all the hereticks to death three or four days ago, it would not have come to this pafs[”], Mrs. Dixon, who accompanied him on horfeback, with a fword and a cafe of piftols, clapped the rebels on the back, and encouraged them, by faying, “We muft conquer: I know we muft conquer and fhe exclaimed repeatedly, “My Saviour tells me we muft conquer!”

They repaired to the bridge to ftop the retreat of the rebels, but in vain, though Mrs. Dixon drew a piftol, and fwore vehemently that fhe would fhoot any one of them who would refufe to return with her to put

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the remainder of the hereticks to death. They endeavoured to raife the portcullis of the bridge, to prevent their retreat, but were unable to do fo.

Governor Keugh came into the ftreet, and cried aloud, “Gentlemen, fly to the camp at the mountain of Forth; you have nothing elfe for it Go there and defend yourfelves.” Some of them as they were retreating (but particularly young M’Gauley, of Oulart, who was afterwards hanged) cried out, “Let us fet fire to the town!” but they had not time to do fo, for in a few minutes there was not a rebel in it.

A very refpectable lady informed me, that father Roche, the general, “on horfeback, and with a drawn fword, harangued the rebels in the ftreet, and endeavoured to infpire them with courage, before her window. He told them, “That they were of the only true faith, which was the faith of Jefus Chrift; and that if they would fupport him in the extirpation of hereticks, they would foon have but one religion but they were deaf to his exhortations, and fome of them faid, “By my foul, father Roche, we have ftood by you too long; we are forry we ever came to you, for you have deceived and ruined us!” I have already quoted the journal of a refpectable lady, who refided near the bridge. I fhall now give the reader her obfervations on the events which took place the day that the town was evacuated. She mentioned before that the black flag had been carried about in proceffion to announce that the maffacre wss to be renewed.

“About four o’clock Mr. R—— , and doctor Jacob came to us. They had been fired at in the ftreet. The doctor was as compofed as I am now; but I really never faw fuch firmnefs of mind as he poffeffes on all occafions. Mr. R faid, “The general maffacre is going to begin, and that he came to fave us, or rather to fhare our fate, for he feared we could not efcape however he had got a boat, with men on whom he thought he could rely, to the end of our houfe, that we fhould try to get into it, ftand the fire of the rebels from the quay and in paffing under the bridge; and if we got clear, throw ourfelves on the mercy of the gun-boats. This was truly defperate: I walked up ftairs, and went to a window; the rebels were fetting themfelves as before, on the bridge, and fending a boat to the prifon-fhip; when, conceive my aftonifhment, I faw them all begin to run. I flew down ftairs, doubting my fenfes,

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to tell doctor Jacob. He came to the window. It was no illufion: Ran they did, in fuch confufion, that I was amazed numbers were not trampled to death. A general cry, “The army are come, they are in the town,” explained their flight. Wretches ran out of the infirmary in their fhirts. In an incredible fhort fpace of time the ftreets were almoft clear. Above fifty armed rebels rufhed into our houfe, tore out their green cockades, threw their arms under the beds; and hoped to efcape by being found under doctor Jacob’s roof. He put on his regimentals, and went into the ftreet. A villain that was going off, turned about, and fired at him, but miffed him.

“Mr. Perceval, the fheriff, galloped down the quay to our door, and faid, “Here are twelve thoufand foldiers with us.” Imagine, if you can, our feelings! I never fhall forget Elizabeth’s countenance as fhe came down ftairs and fhook us by the hand. The boat that was fent to bring them* to torture and to death, brought them to liberty and to rapture. Several came to us. No kind of decorum was obferved. Nothing but kiffing and embracing. Moft of the men cried violently. I faw above five thoufand men fly from one horfeman. It was fuppofed that four thoufand of them fled from one end of the town. My bridge acquaintances are thofe who, under the command of Perry and Fitzgerald, have fince fpread mifery and deftruction over the counties of Wexford and Wicklow. We never learned what became of Dixon. None of us faw him go over the bridge; and as he is a very large man, and rode a tall white horfe, he could hardly efcape the obfervation of twelve of us who were anxious to fee him depart. Mrs. Boyd told me, that fhe and lady Ann Hore were fitting in their lodgings, expecting the entrance of the murderers, when they heard a horfe gallop and ftop at their door.”

The lady whofe journal I quote, and many others who were in Wexford at that time, have declared, that the prefei-vation of the town and proteftant inhabitants can be imputed to nothing but the determination of the rebels to murder lord Kingfborough, to whofe lodgings they repaired with father Murphy, and that that object diverted them from their nefarious defign, till the alarm, which I have mentioned, occafioned their general difperfion and flight.

* The prifoners from the prifon-fhip.

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About eight o’clock in the morning of the twenty-firft, the day of their deliverance, father Broe the friar having vifited the prifon-fhip, and recommended to the prifoners to be chriftened, as he faid it might be the means of faving them from the rage of the rabble, about fifteen of them confented. He gave thofe who fubmitted to that ceremony the following certificate:

“I hereby certify that A. of B. in the parifh of C. has done his duty, and proved himfelf a Roman catholick, and has made a voluntary oath that he never was an orangeman, nor took the orange oath. Dated Wexford, June twenty-firft, 1798.

F. JOHN BROE.”

This unquestionably proves that father Broe knew that a fecond maffacre was intended; and that there was no falvation for any perfon but a Roman catholick.

As the rebels were retreating over the bridge, one of them fired at the gentlemen on the deck of the prifon-fhip, but the ball paffed over their heads.

General Moore having fent the Queen’s regiment into Wexford, between eight and nine o’clock, encamped that night about two miles from it, on the fouth of the Slaney. The army under generals Lake and Dundas encamped on the north fide of the Slaney, between Temple-hill* and Carrickferry.f As they were encamping, they found in the hedges about fifty rebels, with their pikes, who had fled from Vinegar-hill, whom they fhot; which induced them to fearch fome brufhwood which was contiguous, and they found thete many more, whom they alfo put to death.

General Johnfon remained on the fouth fide of the Slaney, and not far from general Moore. General Lake entered Wexford on the morning of the twenty-fecond of June, and eftablifhed his ftaff in Keugh’s houfe, where he, as governor of the town, and a rebel general, had held his ftaff a few hours before.

As many falfe and fcandalous reports were propagated by the difaffected, that feveral wanton and barbarous outrages were committed by the king’s troops on their entering Wexford, that many perfons were immediately and without any criminal procefs put to death, I think it right to say, that fuch

* See Plate III. 4, 5. † Ibid., 6.

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infamous calumnies were perfectly groundlefs; that peace and good order were preferved there, and that none but thofe who took a very active part in the rebellion were punifhed. I give the reader in Appendix, No. XXI. 4. a lift of the delinquents who fuffered there.

To palliate the atrocities committed in Wexford by the rebels, it has been falfely infinuated, that they were provoked to perpetrate them by lord Kingfborough’s having violated the terms which he had made with them, but this is totally without foundation.

Keugh on his trial made a very able and manly defence, during the whole of which he was cool and deliberate, and fo eloquent and pathetick, as to excite the moft tender emotions in the breafts of his auditors. Lord Kingfborough, Mr. Lehunte, and other refpectable witneffes, proved that he acted on all occafions with fingular humanity, and endeavoured to prevent the effufion of blood; and that they owed their lives to his active interference. He faid, “That after the maffacre on the evening of the twentieth of June, he was fitting in his own houfe, when he received the following meffage from the commander in chief, Roche, the prieft, by Thomas Dixon, that as he was leaving town, on particular bufinefs, he ordered him under pain of death, on the next morning before twelve o’clock, to put to death one hundred more of the prifoners* in the fame manner that ninety-feven had fuffered that day.[”] He then ftated that his brother, who had lived many years in his houfe, and had long ferved the king with reputation as an officer,† was as noted for his loyalty, as for every moral virtue: That on hearing the fanguinary mandate of Roche, delivered by Dixon, he ordered himfelf to be put to bed, as, from feeblenefs and decrepitude, he had not been able for many years, to move from one place to another: That next morning he crept, all fours, to the governor’s apartment, in his abfence, where having found a cafe of piftols, he blew out his brains. He was frequently interrupted in the courfe of this doleful narration, by crying and fobbing. He declared that his only object was to reform and improve the conftitution; but that popifh fanaticifm had defeated his defigns, and borne down every thing. He lamented that he had totally neglefted the cultivation of the

* This fhews that the maffacre intended next morning, which was announced by a fecond proceffion with the black flag, was a deliberate act, and planned by the rebel leaders.

† He was regarded as a very amiable old man, and was very loyal.

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proteftant religion in which he had been bred; however, he was attended in his laft moments by a proteftant clergyman. After having prayed devoutly on his knees, he rofe and then prayed aloud and fervently for the king and royal family, and that his majefty might long fit upon the throne, and that the conftitution in church and ftate might never be overthrown. His pathetick eloquence and ftrength of argument on his trial moved the audience fo much, that a general officer, who was prefent ran haftily to general Lake, and requefted that he might be refpited; but he affured him, that he found among his papers fufficient indications of his guilt. See in Appendix, No. XXI. 5. a lift of rebel leaders found among them. Roche, the prieft and the commander in chief, one Fenlon a fchoolmafter, and two obfcure perfons were executed at the fame time with Keugh. The former, about forty years old, was tall and corpulent, and had a ferocious countenance. While Keugh and the other prifoners were on their knees he continued motionlefs, and fhewed no appearance of devotion, except that when they were preparing for his execution, he knelt down and kiffed the ground.*

Soon after Roche was fufpended, the rope broke and he fell fenfelefs on the ground; but on recovering, he arofe and exclaimed, “G—d’s blood, what are you about? why do you pull my ftock fo tight?” He then mounted the fatal ftep a fecond time, and was launched into eternity!

Some of our officers who converfed with him, while in prifon, affured me that they thought he was born a general, from the judicious remarks which he made on fome actions, particularly that of Vinegar-hill. He faid, that they were very much deceived in the county of Wexford, as they imagined that the infurrection would have been general all over the kingdom, and then they muft have fucceeded. He allowed that the object of the Irifh union was the fubverfion of the conftitution.

John Hay, the rebel general, was taken at his own place, hiding in a fhrubbery, by general Dundas’s army who encamped near it on the twenty-fecond of June, and was hanged next day. He was of an ancient popifh family, and the fon of Mr. Harvey Hay of Ballankeele,† noted for his hofpitality. He had lived a great while in France, and had ferved in the French army. Though his manners were polifhed, and he appeared generous and liberal, he was a bigot, and difplayed a moft cruel and fanguinary

* A common practice among his favage fectaries. † Plate III. 3.

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difpofition during the rebellion. He was fo befotted with fuperftition, as to wear a fcapular, which was found hanging on his breaft when they were going to execute him.

On the trial of general Edward Roche, Thomas Hatchell proved that he heard Mr. Hay at Vinegar-hill propofe the murder of all the proteftants, and that Roche oppofed it. The cold-blooded murder committed by him of Gray Thomas, at the fame place, was alfo proved on Roche’s trial.* Thomas Smithfon confirmed the evidence of Thomas Hatchell.

The arreft of B. B. Harvey and John Colclough was attended with fome curious circumftances, which I fhall relate. On the flight of the rebels from Wexford the twenty-firft of June, they retreated to the largeft of the Saltee iflands,‡ which Mr. Colclough rented from Mr. Grogan. Doctor Waddy, a phyfician, who ferved in the yeomanry, having got intelligence of their retreat, applied to general Lake for a proper party, and an armed veffel, to go in queft of them, which he readily obtained.

About three o’clock on Sunday evening the twenty-third day of June, he fet fail in the Rutland cutter of ten guns, commanded by captain Willoughby, with lieutenant Turner of the Queen’s, a detachment of his regiment, and a man of war’s boat, with a party of failors well armed* The illand is about fix leagues from Wexford, and four or five miles from’ the fouthern coaft of the county. The weather was fo tempeftuous, that they were obliged to reef their fails; and the wind being adverfe, they did not defcry the ifland till about four o’clock in the morning, and could not call anchor along fide it till eight. When they were approaching it, they faw a fmall boat pafs from the ifland to the main land.. As it is furrounded with high precipices, and is inacceffible but in one place, and as they expected to be oppofed by a party of armed rebels, who it was believed had accompanied Harvey and Colclough, captain Willoughby prepared to cover their landing with the cutter’s guns, and they were attended for the fame purpofe by the man of war’s boat. On landing, they repaired to the only houfe on the ifland, occupied by one Furlong, who rented it from Mr. Colclough. They found there an excellent feather-bed, with fine fheets, which were warm, a handfome tea equipage, fome genteel wearing apparel, belonging to both fexes; particularly, a pair of pantaloons,

* See Appendix, No. XX, 9. † Plate III. 12.

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which doctor Waddy had feen on Mr. Colclough before the rebellion; and near the houfe fome filk fhoes and other articles, hid in high ferns. They fearched every fufpected fpot in the ifland, particularly a place called the Otters cave, but in vain; though they had not a doubt of their having been there, as they had found, among other things, a cheft of plate in a concealed place belonging to Colclough.

The doctor refolved to make another effort, by going round the ifland in a boat, for the purpofe of reconnoitring the fides of it: In doing fo, he perceived on the edge of a high precipice, one rock lighter-coloured than the adjoining ones; and as the earth near it feemed to have been recently ftirred, he fufpected that they had been making preparations there for their concealment. He therefore again afcended the ifland, and found that the approach to the place which he wifhed to explore was fteep, ferpentine, and through fome crags. The light-coloured ftone covered the mouth of the cave, and above it there was an aperture to let in the light.. The doctor called out to Colclough, and told him, that if he did not furrender immediately, and without refiftance, he fhould receive no quarter. Colclough afked, “Is that doctor Waddy?” and on his faying, “”Yes,” he faid he would furrender; and foon after he, at the doctor’s defire, gave up his arms through the hole in the cave. The doctor threw down the precipice the ftone which covered the mouth of it, which fell with a monftrous crafh; on which Mr. and Mrs. Colclough came forth, dreffed in the meaneft habits of peafants, for the purpofe of difguifing themfelves. Then. B. Harvey came out, faying, “My God! my God!” and fo pale and weak from fatigue and anxiety of mind, that the doctor was obliged to fupport him. He alfo had a cheft of plate concealed, which he gave in charge to the doctor and his party.

They arrived in Wexford harbour about nine at night; but as the tide was out, the prifoners could not be committed till next morning.

Meffrs. Grogan and Harvey, and Patrick Prendergaft, a rich maltfter, were executed at the fame time.

The former was a weak man, who fell a facrifice to the malign influence of bafe and defigning men, who cherifhed in him difaffection to the ftate; which made him a fanguine advocate for reforming our conftitution; the various excellencies of which he was as incapable of difcerning, as an infect was the grandeur and the elegance of a magnificent edifice.

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Mr. Grogan, who was executed at the fame time, denied his guilt, and declared on his trial that he had acted by compulfion; but it was proved that he had been frequently feen with a green cockade, marching in and out of Wexford, at the head of a large body of rebels; and that as commiffary to the republick, he had feized the provifions of different people in its vicinity, fo as to leave their families quite deftitute.

Mr. Harvey, in his defence on his trial, laid, “That he became a member of the Irifh union three years before, but that he imagined the only object was to reform the conftitution; and that he did not till recently difcover that the popifh priefts were deeply concerned in it, and that the extermination of proteftants was their main defign:* That having oppofed their fanguinary views, he was depofed, and the command was given to that infamous villain father Roche: That he was then carried to the Three-rock camp as a prifoner, where he remained a few days, and was fo far at liberty as to be allowed fo walk about; but fo clofely watched, that with every wifh to make his efcape, he found it impoffible, till the evening the rebels fled in every direction on the approach of the king’s troops.”

He died in a very decent manner, having been attended by a proteftant clergyman, and prayed moft fervently. A fhort time before his trial, a particular friend of his and mine, having afked him, how he came to confent to the bloody bufinefs of Scullabogue, he, very much fhocked, replied, “That it was brought about by an infamous fanguinary popifh faction.”

Mr. Harvey wrote the following letter to lord Kingfborough, a fhort time before his execution. It was the laft grafp for life, and fhews manifeft figns of perturbation:

“My lord,

“I take the liberty of requefting your lordfhip will let me have an opportunity of feeing your lordfhip before you leave Wexford. You cannot but recolleft how repeatedly I wifhed to fpeak to your lordfhip alone; that I was always prevented by fear; and whenever I met you and was allowed to fpeak to you, I was ever ready to accede to propofals of reftoring order and government.

I am, with fubmiffion.
Your lordfhip’s moft obedient,
B. B. HARVEY.”

* This was kept a profound fecret from the proteftant leaders.

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Mr. Harvey, in a numerous company, and at the houfe of a relation in Dublin, in the year 1796, began to broach fome of his republican opinions, which I endeavoured to refute. At laft, I faid to him, with much emphafis, “Beware that your life and property do not fall a facrifice to your abfurd republican notions!”

The following fact proves that he was a man of humanity: The reverend Mr. Wilfon, minifter of the parifh of Mulranken, in which he lived, and fuch of his proteftant parifhioners as could not make their efcape were taken prifoners, and fent to Wexford gaol, on the firft of June; but Mr. Harvey ordered them home, on their taking the united Irifhman’s oath.

From the following incidents we may infer, that with the beft military talents, and the warmeft zeal in the rebel caufe, his power could not have been of any duration, Mr. Solomon Richards affured me, that a prieft refufed to grant him a protection the day after our troops evacuated Wexford; but on applying to B. Harvey he gave him one, which afforded him liberty and fecurity till Mr. Harvey’s power began to decline, and then no refpect was paid to it, and he was committed to prifon.

Matthew Green, an inhabitant of Wexford, who was hanged there for being a rebel captain, and for having been concerned in the murder of Murphy on the third of June, went on board the prifon-fhip, and faid, with an air of infolence, to Mr. Richards, “So, you would not take my advice in joining us, and in taking a command. See whether B. Harvey’s advice or mine is beft, and whether he or I will be the greateft man in a day or two; but mark my words, that he and all the proteftant generals and prifoners will go, for we will have but one people. I doubt whether you can efcape with your life.”

John Colclough, of Ballyteige,* died with much decency and firmnefs. He was the only perfon of his name who was a papift, and who was publickly accufed of being a rebel. He was defcended from John Colclough, who became a convert to popery about the beginning of this century, and who from his great bigotry was called the Saint. He left only one child, an infant fon, who he defired might be bred a proteftant; confcious, I fuppofe, that the religion which he profeffed, would have a tendency to make him a bad subject of a proteftant ftate. With a loud voice, and much compofure, he exhorted the bye-ftanders to avoid the abfurd prejudices

* Plate III.

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and opmions which had brought him to an untimely and ignominious death; and he expatiated on the extreme folly of endeavouring to overturn a regular and well-eftablifhed government and he ended with thefe notable words,”From what I have feen thefe laft three weeks, I am not forry for dying.” Alluding, I fuppofe, to the maffacres.

Fanaticifm had made the lower clafs of people fo blind to their own intereft, and fo infenfible to danger, that fome of them were convicted in Wexford, foon after the king’s troops arrived there, of ufing feditious language, and of endeavouring to feduce them; though fo many of their fellow-traitors had recently fuffered capital punifhment.

Some attempts of this kind were made on the Queen’s regiment, the firft which entered the town on the twenty-firft of June; though it confided of Englishmen. Thomas Graham, an inhabitant of Wexford, was convicted of trying to feduce John Nailor of that regiment, while a fentry on his poft, a few days after the regiment had landed in Ireland.

The failors continued fo difaffected, that they refufed, in the autumn of the year 1798, to convey goods from Dublin to Wexford for a Roman catholick merchant of that town, becaufe he was notorious for his loyalty, though he had offered a very high price for the freight. This fpirit of difaffection and combination was inveftigated, aad fully proved, before a committee of the houfe of commons.

Soon after the maffacres at Wexford, on the twentieth of June, the following fentences were carved on the rails of the portcullis of the bridge, the place where they were perpetrated; and they were legible in the month of June, 1799: “Sacred to the chriftian doctrine of fending orangemen to the meadows of eafe, June 1798: The holy hereticks that were flain.”

The rebel column, which, after the defeat at Vinegar-hill, had retreated to the north of the county of Wexford, and the county of Wicklow, were joined by a large body belonging to the latter, headed by Garret Byrne, of Ballymanus, and his brother William, and continued to fpread defolation there, burning the houfes of proteftants, and murdering fuch of their occupiers as fell into their hands. The firft achievement which they endeavoured to perform in this new fcene of action, was an attempt to deftroy Hacketftown.*

* There was an attack made on this town the twenty-fifth of May, by a numerous body of rebels; but they were repulfed by the yeomen and a fmall party of the Antrim militia.

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As numbers of the people of the country were feen on the twenty-fourth of June, affembling on all the adjacent hills, no doubt for the purpofe of joining the column which I have already mentioned, the garrifon, confifting but of forty of the Antrim militia, commanded by lieutenant Gardner, and fifty of the Hacketftown infantry, commanded by captain Hardy, fent intelligence of it to the officers commanding yeomen corps in the neighbourhood.

At fix o’clock on the morning of the twenty-fifth, captain Chamney, with thirty of his infantry, captain Hume, with thirty of the Talbotftown cavalry, and lieutenant Braddell, with twenty-four of the Shillelah cavalry, reinforced the garrifon, and marched with them a fhort diftance from the town, to meet the rebels who were thought to be thirteen thoufand ftrong, and were commanded by generals Garret and William Byrne, Meffrs. Perry, McMahon, Michael Reynolds, and Edward Fitzgerald. The garrifon had got but a fhort diftance from the town, when the rebels began to file off on each fide, for the purpofe of furrounding them. In confequence of this, the Talbot’s-town and Shillelah cavalry were obliged to retreat, for fear of being cut off, by the road to Clonmore, and could not afterwards return to affift in defending the town.

In the retreat, captain Hardy, a brave and intelligent officer and a moft amiable gentleman, and four men were killed. The infantry, about one hundred and twenty in number, took poft in the barrack, part of them having lined a breast-work which the captain had raifed fome days before in the rear of it. The remainder defended the front.

The reverend James McGhee collected nine proteftants, and with them occupied and refolved to defend a houfe which commanded the main ftreet, and one fide of the barrack, which was thatched, and which thofe infide it could not defend. The family of Mr. McGhee, all the proteftant women of the town, and even the wife of general Byrne, (whom, it is faid, he wifhed to get rid of,) took refuge in it. Mr. McGhee barricaded the lower part of the houfe, placed four of his men in its rear to prevent it from being burnt, and the other five in the front, not only for its defence, but to cover the fide of the barrack which was expofed.

The town was foon furrounded by a prodigious number of pikemen, who fet fire to it in different quarters, and one thoufand and fifty mufketeers commenced a heavy fire on it. In about two hours the whole

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town, except the barrack and two houfes more, was in flames, which prefented a terrifick fcene, the horrors of which were much heightened by the inceffant fire which the rebels maintained, and the very thick fmoke in which the town was involved, and which entered even into the houfe, fo that its defenders could fcarcely fee each other. About one o’clock the houfes fell in, and a wind having fprung up which difperfed the fmoke, they were able again to fee the rebels; who finding that they could not fet fire to the barrack, which was ably defended by captain Chamney, without having burnt the houfe in which Mr. McGhee kept garrifon, they relinquifhed the former, and approached the latter in great numbers, and with dreadful yells, crying, “Liberty or Death!” having their colours flying, and founding their bugle-horns, they pufhed cars before them with feather-beds in them as breast-works cover their approach. A well-directed fire from the houfe, for about twenty minutes, made them retreat, leaving behind them their cars, and twenty-eight men killed.

During the engagement, which lafted from fix in the morning till half after three in the afternoon, the lofs of the proteftants was but eleven men killed and fifteen wounded. It was univerfally believed, that no lefs than five hundred of the rebels were killed. They carried off upwards of twenty car loads of dead and wounded. When any of their men were fo badly wounded as to be unfit for fervice, they threw them into the flames, in which they alfo burnt many of their killed. It was a common practice with the rebels to put their wounded men to death, left they might turn informers.

Next day great numbers of dead bodies were found in ditches; and immediately behind Mr. McGhee’s garrifon they found fifty dead men with their pikes, and thirty over whom a little clay had been thrown. That gallant party would have been unable to defend themfelves for want of ammunition, had not lieutenant Fenton, of the Talbot’s-town cavalry, been providentially prevented from attending his duty by a contufion, occafioned by a fall from his horfe, as he fat behind a pier between two windows making cartridges; and to the immortal honour of Mrs. Fenton, fhe continued to go about the houfe, and to fupply the befieged with refrefhment during their laborious and perilous fervice; and when their flock of balls was exhaufted, fhe broke up her pewter plates, and caft bullets of them with her own hands, which her hufband made up into cartridges.

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The garrifon were obliged to retreat to Tullow the evening of the action, for the following reafons; They were exhaufted with fatigue; their ammunition was expended; and all the houfes in the town, except three, were confumed, and the rebels returned and burned them. Thus circumftanqed, had they waited for a fecond attack in the night, which the enemy meditated, it muft have been fatal to the garrifon.

This body of rebels burnt every proteftant houfe within fix miles of Hacketftown, in every direction, and murdered fuch of their inmates as they could feize.

Wherever they encamped, they, as ufual, fent out parties in queft of proteftants, whom they murdered. Mr. William Byrne, of Ballymanus, frequently was prefent at, and gave orders at the maffacres, for which he was foon after hanged.

Ifaac Langrell, a proteftant, was piked near Gorey; after which, as fome figns of life appeared in him, a ruffian, with a hay knife on the end of a ftick, gave him a ftroke acrofs the neck, which almoft fevered his head from his body; on which William Byrne, who was prefent with a drawn fword, and feemed to command the party, ordered them to march off, faying, “For the heretick will rife no more.”

The following fact was proved on a court-martial at Wexford, the nineteenth of May, 1800: Henry Hinch, a proteftant, was taken from his own houfe, near Gorey, by a band of affaffins, and conveyed to the rebel camp, where Mary Forde faw him on his knees, begging his life; when Mary Redmond, his neighbour, whom he had regarded as a friend, infifted that he fhould be killed; on which he was fhot, and when he fell fhe ftruck his body with a ftone, and called him an orange rogue. Then a rebel of the name of Philips fired another fhot at him. This poor man, who had lived by his induftry, left a wife and nine children.

As that column ftill continued to infeft the country contiguous to Gorey,† general Needham, on the morning of the thirtieth of June, fent Hunter Gowen, captain of the Tinahely cavalry, with a part of his corps, to reconnoitre near Moneyfeed.* From a hill near that town, about three o’clock in the morning, he perceived the rebels in a hollow under him in very great force, having received great reinforcements fince

† Plate II. 4. * Plate II. 3, 4.

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their flight from Vinegar-hill. He fent intelligence of it to general Needham, who ordered colonel Puleflon, of the Ancient Britons, to join him immediately with detachments from his own regiment, the 4th and 5th dragoons, the Ballaghkeene, Gorey, and Wingheld yeomen cavalry.’ The latter, before the reinforcement arrived, killed eight or ten fcattered rebels, and among them one Brien, who the day before went to general Needham, pretended to return to his allegiance, furrendered a pike, and in confequence of it obtained a protection; but on that day he was armed with a mufket.

The rebels advanced to Tinahely,* and having turned off to Wingfield,† burned the old manfion there, and then proceeded to Moneyfeed, where our troops firft got fight of them. From thence they purfued them for two miles, to a place called Ballyellis,‡ where the rebels, being clofely preffed, placed their baggage and their cars in the road, and pofted a number of pikemen in their front. As foon as our cavalry came in fight of them, at the turn of a road, they charged them with great impetuofity; but when they were within a fhort diftance of them, the pikemen leaped over the hedges at each fide, on which the horfes in front were entangled in the cars; and thofe in their rear preffing on, them, a fhocking fcene of confufion enfued; both men and horfes were involved, and tumbled oyer each other: The rebels fired on them from behind the hedges and a park wall which was near, and while they were in this ftate of embarraffment, killed numbers of them with their mufkets, and piked fuch of them as happened to be unhorfed.

Colonel Pulefton, whofe horfe they fhot or piked, was with difficulty faved by his men. Captain Giffard, of the Ancient Britons, and Mr. Farfons, adjutant of the Ballaghkeene cavalry, who had ferved with reputation abroad, and about fixty privates of the military and yeomen, were killed.

I have been affured, that this action would have been more fatal to the loyalifts, but that the Wingfield corps who were on the right, went through a lane to a hill which commanded the rebels, whom they put into confufion by a well-directed fire, and of whom they killed from twenty to thirty,

* Plate II. I. † Ibid. i. ‡ Ibid. 4.

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The defign of the rebels was to furprife the town of Carnew, which was about a mile diftant, to have killed fifty yeomen, who garrifoned it, and to have burnt the few houfes which they had not deftroyed before; but the garrifon having been apprized of their defign by fome of the cavalry in their retreat, took poft in a malt-houfe, and defended the town fo well, that the rebels, unable to pafs through it, retired to Ballyellls,‡ and in their retreat burnt a fine new houfe of Sir John Jervis White.

They then took poft on Kilcavan-hill,* near Money feed, and to the north weft of Gorey, where the Wexford rebels feparated from thofe of the county of Wicklow, who were commanded by Garret Byrne of Ballymanus; for, foon after the battle of Vinegar-hill, they had united and co-operated. This feparation was occafioned by a difpute between their leaders. They repaired from Kilcavan, where they remained but an hour, to Ballyraheene-hill, which lies between Carnew and Tinahely.

In their progrefs they killed twelve proteftants, among others a farmer of the name of Driver, and burned fome houfes. They were purfued by detachments of the Wingfield and Shillela cavalry, the Tinahely infantry commanded by captain Morton, the Coolatin by captain Chamney, and the Coolkenna, by captain Nixon, the whole making about one hundred and twenty. They endeavoured to gain the hill of Ballyraheene, which was high and fteep, before the rebels, but could not fucceed. However, though they were pofted on an eminence, and behind hedges, and notwithftanding their great fuperiority of numbers, the brave and loyal yeomanry, with a degree of valour bordering on rafhnefs, attacked and engaged them for three quarters of an hour; but were at laft obliged to retreat, as the rebels were endeavouring to furround them. Captains Chamney and Nixon, and feventeen privates were killed, and many were wounded. Though Garret Byrne had been the particular friend of captain Chamney, he ordered his houfe, which was within a quarter of a mile of the action, to be burnt; but lieutenant Chimney having taken poft in it with forty yeomen, defended it all night againft the whole hofl of rebels, of whom they killed great numbers. One of them was fhot in endeavouring to fet fire to the hall-door, bearing a feather bed on his back for his defence. This engagement took place the fecond of July, two miles from Tinahely, and four from Carnew.

‡ Plate II. 4. * Ibid. 3, 4.

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Garret and William Byrne of Ballymanus, who headed the banditti, who committed thefe outrages and barbarities, piqued themfelves on the antiquity of their family. Garret, the eldeft brother, had an eftate, and was reputed a gentleman, from his birth, property, and education. Edward Fitzgerald alfo was a man of independent fortune, and received a good education.

On the fourth of July, general Needham, who was ftationed at Gorey with a fmall force, received information that this body of rebels had for two nights been affembled at the White heaps,* a very elevated fpot, which had an extenfive plain on the top. It is about fix miles to the north of Gorey, and near the village of Coolgreney. Thinking it a very favourable opportunity for attacking them, he concerted meafures for that purpofe with general Sir James Duff and the marquis of Huntley; the former commanded at Carnew,‡ the latter at Arklow.||

General Duff’s column was deftined to cut off the retreat of the rebels by the Wicklow gap, that of the marquis of Huntley was to occupy the fummit of Croghan-mountain,§ which lies to the north of Coolgreney, and to intercept their flight by that afcent.

General Needham was to make the attack. At dawn of day he approached within half a mile of the White heaps, when his advanced guard was perceived by fome videttes of the rebels, pofted near a farm-houfe, in which feveral of the rebel leaders had flept the preceding night. Thefe videttes gave the alarm to the main body, and it unfortunately happened that foon after a fog arofe, fo thick, as to retard the movement of our troops, and to afford a cover to the rebels to efcape. When general Needham arrived on the White heaps, he found very vifible marks of the enemy having flept there the night before; however he met but a few ftragglers, who were put to death. About twelve o’clock, the fog clearing off, he obferved the rebels afcending Croghan mountain, where, meeting by furprife, the marquis of Huntley’s corps, they defcended rapidly, and endeavoured to efcape by Wicklow-gap, which lies to the fouth-weft of Croghan; where, approaching in the fog, clofe to Sir James Duff’s column, a few rounds of grape fhot compelled them to change the courfe of their flight towards a hill near Moneyfeed, where they were clofely purfued by Sir James, when, on the difperfion of the fog,

* Plate II. 1, 2. ‡ Ibid. 4. || Ibid. i. § Ibid.

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they were perceived by general Needham, who, though at two miles dlf’ tance, joined in the purfuit; and finding that his infantry could not advance with fufficient celerity, he pufhed on his cavalry, which joined that of Sir James Duff. At length the rebels, after having been purfued and haraffed by our cavalry, for above twelve miles, and finding themfelves unable to proceed, refolved to try the iffue of a conteft, and for that purpofe formed behind hedges, and under cover of a coppice wood, at Ballygullen, near Mount Nebo,* and three miles from Gorey.

They waited our attack, which began by grape fhot, from four fix-pound curricle guns, but finding that our guns were protected by cavalry only, and the few gunners who worked them, they made many defperate efforts to take them, having maintained a very heavy fire of mufketry, and advanced a numerous body of pikemen; but they were repulfed by the fingular bravery and fleadinefs of lieutenant Hemmings, who commanded the artillery, and captain Ledwell with a detachment of lord Roden’s fencibles. At length the head of Sir James Duff’s column arriving, the rebels were foon routed, and a vigorous purfuit was made, in which the earl of Roden,† at the head of his regiment, acted with his ufual fpirit and gallantry. About three hundred of the rebels were thought to have fallen. On that day the yeomen cavalry under captain White, cut off great numbers of the rebels.

Some farmers and labourers who were concerned in this affair, declared to their landlords, after an amnefty had been granted by government, that in this purfuit they threw away their clothes to lighten themfelves; and that they were fo much overcome with hunger and fatigue, that they wifhed for death. After this defeat the rebels never appeared in any part of the county of Wexford, in fuch force as to meet the military or the yeomen in a pitched battle; but many bands of affaffins continued to rob and murder. Part of thofe who were difperfed on this occafion, went into the counties of Kildare, Carlow and Meath, under Fitzgerald, Aylmer, Garret Byrne, Perry and Kearns, and fpread defolation in their progrefs. The two former furrendered themfelves at the caftle; the two latter were hanged at Edenderry. Many of their followers died by the fword and the gibbet; others turned robbers; and but few returned to their refpective homes.

• Plate II. 4.

† That gallant nobleman was in the moft perilous fervice during the rebellion, and volunteered whenever his regiment was not on duty.

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The mountains of Wicklow continued for many months after the afylum of a defperate banditti, who, under Holt and Hacket as leaders, committed plunder and affaffination in all the adjacent country. That county, from the ftrong pofts and faftneffes which its fteeps, craggy mountains and deep defiles afford, was the laft place in Ireland in which rebellion was fubdued in the reigns of Elizabeth, Charles I. and king William.

Some perfons of acute difcernment in the counties of Wexford and Wicklow have made the following obfervations to me, which proves that the war was a religious one: That no papift ever lamented, or does fo to this hour, the relations they have loft in the rebellion: No wife was ever feen to fhed a tear for the death of her hufband, or a father or mother for the lofs of a fon. In one inftance only, nature prevailed, and a tear ftarted from the eye.

Another circumftance obferved by the fame perfons proves it to have been founded in religious bigotry: That men who bore formerly very excellent moral characters, were guilty of murder, robbery, and perjury without remorfe; and that numbers were perfuaded, contrary to the fentiments of nature, and the obligations of true religion, not only to negleft, but to violate, all the ties of duty, friendfhip, gratitude and humanity, in profecuting the war.

In the courfe of the rebellion, fome parifhes were more cruel and fanguinary than others. Wherever the rebels happened to be encamped and to have the country at their devotion, they maffacred proteftants for fome miles round them which is fully proved by the atrocities perpetrated by them in the vicinity of Carrickbyrne, Ennifcorthy, and Gorey.

In the parifhes of Killan, Roffdroit, Clonmore, Adamftown, and Newbawn, no proteftant was fpared. In the former, which lies near the weft-fide of the Black-ftair* mountains, the rebels were on the point of committing the following barbarous act. A band of affaffins was fent out to collect all the proteftant women and children in it, in order to burn them in the church. They drove the victims into an out-houfe, belonging to a Mrs. Kelly, within gun-fhot of it, where they were to be kept till they could procure a fufficent number of faggots to accomplifh their horrid, defign. The ruffians who were employed in it, frequently called the

* See Plate III. 1.

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church the proteftant pie. In this dreadful fituation were thefe helplefs and miferable women, embracing each other, and preffing to their bofoms, for a laft; farewel, their innocent babes, when Providence interfered, and faved them in a moft miraculous manner. The army commanded by general Johnfon, in their way to Ennifcorthy, drove the rebels from Lackenhill. One of them, a native of Killan, fled home in great confternation with the news, and added that the king’s troops were clofe at his heels. The guilty keepers, fearing the juft punifhment of their crimes, forfook their charge and fled. A few, more brutal than the reft, detained twelve of the youngeft girls all night, and forced and dreadfully abufed them. Four of thefe affaffins were afterwards convicted of thefe crimes at Newtown-barry, and, by the orders of general Taylor, were executed in the village of Killan, on the twenty-eighth of November, 1798, oppofite to the houfe where they had committed that brutal act, and not far diftant from the fpot which gave them birth. All thefe circumftances were proved on the trial of thefe monfters by the concurrent teftimony of the fufferers.

Michael M’Grath proved, by affidavit, that a few days before the action at Vinegar-hill, he faw five proteftant girls, viz. Eliza and Hannah Shields, Anne and Hannah James, and Rachael Murphy, all in tears, in cuftody of Chriftopher Drohan and four other men; that he afked Drohan, where he was conducing them? that he anfwered to Killan prifon; and that at the rifk of his life, he refcued them from faid perfons.

Rachael Murphy, Anne and Hannah James fwore on the trial of thefe men, that Drohan, while they were his prifoners, informed them, that their intention was (meaning himfelf and his party) to ravifh them, viz. the faid five girls, that night, and to burn them next morning; and that previous to this, their fathers had been murdered.

The following paper was found in the pocket of a rebel, who was fhot near Coolgreney, by captain Hugh Moore, of the 5th dragoon-guards:

“Jefus I H S Maria
I truft Thee.

“This is meafured of the wounds of the fide of our Lord Jefus Chrift, which was brought from Conftantinople unto the emperor Charles, within a gold cheft, as a relief moft precious to that effect, that no evil or any thing might take him which reads it, hears it, wears it, cannot be

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hurted by any tempeft, fire, water, knife, fword, lance or bullet. Neither the devil fhall hurt him; he fhall be victorious, and never die an unnatural death, and fhall be a fure fafety to women with child.”

Many of the fame purport were found in the county of Wexford during the rebellion. One of them was found on Pat. Prendergalt, a rebel in the county of Mayo, while the rebellion raged there. One of them is to be feen in doctor Bernard’s hiftory of the fiege of Drogheda.

Another piece of fuperftition to which the common people in Ireland of the Romifh religion are much attached, is the fcapular, a religious order, the myfteries of which are various and profound.† Its fectaries wear on their fhoulder or breaft, and next to their fkin, a piece of cloth, about three inches fquare, with I H S. worked on it; meaning Jefus hominum Salvator. It is fuppofed to avert much moral and phyfical evil; and that it will prevent a perfon from dying, though fhot through the heart, till he receives the rites of his church.

I mentioned before a practice of putting red tape on the necks of popifh children: It prevailed much in that part of the county of Carlow bordering on the county of Wexford.

A popifh fchoolmafter at Tuilow infticted a fevere punifhment on a proteftant boy, for having worn it. A magiftrate received information, that John Hannigan, parifh prieft of the parifhes of Coolkenno and Clonmore, ordered pieces of red tape to be put on the necks of popifh children, to diftinguifh them from proteftants; and that he knew that a maffacre of the proteftants was to take place.

Some officers who, when on duty, traverfed many parts of the county of Wexford, affured me, that they faw, in various places, the fign of the crofs on the doors of fome dwelling-houfes; and on others, the following words: “Protection for this houfe.” They were infcribed on the houfe of Mr. Devereux, of Carrigmannon, and even on the gates leading to it; which, it is believed, was done becaufe he was a Roman catholick.

In the neighbourhood of Gorey, the chapels of father Francis Kavenagh and fome other priefts, who had acted very treacheroufly and cruelly towards the proteftants, were burnt by the latter, who compelled them to

† They are to be found in a little book called the Scapular, publifhed by Elfaner Kelly, in Dublin. The form of one of them is to be found in Plate V.

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fly to Wexford, where they continued to receive their parochial dues. During their refidence there, the prieft of each parifh announced, by letter, to his parifhioners, that he would fay mafs precifely at a certain hour; and they went regularly at that hour to the walls of their refpective chapels, where they prayed, and went through the ceremony of mafs, at the time appointed, with as much devotion as if the priefts were prefent, on a fuppofition that they were acting in uniform with them.*

The following calculation of the inhabitants of the county of Wexford, will in a great meafure fhew the reader their number, and the proportion of thofe who were in actual rebellion againft the beft of kings, and the only conftitution in Europe that affords its fubjects any degree of rational liberty. It will alfo prove by induction, that the population of Ireland is much lefs than is generally imagined.

A hearthmoney collector, well verfed in calculation, made an exact cenfus of the people in three baronies and a half, fo late as the month of March, 1800; and He included in it the populous town of Wexford. Thefe baronies contain at leaft one-third of the population of the county, and they were lefs depopulated than any other parts of it; befides, this calculation has been made since the rebellion.

I confider the county of Wexford, which is very populous, a good average from which to deduce the number of inhabitants in Irelarid, according to the quantity of fquare acres which it contains, in proportion to thofe in the kingdom at large; and I conceive that it is nearly a thirty-fourth part of it. The following table will in a great meafure eftablifh the pofitions which I have made:

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On the trial of Mr. William Byrne, of Ballymanus, at Wicklow, on the twenty-fourth of July, 1799, it was proved, that he, Perry and Redmond, who were leaders, made a regular mufter of the rebel army before they marched from Gorey to attack Arklow, and that they amounted to thirty-one thoufand.

On the fame trial it was proved, that when the rebel army under William Byrne went to burn Tinahely in the night, they ordered fuch of the inhabitants as were Roman catholicks to put up lights in their houfes, which they did; and none of them, in confequence of it, were burnt, but that all thofe of the proteftants were. It was proved alfo, that father Toole, a prieft, faid mafs near the town, while it was in a ftate of conflagration.

It is aflonifhing how fuccefsful the rebels were in their endeavours to feduce the king’s troops, and they never failed to exert themfelves for that purpofe, though they might have been quartered ever fo fhort a time in one place.

Lord Blayney affured me, that there was a dreadful mutiny in the 4th light brigade of militia under his command, at Ferns,† in the month of Auguft, 1798: That he difcovered one morning, that they were to have rifen that night, and to have murdered him and all the proteftant officers and privates in the brigade; but he feafonably defeated their defign, by fuddenly marching them off to another camp at Scarawalfh-bridge.‡ It appeared that they had been plentifully fupplied with money, and had a conftant and unremitting intercourfe with a neighbouring prieft, who lord Blayney had the ftrongeft reafon to think was active in feducing them.

The following proofs appeared of the mutinous ftate in which they were by the examinations of ferjeant McMan, and other foldiers of the Antrim

† Plate II. 6, 7. ‡ Ibid. 8.

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regiment, fworn before Cornelius Wallace and William Moore, efquires, both magiftrates, on the thirteenth of Auguft, 1798; that there was a confpiracy in the 4th light brigade of infantry quartered at Ferns, to murder their officers and all orangemen, and that lord Blayney was to be the firft murdered.

By informations fworn before colonel Hugh Clinton, it appeared, that they were to have attacked and ftormed the camp at Ferns, and then to have proceeded to that of Scarawalfh; and that part of the Clare, Kildare, Queen’s county, Antrim, Kilkenny, and Donegal regiments, were engaged in it; and that one Dogherty, a foldier in the latter, faid he muft go and confult the prieft about it.

Patrick McMahon, of the Clare militia, ftated in his examinations, fworn before William Moore, efquire, the thirteenth of Auguft, 1798; that Murray and Gallagher, privates in the fame regiment, afked him, in the church yard of Ferns, to be fworn to be true to them and their caufe, meaning an infurrection; but added at the fame time, that if he had any underftanding of his religion, there would be no occafion to fwear him.

By a court-martial, held at Waterford, the thirteenth of November, 1798, by order of general Johnfon, the mutiny of the 4th light battalion was proved in the cleareft manner: That it was to have taken place the night they marched from Ferns; and that they were to have murdered their officers, and all the orangemen and proteftants of the regiment.

It is furprifing how fimilar the rebellions in Ireland have been in their origin and progrefs, and how uniformly deftructive in their effects.

The county of Wexford was defolated in the year 1641; and the houfes of the bifhop of Ferns and Mr. Ram of Ramsford, were deftroyed as well in the rebellion of that period as in the late one; which appears by an affidavit, fworn by Mr. Ram the twelfth of January, 1641, and lodged in Birmingham-tower.†

The rebels, who efcaped from our troops after the battle of Whiteheaps, fled into the county of Kildare, under the command of Garret and William Byrne, Edward Fitzgerald, general Perry, and Kearns, a

† See it in Appendix, No. XXI.

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popifh prieft, having been induced to join their fellow-traitors there by Michael Reynolds, who being reinforced by them, was encouraged to undertake, what he had long meditated, an attack on the little garrifson of Clonard,§ defended by a few yeomen, commanded by lieutenant Tyrrell, of Kilreny, high fheriff of the county, and of whom I made mention before.

A report having prevailed, that they had this in contemplation, lieutenant Tyrrell acted for fome time on the defenfive. At laft, about eleven, o’clock on the morning of the eleventh of July, his nephew Mr. Richard Allen, who was a member of his corps, galloped into the yard, and announced that he had been clofely purfued by a large party of rebels, that he narrowly efcaped being taken, and that he was fure they were advancing to Clonard.

It unfortunately happened that fome of the guards were abfent, not having the moft remote fufpicion that the garrifon would be attacked, Lieutenant Tyrrell, notwithftanding his utmoft exertions, could mufter but twenty-feven men, three of whom were his own fons, the eldeft not feventeen years old, the youngeft but twelve. He had no fooner clofed the gate of the court-yard, than the firing began.

Though lieutenant Tyrrell had. never acted in any military capacity, the coolnefs, the fkill, the good fenfe, and energy of mind, which he fhewed in this critical and perilous fituation, would have done honour to a veteran. He ftationed, in a turret in the garden, which commanded the road by which the rebels were expected to advance, fix of his corps, including Mr. Allen and his fon, only fifteen years old. After fixing fome other out-pofts, he retired into the barrack with the main body, of whom he felected the beft markfmen, placed them at thofe windows from which they were moft likely to annoy the enemy, and defired them not to fire without taking good aim.

The advanced guard of the rebels, confifting of about three hundred cavalry, approached towards the turret, in a full trot, without apprehending any danger. Their leader, one Farrell, was mortally wounded by the firft fhot fired by young Mr. Tyrrell; and the main body having been thrown into confufion by a general volley, fled out of the reach of

§ Plate I. 6, 7.

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their fire. The rebel infantry then coming up, paffed by the turret under cover of a wall, and part of them having taken poft behind a hedge, maintained a conftant fire on it, but without effect. The remainder joined another party, who came by a crofs road from a different quarter, for their object was to have furrounded the town. They then ftationed a guard on the bridge, to prevent any reinforcement from arriving in that direction. The markfmen from the windows foon difperfed and put to flight that guard, after having killed about a dozen of them. This proved afterwards to be of the utmoft confequence to the little garrifon, as it preferved a communication with the weftern road.

The rebels, difappointed in their attack both on the houfe and the turret, refolved to make one defperate effort to ftorm the latter. A party of them having penetrated into the garden, rufhed into the turret. The yeomen ftationed there had the precaution to draw up through a trapdoor the ladder by which they afcended to the loft. The rebels endeavoured to mount to it on each other’s fhoulders, but were conftantly killed in the attempt. Some fired through the floor, others drove their pikes through it, but without effect. The rebels perfevered in the attempt with inflexible obftinacy, though twenty-feven of them lay dead on the ground-floor. At laft they fet fire to a large quantity of ftraw under the turret, which was foon in flames.

Two of the befieged, Mr. George Tyrrell and Mr. Michael Cufack, were fhot in endeavouring to make their efcape, by rufhing through the fmoke. The remainder eluded the vigilance of the rebels, and arrived fafe to the main body, by leaping from a very high window, and paffing under cover of a wall.

Afterwards they fet fire to the toll-houfe, and fome cabbins near the bridge, and threw fome of the dead bodies into the flames, for the purpofe of confuming them, left their numbers fhould be known.

The conflict had now lafted fix hours, and the rebels feemed determined to maintain it; but very fortunately an event happened, which at the fame time that it depreffed their courage, infpired the loyal garrifon with renovated valour. One of the guard, who had been excluded on the fudden fhutting of the gates in the morning, fled to Kinnegad, and informed the garrifon there of the perilous fituation of his friends at Clonard; on which, eleven of the Northumberland fencibles, under a

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ferjeant, and fourteen of the Kinnegad infantry, under lieutenant Houghton, marched for Clonard.

Lieutenant Tyrrell, with great gallantry fallied forth from the houfe, and formed a junction with them. After having pofted this reinforcement in the moft advantageous fituation, to gall the enemy, he, with a few picked men, undertook to drive the rebels from the garden, which about four hundred of them ftill continued to occupy. Some of them were on a mount thickly planted with Sir trees, which afforded them a protection, and prevented them from being feen; the remainder were intrenched behind a privet hedge. Lieutenant Tyrrell, with great gallantry, diflodged the latter, who fled to their friends on the mount.

The conflict then became very warm, the rebels appearing determined to maintain this advantageous poft; and the yeomen, but few in number, though fix of them were badly wounded, and the remainder were overcome with fatigue, refolved to die fooner than retreat.

Mr. Richard Allen received a ball which paffed through his arm, and lodged in his fide.* At laft, lieutenant Tyrrell’s party, after having difplayed prodigies of valour, routed the party on the mount, and drove them out of the garden; and the Northumberland and Kinnegad corps killed many of them in their flight. This victory, obtained by a handful of loyalifts over a numerous body of rebels, was one of the moft fplendid achievements performed in the courfe of the rebellion. No lefs than one hundred and fifty of the rebels were killed, and a great many wounded.

During the engagement, the rebels plundered the houfes of lieutenant Tyrrell at Kilreny, and Mr. George Tyrrell at Ballinderry, and deftroyed the whole of the furniture in both.

The joy which lieutenant Tyrrell and his garrifon might have felt, on gaining fo fplendid a victory, was loft in their great folicitude for Mrs. Tyrrell, who had gone in her chaife to her houfe at Kilreny that morning, about fome domeftick concerns; and on hearing that the rebels were approaching, fhe drove back, and endeavoured to arrive at Clonard before them: But fhe had not gone far, before fhe heard the noife of mufketry, which convinced her of the impoffibility of accomplifhing it, and therefore turned back; but was foon overtaken and ftopped by two

* He died of his wounds.

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men on horfeback with drawn fwords, who after many oaths and imprecations, compelled the poftillion to turn about, and proceed towards Clonard: They met in their way two hundred men armed with fwords, pikes and mufkets, who fearched the carriage for arms. Then three men, armed with mufkets, mounted the boot of the chaife, and three behind it, attended by the reft, compelled the fervant to drive to the other end of the village of Clonard, where they had a warm altercation about the treatment which Mrs. Tyrrell fhould receive; fome urging that fhe fhould be treated with civility, others with brutality. At laft fhe prevailed on them to permit her to go into a cottage, where two men armed with mufkets were pofted over her as fentinels. She remained there, till the whole body of them, when retreating, stopped at the cottage; and one of their officers approaching her, informed her, that fhe muft go into her carriage, and accompany them. She implored them in the moft pathetick manner to let her remain behind, and as an inducement to do fo, fhe offered her carriage and horfes to general Perry; At firft he feemed obdurate, but on her falling on her knees, he granted her requeft. Soon after he left her, a common fellow feized her by the arm, dragged her to the door, and faid, fhe muft attend them on horfeback, as fome of their wounded men muft go in her chaife. She addreffed herfelf again to the officer, who had been fo kind to her before; but he faid, that fhe muft go and remain with them as a hoftage, till the fate of one of their general officers, a prifoner at Clonard, was determined; but added, that fhe would be permitted to go in her chaife.

When they had proceeded about a mile, general Perry requefted to join her in the carriage: Soon after, a low fellow ftopped it, and got into it, faying, “That he had a right to it, as it was he that firft obtained it and notwithftanding the rank of general Perry, he could not prevent his intrufion, nor check his infolence. At laft, one Kearns, a popifh prieft, rode up to the carriage, and as he had been kindly and hofpitably entertained at different times by Mrs. Tyrrell for a week together, fhe implored him to interfere in obtaining her releafe; but he coldly anfwered, by faying, “Oh! yes madam!” and having retired, fhe faw no more of him. At laft, Mrs. Tyrrell was liberated by a captain Byrne,* and permitted to return to her family at Clonard, but on foot.

* This was Mr. Garret Byrne, of Ballymanus, who afterwards obtained his pardon on furrendering himfelf.

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The rebels, after their defeat, retreated to Carbery, where they got poffeffion of lord Harberton’s houfe, which they plundered of various articles, and paffed the night in drinking what liquors they found in his lordfhip’s cellars.

On the twelfth of July, they marched into the county of Meath, by Johnftown and the Nineteen-mile houfe: They were purfued by colonel Gough, who, with but fixty infantry and twenty cavalry, attacked and routed them with confiderable flaughter. They were next purfued by general Myers, with detachments of the Dublin yeomanry and Buckinghamfhire militia, and though he was not fo fortunate as to overtake them, he drove them towards Slane, where general Meyrick encountered and killed many of them. They were afterwards attacked by different detachments of the military, who in the courfe of a few days cut off great numbers of them, and finally difperfed them.

Perry and Kearns made their efcape into the King’s county, where attempting to crofs a bog near Clonballogue, they were apprehended by Meffrs. Robinfon and Ridgeway, of the Edenderry yeomen, who conveyed them to that town, where they were tried and executed by martial law. Perry was chearful and communicative, acknowledged the part he had taken in the rebellion, and feemed to glory in it. Kearns was fullen and filent, except when he upbraided Perry for his candour in frankly confeffing his guilt.

This reverend gentleman was at Paris in the year 1794, when in the adminiftration of Roberfpiere [sic], the French were extirpating the Romifh clergy. He was actually hung up at Paris, but the weight of his body (as he was of a huge ftature) bent the iron of a lamp-poft to which he was fufpended fo much, that his toes touched the ground, and prevented animal life from being extinguifhed. An Irifh phyfician, who perceived this, had him conveyed to his houfe, and recovered him. Having fled to his native country, he was appointed curate of a chapel near Clonard. From the vehemence with which he unremittingly inveighed againft French republican principles, and the warm encomiums which he beftowed on our conftitution, he was regarded as a fteady loyalift, and a good subject; in confequence of which he was well received, and even at times domefticated in the houfes of fome of the moft refpectable gentlemen in the counties of Meath, Kildare, and the King’s county.

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As the defenders were at that time formidable in thofe counties, he was not only admitted to the conferences of the magiftrates, but even affifted them in their nightly patroles againft thofe mifcreants.

It having been difcovered that he betrayed the counfels of the magiftrates to the rebels, he was excluded from their conferences; and pofitive information having been received, that he had incited fome perfons to commit a murder, he fled into the county of Wexford, where he became a rebel leader.

On Sunday morning the fecond of June, intelligence having been received, that a number of rebels had appeared in force near the Scalp and Ennifkerry, in the county of Wicklow, the drums beat to arms, and in lefs than three hours, a large body of yeomen, confifting of detachments from the Stephen’s-green and Rotunda divifions, the Lawyers and Attornies cavalry and infantry, with their ufual fpirit and alacrity fet out to meet the infurgents, under the command of general Myers.

On June the ninth, a detachment of captain Beresford’s corps patrolling near Rathfarnham, came up with a party of rebels who were on their way from Dublin to the Wicklow mountains, conveying ammunition to the banditti who infefted them. They were armed, and had a green flag and green cockades in their hats. Three or four of them were killed, and three who had acted with fingular treachery by firing after they had furrendered themfelves, were hanged at Rathfarnham; five more were led into town as prifoners.

A numerous body of rebels who efcaped from Vinegar-hill retreated into the county of Kilkenny, under the command of father John Murphy, of Boulavogue, by the Scullagh gap,* and thence they proceeded to Caftlecomer, deftroying the houfes and property of proteftants, and murdering fuch of their inhabitants as fell into their hands.

Lieutenant Dixon, of the Wexford regiment, was ftationed at Gore’s-bridge,|| a neat village on the river Barrow, and county of Kilkenny, with twenty-five of his own regiment, and a fmall party of the 4th dragoon guards.

On the twenty-fecond of June, they received intelligence that father John Murphy’s column was in motion, and on that night they burned

* Plate n. 6, 7, 8. || Ibid.

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the village of Kil Edmond. An exprefs was fent to Sir Charles Afgill, to Kilkenny, efcorted by all the dragoons quartered at Gore’s-bridge, to inform him of their movements; but as the hedges at each fide the road were thickly befet with rebels, who kept up a conftant fire on them, they were under the neceffity of returning. This was towards the morning of the twenty-third. Lieutenant Dixon being determined to protect the village of Gore’s-bridge, and to prevent it from fharing the fate of Kil Edmond, ftationed his men on the bridge, which croffes the river, not fufpecting that the main body of the rebels were near him. He had no fooner taken his port, than he faw the adjacent hills covered with them, and at the fame time faw a column, of which he could not difcover the extent, move along the road from Kil Edmond. Not knowing that the river was fordable, which it happened to be in many places, he thought there might be a poffibility to maintain his pofition till a reinforcement fhould arrive; but he foon perceived their intention to furround him, having croffed over the river for that purpofe, and that they meant to break and embarrafs his party, by driving a number of cattle againft them, which they werecollecting in the adjacent fields; a common expedient among the rebels. Wifhing to provide againft this artifice, he procured a number of cars, and made a barricade of them in his front.

But he foon perceived from the greatnefs of their numbers, and the fmart fire the rebels kept up, that they had no other refource but to retreat. Befides, the rebels had brought a fwivel to bear on the bridge, and had alfo planted fome large pieces of cannon in a commanding fituation. When they had retreated to Low Grange, they were furrounded by the rebels, who affured them, they fhould receive no injury if they laid down their arms. At that moment, lieutenant Dixon was fo fortunate as to make his efcape, having mounted behind a quarter-mafter of dragoons, who was retreating; and at the fame time he heard the rebels exclaim, “Have we got the officer?” The rebels then proceeded to Kellymount, where they put nine of their proteftant prifoners to death, with circumftances of favage cruelty.

It appeared by the joint information of the foldiers who efcaped, fworn before lieutenant-colonel Ram, that the following circumftances attended the murder of the foldiers: That Walter Devereux, who faid

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he was commander in chief in the abfence of the general, (meaning father John Murphy,) ordered the proteftant prifoners to be felected from the reft; and they were pointed out by one of their own foldiers, of the name of Bruton, of the Romifh perfuafion: They were furrounded by a circle of about eight thoufand rebels, when Devereux ordered corporal Orange to be dragged out of the circle and fhot, having faid, infultingly to him, “Orange by name, and Orange by nature.”

They proceeded in the fame manner to put to death fix of the Wexford regiment, and two dragoons: That they remained prifoners with them till the twenty-fixth of June, when the rebels were routed with great flaughter at Kilcomney, near Gore’s-bridge, where the Wexford foldiers made their efcape: That while they remained prifoners with the rebels, they had no other food but raw meat and water.

Walter Devereux had been principally concerned in the maffacre at Scullabogue, and yet he remained unnoticed till the month af November, 1798, when being on the point of embarking on board a fhip at the Cove of Cork, to fail for America, he was fortunately recognifed by fome of the Wexford foldiers, who had been his prifoners, was apprehended, and afterwards hanged. When arrefted, he had the protections of five general officers.

The rebels, in their progrefs to Caftlecomer,* maffacred two more of the Wexford foldiers.

The prifoners declared, that they received the moft favage treatment from this band of traitors. Half famifhed, and overcome with fatigue, they were hurried on precipitately without reft, except when their priefts ftopped for a few minutes to fay mafs; which they frequently did, for the purpofe of kindling fanaticifm in them, as their courage emanated from no other fource, and as it never failed to animate them, even when overcome with the want of food and fleep.

On Saturday morning the twenty-third of June, a man arrived at Kilkenny, and informed Sir Charles Afgill, that he had been taken prifoner by the rebels at Gorey, and had been obliged to repair with them to their camp at Vinegar-hill; that he had been compelled to attend a numerous body of them, thirty thoufand in number, as he believed, who had fled from thence, and who under the command of father John Murphy had marched into the county of Kilkenny, through the Scullagh-gap, and that he was

* Plate I. 8, 9.

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detained by them till that morning, when he made his efcape; on which Sir Charles Afgill ordered the garrifon under arms, and marched from Kilkenny in purfuit of the rebels, between eight and nine o’clock; and having proceeded about three miles, in the line where the rebels were fuppofed to be, he halted, and called the honourable vifcount Loftus and the honourable colonel Howard, whofe regiments were on that fervice, and conferred with them and the other field officers on the plan which he intended to adopt.

On deliberation, they concluded it would be imprudent to proceed farther, without knowing the number of the enemy, and the route they had taken, as Sir Charles had left in Kilkenny a large quantity of ammunition, and had well-grounded apprehenfions that its difaffected inhabitants only waited for an opportunity of rifing; befides, fhould he mifs the rebels in purfuing them, they might have ftipped by him and come to Kilkenny, and have plundered and burnt it in his abfence. He had fent, in the mean time, major Lawder, a gallant and inteUigent officer, with a party of dragoons acrofs the country towards Leighlin-bridge, to reconnoitre the rebels, and bring intelligence of their movements. Juft before he returned, the wives of fome of the men who had been taken by the rebels at Gore’s-bridge, and had efcaped, arrived, and informed him of their po(ition, and of their numbers, which appeared to have been much lefs than he imagined; and foon after major Lawder arrived, and confirmed their account. On this he ordered the troops to move forward to Kellymount, but they had quitted it, and proceeded towards Caftlecomer.

As the troops had been facting and under arms all day, he returned to Kilkenny, after he had fent a large detachment of the cavalry to reconnoitre them; and they having approached very near the rebels, would have attacked them, but that a bog happened to intervene.

I fhall now proceed to defcribe the progrefs of the Wexford rebels, who found in the county of Kilkenny the popifh multitude as much difaffected as themfelves. The town of Caftlecomer being contiguous to extenfive collieries, it was to be apprehended that the perfons who worked in them would be very fufceptible of being infected with the doctrines of united Irifhmen, as they are under little or no control of their employers, as they are led, from the nature of their laborious occupations, to ufe ftrong

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liquors, and they are more prone to turbulence, difcontent, and combination, than any other fet of men.

ATROCITIES COMMITTED AT CASTLECOMER AND
IN ITS VICINITY.

On the night of the twenty-third of May, the colliers firft appeared in arms, and attacked the barrack of Doonane, (about three miles from. Caftlecomer,) in which there was a company of the Waterford militia. The object of the rebels was, it is faid, after taking the barrack, and putting all the loyalifts to death, to march to Carlow, and join the body deftined for the attack of that town. It unfortunately happened, that moft of the Waterford were billeted through the village of Doonane; however, the few that were in the barrack, though taken by furprife, completely beat the rebels off, confifting of at least feven hundred men. Several of the foldiers turned out of the barrack in their fhirts, and kept up a fmart fire for a few minutes, when the rebels fled precipitately. As they carried with them their killed and wounded, it never was afcertained how many fell in that action.

The honourable James Butler, brother to the earl of Ormond, who commanded the Faffaghdineen yeomen cavalry, as foon as he got intelligence of the attack on Doonane, collected as many of his corps as were near the town of Caftlecomer; and, together with a detachment of the Waterford militia then quartered in the town, marched with the utmoft fpeed to the relief of Doonane; however, too late to come up with the rebels, who by that time had gained the mountains, and were difperfing.

It providentially happened, that the proteftants of Caftlecomer were not attacked that night, while the garrifon had marched to Doonane; as they muft have inevitably fallen a facrifice to their favage fury. Had they fucceeded in the attempt on the barrack of Doonane, they would unquestionably have afterwards attacked the town.

On the twenty-fourth of May, captain Butler’s yeoman corps was ordered on permanent duty; and the day after a troop of the 5th, or Royal Irifh dragoons, under the command of captain Green, marched in, to ftrengthen the garrifon. With this reinforcement, they conceived themfelves tolerably fecure.

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Early in the month of June, Sir Charles Afgill received information againft feveral of the Faffaghdineen cavalry, as rebels, and in confequence seven of them, all papifts, were lodged in Kilkenny gaol. The people of the neighbourhood continued to give up their pikes, and to take oaths of allegiance, in order to lull the magiftrates and proteftant inhabitants into a fupine and fatal fecurity.

They were frequently alarmed by reports of the rebels coming to attack them, and the garrifon were feveral nights under arms; but thofe reports were generally occafioned by ill-grounded apprehenfions. The minds of the people were in fuch a ftate, that any unufual noife at night occafioned infinite alarm. However, at length they heard that a body of rebels, who efcaped from Wexford, were making their way to that country, in order to join the colliers, and then proceed to attack Kilkenny.

In the courfe of Saturday the twenty-third, feveral loyalifts from the mountains, between Caftlecomer and Leighlin-bridge, brought intelligence, that the rebels were bending their courfe that way. They ftill remained in heedlefs fecurity. They had often been alarmed by falfe reports, that they would not now believe the approaching danger, though each fucceffive exprefs ftrengthened the former; and though a poor man who was moft dreadfully mangled and left for dead by the rebel advance-guard was brought into the town, to have his wounds dreffed. It is impoffible to defcribe the diftreffing fcene which on that evening prefented itfelf, all the proteftants with their families flying from the mountains and the colliery. For feveral hours the roads were crowded with thofe unfortunate fugitives, with infancy and decrepitude in their train, dreading the fpirit of fanaticifm.

On Saturday night the garrifon was reinforced by a troop of the 4th dragoons, a company of the Waterford militia from Doonane, a company of the Downfhire, twenty of the Cullinagh infantry, and forty of the Cullinagh cavalry, fo that the whole might confift of nearly three hundred, but being moftly cavalry, they were not at all calculated for that country, where the ground is much broken up with colliery pits. That night, the rebels flept at a place about five miles from Caftlecomer, on a ridge of mountains, near Leighlin-bridge.

Among the loyalifts who fled from the colliery and the adjacent country, there were about one hundred who had arms, but very little ammunition.

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They were ordered out in different parties, to watch the movements of the rebels, many of them with not more than fix rounds of cartridge. The whole force was drawn feparate on the bridge, and in the main ftreet; and a reconnoitring party, confifting of one hundred men, were fent out about four o’clock in the morning, to watch the rebels motions. There was fuch an immenfe fog early on Sunday morning, that it was utterly impoffible to difcern objects at twenty yards diftance.

About four o’clock, the rebels arrived at a place called Gurteen, near three miles from Caftlecomer,* where they heard mafs. It being St. John’s day, they had prayers again about two miles off, where they halted. They had proceeded under cover of the fog, fo that the troops who were fent to reconnoitre, were fired on before they could fee them. At length the fog began to difperfe a little, which opened to the aflonifhed troops a view of not lefs than from eight to ten thoufand rebels, thofe armed with mufkets in the front, the pikemen in the rear. The main body had halted on the road, and two wings were extending themfelves on each fide; the whole formed a crefcent. In order to underftand the perilous fituation of our troops, it is neceffary to obferve, that for nearly two miles of the road to the town of Caftlecomer there is a long range of wall on each fide; and about half a mile of it is planted. While the fog was fo thick, the troops could not perceive that the wings of the rebel army had confiderably fpread themfelves, and were advancing in a fmart trot, to furround the town, while the main body remained ftationed in the road; fo that when captain Green, judging from their numbers that all refiftance was fruitlefs, ordered a retreat; and the rebels who had got before them, and lined the walls, kept up a fmart fire on them. The retreat was very diforderly; and many of the infantry were overturned by the cavalry, and left expofed to the rebels fire.

An inftance of uncommon audacity occurred within a few perches of the town: A rebel captain, with a green fafh, rufhed out from a bye road on horfeback, and accofting captain Butler, at the head of his corps, defired him to furrender, and that he, his men, and the town fhould be faved. Captain Butley miffing fire at him, the rebel wheeled about, fired without effect, and was fhot by a yeoman within a few yards of the rebel army.

Plate I. 8, 9,

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The retreat of our troops had not been fo precipitate, but that many of the rebels had rufhed to the bridge, almoft as foon as the foldiers; but with fuch a confufed rapidity did the retreating party gallop into the town, overturning every thing before them, that the rell of our force that was pofted on the bridge joined the throng, and fled up the ftreet. A very few of the Waterford and Downftiire militia kept their ground on the bridge for a few minutes, killed feveral rebels, and gave the whole a check. At length they took refuge in four houfes which were next to, and completely flanked the bridge and, together with a few loyalifts of the town, kept up a warm fire from the houfes. The right wing of the rebels forded the river above the town, and being joined by the traitorous inhabitants, fet fire to the fuburbs.

The perilous fituation of the loyal few in thofe houfes already mentioned, can be better imagined than defcribed; the bridge crowded with rebels, yelling with rage, crying out for blood, and not a foldier to oppofe them: the back-houfes all on fire. Here, amidft furrounding flames, and to the very breafts of the rebels, might be feen the gallant captain Butler, fingle and unfupported, riding down the jftreet, within a few yards of the rebels, endeavouring to rally the fcattered force, calling them back in words that would animate the dead. Amidft balls thick as hail, twice did he ride up and down the ftreet, with an heroick intrepidity, as laudable as it was unavailing. And now commenced a very fharp, but ill-directed fire from the rebels on the bridge, which was as warmly and more effectually anfwered from the houfes; for three hours and a half this fire was kept up, and not a rebel was fuffered to crofs the bridge alive. At length when their ammunition was almoft expended, general father Murphy, who had kept aloof from the heat of the action, near the church, where they tried their prifoners, fent a black fervant of the countefs of Ormond, whom they had taken prifoner, to inform thofe who fired from the houfes, “That if they marched out with their hats on the top of their guns, their lives fhould be faved; that it was in vain to refift any longer, as he expected a reinforcement from Ballyragget immediately.” They detained his ambaffador for fome time, and at length fent the reverend general word, that they would fubmit if he would, by the fame meffenger, fend them a written affurance of mercy. This they did to gain time; and foon after they obferved the troops from Kilkenny lining the

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hills, and taking their pofitions to attack the rebels. General Sir Charles Afgill with nine hundred men, went to their relief, and a few rounds of grape-fhot foon diflodged the rebels, who retreated the way they came, in a flow pace, and in, an irregular manner.

When Sir Charles arrived near the town, he fent a detachment of the Wexford, under lieutenant-colonel Ram, (which were foon joined by the grenadiers of the Wicklow) and a party of cavalry, to take poft on a bridge contigueus to it, and on the Doonane fide of it; and after firing a few rounds of grape into Caillecomer, they marched into it. At that time the rebels, a few ftragglers excepted, had abandoned it; but two of them, who remained under the bridge, fired up the ftreet feveral times, and wounded two of the Wicklow regiment. Lady Ormond’s manfion, and feveral other houfes in the town were then in a blaze; and the heat was fo great, that the bombadier of the Wicklow regiment requefted that Sir Charles would change his pofition, as he was afraid that the guns might go off; upon which he took poft on an eminence which commanded the town.

The family of Mr. Kane, agent to lady Ormond, had been in a deplorable ftate. The females had been prifoners in their own houfe, which the rebels locked up and fet on fire; and they retired to the cellar to avoid the flames, but the troops arrived and liberated them before it was confumed. They had taken Mr. Kane prifoner, and carried him before father Murphy, who continued in. the body of the church, trying, as orangemen, fuch proteftants as they had taken prifoners; and two of whom they maffacred before Sir Charles arrived. He tried and would have had Mr. Kane put to death as an orangeman, but that fome poor women of the colliery by their tears and entreaties (as he is a gentleman of great humanity); prevailed on the reverend general to let him efcape.

Sir Charles, having taken an elevated pofition, pofted his guns fo as to rake the woods, in which he killed a good many of the rebels, who compofed the rear guard of the main body, at that time two miles out of the town, and fuppofed to be between fix and feven thoufand men.

As Sir Charles Afgill returned to Kilkenny without leaving a foldier in Caftlecomer, the proteftants were obliged to defert their houfes, and leave them and their property to the mercy of thofe, of whom they foon found they had formed but too juft fufpicions. To remain in the town,

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without military protection or ammunition, would furely have been madnefs; for at the time of the general’s orders to return, the rear of the rebel army was ftill in view.

I fhall not attempt, for I could not defcribe, the heart-breaking fight of all the proteftants quitting their homes. The whole road, from Caftlecomer to Kilkenny, was one continued and melancholy train of fugitives, men, women and children, who but a few hours before were poffeffed of peace and comfort, now outcafts from their houfes, feeking an afylum among Grangers, from the mercilefs hands of their popifh neighbours. That evening the rebels of the town burned every loyalift’s houfe; infuriate with the plunder of lady Ojmond’s cellar, they committed every excefs. From Sunday to Thurfday thofe favages rioted in the pillage of the town, when at length Sir Charles Afgill, on the twenty-eighth of June, fent a party of the Glangary fencibles and the Faffaghdineen cavalry, who furprifed them in the midft of their excelfes, and killed about twenty-four and took feveral prifoners, from whofe confeffion it appeared, that a party of Cufllecomer rebels, all Roman catholicks, had gone to meet the Wexford army, on Friday the twenty-fecond, and induced them to come on to attack it. Moft of thefe have fince been hanged or tranfported.

It would be tedious to mention the feveral inftances of atrocity which occurred at that time in Caftlecomer and its vicinity: I fhall, however, fubjoin a few undoubted facts, which are well known.

On Sunday morning the twenty-fourth of June, James Anderfon, who was a vidette in the colliery, was met by the advance-guard of the rebels, as he was returning from his watch, not fufpecting that the rebels were in the neighbourhood. They afked him if he was a chriftian; on anfwering that he was, they defired him to blefs himfelf as a proof of it. This he could not do; they then dragged him into a houfe on the road fide, drove a pike through him, under his arms, raifed him up from the ground on their pikes, and ftabbing him under the ear, bled him like a pig, in a crock which had milk in it. He was a quiet, inoffenfive man. He was not an orangeman, but, what is the fame in the eyes of the rebels, a proteftant.

An inftance occurred, which very ftrongly marks the defigns and fentiments of the rebels: A poor man of the name of Coogan, was purfued by a party of rebels through lady Ormond’s plantation; he

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was overtaken, and moft miferably mangled with pikes; when almolft expiring, he begged of them to fend for the prieft. They curfed him for a ftupid vagabond, that he did not tell them at firft he was a chriftian,* and they would not have ufed him fo. This poor man luckily furvived to tell the ftory.

Arthur Williams, a quiet induftrious tradefman, was taken prifoner in Mr. Kane’s houfe in Caftlecomer, and was brought to the church, and then was on the point of being fhot, when the army appearing in view, they took him with them to Wolf’s-hill, where his diftrafted wife followed him, and endeavoured to have him faved by the interference of a rebel captain; but as father Murphy was not then on the fpot, he could not be releafed.

The Downfhire militia from Maryborough appearing at a diftance, the whole rebel army moved off about feven o’clock in the evening (Sunday) to Doonane, and thence to the Ridge, bringing Williams along with them. Here they put him on his knees, and in the act of prayer, they run him through with pikes, and then fhot his face almoft off. This happened on Monday morning; his wife could not find him till Saturday after, when fhe difcovered him in a lonely part of the mountain, two miles off the road, fo disfigured, that fhe could fcarce recognife him: He was not an orangeman.

Two men of the name of Conn and Salter, having taken refuge in Caftlecomer the night before the attack, brought their families with them. In the buftle and confufion of the engagement they were feparated from their wives and children: When the action was over, anxioufly looking for their families, they met a man who had been a fervant for many years to the former, (Conn,) who told them that he would fhew them where their wives and children were; when bringing them about two miles from the town, collecting near twenty rebels, and fnatching a gun from his old mafter’s hand, he fhot him almoft in the prefence of his wife, and then they piked both him and Salter: They buried them immediately; the latter not quite dead: They then took the bodies up, fcooped out Salter’s eyes, and buried them in a place where they could never fince be found.

* Meaning thereby a papift.

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William Bradley, his daughter Catherine Nesbitt, and nephew David Leycock, going from their houfe on Wednefday the twenty-feventh of June acrofs the hills, in order to reach Kilkenny, were purfued by a party of Caftlecomer rebels, robbed and barbaroufly murdered: The woman was pregnant. Their bodies were not difcovered until the Chriftmas after. Neither Bradley or Leycock were orangemen.

The county of Wexford rebels, after having burned Caftlecomer, encamped within four miles of Athy, intending to attack it next morning, and thence to have joined Doorly, the traitorous yeoman and affaffin of Rathangan, and William Aylmer at Profperous.

General Dunn, at that time quartered at Monaftereven, hearing the perilous fituation of Athy,* with that fpirit which he difplayed on all occafions, flew to its affiftance, with a fix-pounder and one hundred of the city of Cork militia. His arrival gave fuch fpirit to the yeomanry, that they only wifhed to be led againft their enemies. The general felected one hundred of the yeomen, in addition to the city of Cork detachment, and confcious of the goodnefs of his caufe, at twelve o’clock at night marched to the attack of the rebel camp. His intentions, were fruftrated, as the moment he arrived at Athy, the reverend Mr. K——, a popifh prieft, was feen pofting to the rebel camp with great expedition, to inform them of the intended attack.

When the general arrived there, he found it had been deferted at an early hour in the night, and that they had retraced their fteps. He purfued them for many miles without any fuccefs, except that in flying from him, they fell into the track of the gallant major Mathews of the Downfhire, who, with four hundred men, purfued them; and having apprifed Sir Charles Afgill of it, he joined in the purfuit, overtook them at Kilcomney, near Gore’s-bridge, and completely defeated them.

A body of troops having marched from Maryborough, on the twenty-fourth of June, by order of Sir Charles Afgill, for the purpofe of cooperating with, him, proceeded towards the collieries of Caftlecomer and Doonane, and on the road they faw Caftlecomer on fire, after Sir Charles Afgill had retreated from it to Kilkenny; they confifted of four hundred of the Royal Downfhire militia, commanded by major Mathews, captain Poole, with the Ballyfin yeomen cavalry, and captain Gore, with the Maryborough corps.

* Plate I. 8.

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As foon as they arrived at Moyad, they faw the rebels under father Murphy in great force, on the high grounds above Doonane. As it was late in the day, they refolved on retiring to Timohoe, and to attack them early next morning. Soon after they received an exprefs from Sir Charles Afgill, defiring them to return to Maryborough; but they anfwered, by propofing to him to attack the rebels next morning on the Doonane fide, and that they would attack them on the road from Timohoe in the oppofite direction: Sir Charles anfwered them next morning, at feven o’clock, by faying that his troops were too much fatigued to co-operate with them, but that they might engage the rebels, fhould circumftances prove favourable for that purpofe.

They then returned to Moyad, with an intention of attacking the rebels next day; but the cavalry who were fent out to reconnoitre, having brought intelligence that the rebels had retreated to the bridge of Old Leighlin, they again purfued them, but were difappointed in their defign of bringing them to action, as they had marched to Gore’s-bridge. The cavalry having proceeded to Old Leighlin,* captain Poole fent an exprefs to Sir Charles Afgill of the enemy’s motions, and of their intention of attacking them the firft opportunity that offered. At Old Leighlin they met Mr. Vigors, an active and intelligent officer, who had retired from the fervice; and he fupplied them with a number of cars to carry their men, as fome of them were overcome with hunger and excefs of fatigue; and he alfo accompanied them to the fcene of action, giving them at the fame time his advice, and every affiftance in his power.

About twelve o’clock at night, they arrived at Leighlin-bridge, and in two hours after received an exprefs from Sir Charles Afgill, defiring them to meet him at Gore’s-bridge, at five o’clock in the morning. They inflantly marched in purfuit of the rebels; but foon after, major Mathews having received intelligence that they had bent their courfe towards the mountains, changed his route for the purpofe of intercepting them; and fent intelligence of his defign to Sir Charles Afgill, by Mr, Moore, coliedor of Leighlin, who, with his brother, Mr. Pierce Moore, attended them, and to whofe advice and affiftance major Mathews attributed their having intercepted and overtaken the enemy.

After a march of three hours, they came in fight of the rebels pofted i&R Kilcomney-hill, near Gore’s-bridge,‡ and fired fome cannon fhot at

* Plate II. 3, 4. ‡ibid. 6.

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them, on which they retired about a mile and a half, to form their line. Our troops followed them in column, with the cannon in front, and the cavalry in the rear. They no fooner formed, than they heard Sir Charles Afgill’s cannon on the other fide of the hill. After a few difcharges of our artillery, the rebels were broken and fled, and our troops continued to purfue them for fix miles with great flaughter.

All their cannon, baggage, horfes, ftores and provifions, fell into our hands, and fome unfortunate foldiers and proteftants, who happened to be their prifoners, were retaken. The remainder of the rebels fled into the county of Wexford, through the Scullagh-gap.

Father John Murphy, a prieft, who acted as aid-de-camp to the great facerdotal hero John Murphy, of Boulavogue, and who had accompanied him from Vinegar-hill, fell in this action. He had a dove and a crucifix on his buttons; and letters directed to him were found in his pocket, recommending to him proper places for encamping.

Father John Murphy, the commander in chief, who fled from the field of battle, was taken at an alehoufe by three yeomen, one of them, of the name of McCabe, and was led a prifoner to Tullow,* the headquarters of Sir James Duff. He was introduced into a room where the general, his aid-de-camps, colonels Fofter and Pigot, the earl of Roden, captain McClintock, and in all about twenty officers were fitting. Major Hall having afked him fome questions which gave him offence, he in a violent rage made a blow of his fift at the major, which would have knocked him down, but that he warded it off with his arm, on which he received a fevere contufion. On fearching him, they found in his pockets his veftments, and fome letters from Mrs. Richards and other ladies prifoners at Wexford, imploring him to fave the lives of their hufbands and relations. He was hanged on the fame day. His body was burned, and his head was fixed on the market-houfe of Tullow. He was about, forty-five years old, light complexioned, bald-pated, and about five feet nine inches high; He was well made, uniting ftrength and agility: He was irafcible, and when in a paffion, had fomewhat the afpect of a tiger. His pix, his oil flock, and a fmall crucifix were found in his pocket.

In order to do away in fome degree the ftain which his infamous conduct might bring on the Irifh priefthood, it has been feduloufly propagated that he was excommunicated; but this is abfolutely falfe, for he

* Plate II. 1, 2.

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continued to exercife his clerical funftion, and was regarded as a pious and learned prieft, till the breaking-out of the rebellion; when,

“He did fo ill tranflate himfelf,
Out of the fpeech of peace that bears fuch grace,
Into the harfh and boifterous tongue of war,
Turning his books to glaives, his ink to blood,
His pens to lances; and his tongue divine
To a loud trumpet, and a point of war.”
——Shakspeare

It is no lefs fingular than true, that the lower clafs of Irifh papifts never think that their priefts can fuffer any ftain or contamination from the commiffion of crimes, how heinous foever; juft as Shadrach, Mefhach, and Abednego remained uninjured from the flames.

Father Nicholas Sheehy is added to the bead roll of their faints; and I need not give any other proof of the reverence in which the memory of that famous facerdotal hero, John Murphy, is held, than the following:

A piece of fuperftitious trumpery is now printed by William Jones, No. 75, Thomas-ftreet, Dublin, entitled, “Revelations revealed to faint Auguftine, faint Bridget, and faint Anne, by our Lord and Saviour Jefus Chrift.” The fecond part of it is faid to explain the twelve golden Fridays in the year; and the devotions, together with fome folitary acts, by the late reverend father John Murphy, D.D. In this he points out the number of paters and aves that are to be faid each golden Friday, and on certain holy days; and it is ftated in it, “That what man or woman foever fhall carry it about them, fhall be not only free from our enemies, but alfo from a fudden and unprovided death; and if any woman travelling with child, fhall wear it about her, fhe fhall be not only fafely delivered, but likewife be free from the fear of death in child-bed; and what houfe or place it is kept in, fhall be free from evil fpirits; to him or her who fhall carry it about them, the bleffed Virgin fhall appear to forewarn them of their future blefsed ftate: The devil fhall have no power over them at their laft hour: They fhall fee our bleffed Saviour nailed to the crofs, (in the fame manner as he fuffered for our redemption,) before their death.”

This curious piece is in the hands of the popifh multitude in the founty of Wexford, who regard this church militant hero as a martyr in the caufe of French republican liberty and religion.

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EXPLANATION OF THE PLATE.

1 . Where the rebel columns from Ballyclare and Templepatrick joined.

2. The rebels in clofe column with a fix-pounder in front, when the curricle guns under lieutenant Neville opened their fire on them.

3. Lieutenant Neville, with two fix-pounders, flanked by the yeomanry and dragoons under colonel Lumley firing on the rebels.

4. Colonel Lumley charging the rebels after paffing the church-yard.

5. The church-yard lined with rebels, who are reprefented by the dotted lines, firing on the dragoons, charging as they paffed, and among whom they did great execution.

6. The guns under lieutenant Neville, after retreating from No. 3, firing on the fecond column of the rebels advancing up Bow-lane.

7. The fecond rebel column.

8. The dragoons, after charging, drawn up under the dead wall of lord Maffareene’s garden, and covered on their left flank by a demi baftion.

9. The yeomanry firing over the wall on the rebels who attempted to get poffeffion of the guns at No, 6, after the artillery had abandoned them, and the dragoons had retreated acrofs the river.

10. The watering-place over which the dragoons retreated.

11. The entrance to lord Maflareene’s court, the dotted lines from it, reprefent the road the yeomanry retreated to take poft in the garden where they could only be attacked by the narrow walk through which they got in.

12. Lord Maflareene’s caftle.

13. Lord Maflareene’s domain.

14. Lord Maflareene’s walled garden.

15. The Six-mile water.

16. Colonel Durham with the Monaghan militia, and captain Coulfon of the artillery, firing onthe rebels retreating by the Ballymena road.

17. The light battalion from Blaris camp under colonel Clavering drawn up.

18. Diftillery.

19. Barracks.

20. Doctor Macartney’s.

21. Flour -mills.

22, Market-houfe with the prifoners.

23. Little guard-houfe, behind which lord O’Neil was killed.

34. The rebel referve column under colonel Orr.

A Map of the Town of Antrim [folding map, facing p.546].

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THE BATTLE OF ANTRIM.

The confpiracy had been more alarming in the north than in any other part of the kingdom, as numbers of prefbyterians concerned in it there had more improved intellects, more courage, and knew better the life of arms, than the inhabitants of Leinfter and Munfter; but the conciliatory meafures ufed by government had detached numbers from the union, and the falutary coercion ufed by the general officers in difarming the multitude, abated the fpirit of the confpirators, by diminifhing their hopes of fuccefs.

For thefe reafons we may fuppofe, the confpiracy did riot break out in the North for fome days after it exploded in the province of Leinfher. Though the detention of the mail coaches had been the fignal for a general infurrection, the prefbyterians, wary and cautious, hefitated to rife,till they had heard that their friends in the fouth were actually in arms, and yet had made preparations for that purpofe; but in Leinfter, the war being purely religious, and tKe people being blinded by fanaticifm; and impelled by the irrefiftible influence of their priefts, rufhed into action on the night of the twenty-third of May, appointed for the general rifing.

Lord O’Neil, who refided at Shane’s-caftle in the county of Antrim, having received certain intelligence that an infurrection was fhortly intended, as governor of the county, fummoned by publick notice the magiftrates of it, to meet at Antrim, on the feventh of June, 1798, for the purpofe of concerting meafures to prevent it. To counteract his defign, the leaders of the confpiracy refolved to bring forward the rifing on that day, to attack the town of Antrim, to feize his lordfhip and the magiftrates,and to keep them as hoftages; and they intended at the fame time to have feized a quantity of arms furrendered at different times, which were depofited in that town.

General Nugent, having received intelligence of their intentions, fent orders to Blaris camp for the fecond light battalion, confifting of the 64th regiment, and the light companies of the Kerry, Dublin, Tipperary, Armagh, and Monaghan militia, and one hundred and fifty of the 22d light dragoons, with two curricle fix-pounders, and two five and a half inch howitzers, to march to Antrim with all poffible difpatch; and two hundred

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and fifty of the Monaghan militia, a troop of the 22d light dragoons, and the Belfaft cavalry, under the command of colonel Durham, to march to Antrim, by Carmoney and Templepatrick; and the light battalion from Blaris, commanded by colonel Clavering, and the dragoons by the honourable colonel Lumley. He alfo difpatched orderly ferjeants to major Seddon at Antrim, to inform him of the intended attack, and of the reinforcements which were going to his affiftance.

The orderlies arrived at Antrim at nine o’clock, but did not perceive any extraordinary movement in the country, or any indication of infurrection. However, the drums immediately beat to arms, the yeomanry affembled in a fhort time, and the inhabitants of the town were called on to turn out in its defence. In fending the fummonfes through the town, it was difcovered that all the notorious united Irifhmen had left it early in the morning, which convinced major Seddon that general Nugent’s information was well founded. Of four hundred man, capable of bearing arms, two hundred turned out on the occafion; but they could be fupplied with no more than eighty ftand of arms, as there were no more ferviceable; and there was fo great a fcarcity of ammunition, that after borrowing eight hundred rounds from major Seddon, the yeomanry had but twelve rounds a man, and thofe who volunteered but five.

About ten o’clock, many perfons came in from different parts of the country, with intelligence that the rebels were forcing great numbers to join them, and that the mafs of the people were in motion.

At twelve o’clock, James Stewart Moore, efquire, captain of the Dunfqoverick cavalry, and Mr. Gamble, lieutenant of the fame, with fifteen men, came into Antrim from Ballymena, after having cut their way through jibout two hundred rebels near Kells: Both thefe gentlemen were magiftrates.

Lord O’Neil flept at Hillfborough the night of the fixth of June, on his way from Dublin to Antrim, and paffed through Lifburn at ten o’clock in the morning of the feventh, without being known, and got to Antrim at half paft twelve. He did not perceive any movement in the country, though his fervants, who were about ten minutes after him, were robbed of their arms by the rebels. Had lord O’Neil been known in Lifburn, he would have been prevented from proceeding, as general Nugent had fent

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orders to have the intended rifing communicated to all the maglftrates in that neighbourhood, and to prevent them from going to Antrim.

The plan of the rebels was, to advance with four columns, one from the diftrict between Antrim and Belfaft, and to enter the town by the Belfaft road;* the fecond from Ballynure, Ballyclare and Doagh, to enter by the Carrickfergus road, and join the Belfaft column at the end of the Scotch quarter; a third from Connor, Kells, and Ballymena, and to enter it by Paty’s-lane; a fourth from Shane’s-caftle, Randalftown, and Dunoilty, to enter by Bow-lane. The three firft columns were to make their attack at half past two o’clock; and at the fame moment, the fourth, under the command of colonel Samuel Orr, brother to the famous William Orr, was to make its attack a few minutes after. The two firft columns reached the end of the Scots quarter, juft as the advanced guard of our fecond battalion was coming over the bridge from Liftjum, which is at right angles with the main ftreet, and nearly the centre of the town.

The advanced guard was commanded by the honourable colonel Lumley, and confifted of one hundred of the 22d light dragoons, and two curricle guns, which opened with cafe fhot from the centre of the main ftreet, oppofite the bridge, and were flanked by the yeomanry. The cavalry were diawn up in the rear.

The town of Antrim is nearly a mile long, and that fpace from the Scott quarter to the market-houfe, is about two-thirds of its length, and nearly a ftraight line. The main ftreet is a continuation of the Scots quarter* and is at right angles with the wall of lord Maffareene’s garden, which is about forty yards from the market-houfe, and lies nearly in the centre of the ftreet. The wall of the garden completely commands the main ftreet, and th> entrance to the market-houfe, which is a fquare building, fupported by ftone pillars, and very difficult to fet fire to. The guard-houfe wa« there, and a number of prifoners confined in it. There was a fecond wall at right angles with the garden wall, which flanks it, and commands Bow-lane. The two walls are joined with each other, and with one part of aa old fortification. The wall is about fifteen feet high towards the ftreet, and being but four feet high on the garden fide, forms a good parapet or breaft-work. The church is about half way between the market-houfe and the end of the Scots quarter. It is built on a rifing ground, and is

* See Plate IX.

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furrounded by a wall, which is about eight feet high Towards the ftreet, and four on the infide. The church is nearly in a line with the houfes on one fide of the Scots quarter, and part of the wall is parallel to the houfes at the oppofite fide, and the diftance between it and the houfes is about twelve yards.

The church is about feventy yards from Maffareene-bridge, where theguns began to play on the rebels, who were at that time about feventy yards above the church, advancing from the upper part of the Scots quarter, in a clofe column of about twenty-two in front, and about four thoufand ftrong. Their front was compofed of about eight hundred mufketeers, who were excellent markfmen. Whenever, they came within fight of the dragoons and yeomanry, they commenced ftreet firing, and by the time they came within one hundred and fifty yards; of the army, they filed to the rear. Their fix-pounder* was then in front; with which they fired two rounds of grape fhot, and did great execution, having killed and wounded three yeomen, two artillery men, and four or five dragoons. The recoil of the fecond fhot difabled the gun fo much, that they could not fire any more. The cafe fhot from our curricle guns; did fuch great execution, that the rebels perceived. they could not advance without immenfe lofsi However,their mufketeers preffed on, and got poffeffion of the churchyard, from whence they maintained a heavy fire.

The greater part of the pikemen went acrofs the fields, and formed in ‘ Bow-lane, to take our army in the rear, which being perceived, the gunners were ordered to retreat under lord Maflareene’s wall, where the guns could play on the rebels advancing up that lane; and at the fame time the dragoons were ordered to charge, in order to cover the retreat of the guns: but before they could reach the rebel column, they had to pafs the church-yard, within four or five yards of the rebel mufketry, planted in. fee urity behind, the wall. About eighty dragoons, headed by the honourable colonel Lumley, having, made the charge, near twenty of them were killed and

* They brought this gun from Temple-patrick, where they had it and another brafs fix- pounder, concealed under one of the feats of the diffenting meeting-houfe. They cut a tree, of which they made a trail, and they mounted the gun on the wheels of Mr. MVickar’s carriage, lord Templeton’s agent, and had wedges to elevate and deprefs it. It was formerly, attached to the Belfaft volunteers, but lay concealed for fix years. They had originally eight, which a!fo lay concealed, but fix of them were difcovered by general Nugent about a week before.

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wounded. However, they bravely cut their way through, totally broke the rebel column, returned and renewed the charge by the church-yard wall, after leaving feventeen men dead in the ftreet, about thirty wounded, and forty horfes killed, all in the fpace of about two minutes. The officers who made that charge, were colonel Lumley, major Seddon, captain Baker, cornet Dunn, cornet Reid, and Mr. Gamble of the yeomanry, of which, cornet Dunn and Mr. Gamble were killed; the former fiiot through the heart, the latter had his horfe fhot under him, and was afterwards perforated with pikes. Colonel Lumley, major Seddon, and cornet Reid, were wounded; the two latter with pikes. The former was fhot through the ankle bone. Quarter-mafter Simpfon was likewife killed. The yeomanry retreated, and took poffeffion of lord Maffareene’s garden, from whence they could command the main ftreet and Bow-lane, and in fome degree protect the guns, which were under the wall along with the dragoons. Lord O’Neil and the reverend doctor Macartney, of Antrim, had remained in the ftreet, with a party of dragoons, during the whole of the action.

When the rebels came within the range of the cafe fhot in Bow-lane, they were warmly received. However, they continued to advance with great intrepidity; on which, colonel Lumley, who was wounded, feeing the lofs he had fuftained in the charge, ordered a retreat, and the guns to be abandoned. The former retreated acrofs the river, and proceeding by the ftiore of the lake, to the Liftjurn road, joined the fecond battalion of our troops which were within two miles of the town. Lord O’Neil’s horfe having been wounded, became reftive and refufed to advance. Doctor Macartney ftaid with him a confiderable time, after the dragoons had retreated, endeavouring to get him to proceed with him; but finding it impoffible, he galloped his horfe through the rebels; and being unable to overtake the dragoons, he joined Mr. Staples, member for the county, and got with him into a boat, rowed acrofs to the county of Tyrone, and informed general Knox, at Dungannon, of the events which had taken place at Antrim, and of which he had been ignorant until that moment. The general immediately affembled all the yeomanry of the country, marched to Toome with one thoufand five hundred of them, and prevented the county of Derry rebels from rifing, and joining the other infurgents.

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Lord O’Neil, while endeavouring to get his horfe forward, was knocked down by a pikeman, and then mortally wounded, within thirty yards of the yeomanry behind the wall. His lordfhip fhot one of the men who attacked him, and the yeomanry two more; but the man who had given him the mortal wound efcaped.

On the retreat of the dragoons, the rebels, flufhed with fuccefs, rufhed on with a horrid yell, and feized the curricle guns; but every man of that party was killed by the yeomen, and the remainder retreated into the houfes and bye lanes of the town. On that, Mr. John Macartney,* lieutenant of the Antrim yeomanry, affifted by his brother, Mr. Arthur Macartney, lieutenant of the Royal Irifh Artillery, who volunteered on the occafion, made a fally from the garden, with twenty of the Antrim corps, and drew up, in the midft of the rebel fire, the guns and the ammunition cart; and having planted them on the garden wall, they diflodged the rebels by a few difcharges of round fhot; however, they affembled again in feveral places round the town, to renew the attack; but colonel Orr, frightened on hearing the cannon, marched his column, which was one thoufand five hundred ftrong, back to Randalftown.

Before the rebels had arranged matters for a fecond attack, the reinforcement from Blaris and Belfaft arrived, on which they fled in all directions. But a great many of them were killed by the dragoons and the light companies of the Armagh and Monaghan militia, who were detached acrofs the fields to cut of ftragglers. Colonel Durham on arriving over the town, was informed that the rebels were in poffeffion of it; and therefore opened his guns on it with round fhot, and was on the point of doing much mifchief before he found his miftake. The rebels left about one hundred and fifty dead in the town, , and nearly two hundred

* At that time this young gentleman was little more than fixteen years old, and his brother was but in his eighteenth year. The courage and the loyalty of thefe amiable gentlemen render them an honour to their parents and their country. Mr. Arthur Macartney difplayed great fpirit and patriotifm, in detecting and oppofing the bafe delfgns of fome traitors who had infinuated themfelves into the univerfity of Dublin. Their father, the reverend doctor Macartney, a gentleman highly refpecttable, was the firft perfon who gave any important information to government on the alarming ftate of the confpiracy in the North. It confifts of papers inferted in the report of the fecret committee of the houfe of commons, under the head of papers feized by a magiftrate in a diftant part of the county of Antrim.

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were killed in the purfuit, in which lieutenant Murphy of the dragoons was feverely wounded with a pike.

It has been fince difcovered, that a confiderable number of rebels had got into the town previous to the action in fmall parties, through lanes and the back doors of the houfes. About one o’clock, and before the rebels arrived, feveral pikes were difcovered in a garden in the Scots quarter: in confequence of whichy the houfe to which the garden belonged was fet on fire, and the flames communicated to feven more, which were confumed. The rebels having perceived the fire as they were marching towards the town, halted for near half an hour, doubtful if they fhould make the attack, not knowing the real caufe of the fire. During that delay, there arofe a difpute among the Roman catholicks and proteftants of Orr’s column; the former infifting on putting the orangemen in Antrim to death, but were oppofed by the latter, who declared they would not confent to any act of cruelty.

The attack upon Antrim was made a quarter before three o’clock. The reinforcements arrived at four. If the rebels had not halted on feeing the fire, they would have been in Antrim before coionel Lumley arrived; and of courfe would have taken the town.

Nearly one half of the rebel force which attacked Antrim was compelled to join them by terror. In their flight they left behind them about three thoufand pikes and muskets; and as they could not mount the two fix-pounders at Temple-patrick, they fell into the hands of our army on the ninth of June.

The rebels attacked Randalftown at half paft one on the feventh of June, and got poffeffion of the lower part of the market-houfe, in which there were fifty of the Toome yeomanry, and fet fire to it; on which they furrendered, and were taken out of the windows by ladders.

Colonel Clavering and colonel Durham marched to Shane’s caftle the evening of the feventh. The rebels evacuated Randalftown at ten that night, and marched to Toome, where they remained two days; and on feeing general Knox advancing towards them, they broke down the bridge to prevent him from croffing the Bann. The rebels went from Antrim* to Ballymena and Donegore bill, where they remained till Monday the eleventh, when colonel Clavering granted them an amnefty, on furrendering their arms, and promifing to return to their allegiance. The

* See Plate I. 3.

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rebels pofted at Ballymena, faid to be ten thoufand ftrong, attacked Larne on the morning of the feventh, but were repulfed by a detachment of the Tay fencibles, aided by the yeomanry, and the loyal inhabitants.

The death of lord O’Neil was univerfally and defervedly lamented, as he poffeffed in a very eminent degree every good and amiable quality. He was generous and humane, warm and fteady in friendfhip, and fo mild and beneficent, that he was ever ready to forgive injuries. He had fuch innate goednefs and philanthropy, that he could fcarce be induced to think ill of others, and he had fuch fine feelings, that he never heard a tale of woe without fympathizing with the fufferer, and wifhing to adminifter to his relief. It might be truly faid, that,

“He had a tear for pity, and a hand
“Open as day for melting charity.”

BATTLES OF SAINTFIELD AND BALLYNAHINCH.

As a report prevailed on the ninth of June, that there was a rifing at Newtownards* in the county of Down, colonel Stapleton marched with a detachment of the York fencibles, and fome yeomen cavalry and infantry, and two pieces of cannon, towards Saintfield, and was informed between Comber and that town, that there was no appearance whatever of a rifing. The main body of the rebels lay in ambufh, in a hollow way, through which he was to pafs, within a quarter of a mile of Saintfield. The hedges on each fide were very high and numerous, and the rebels who were concealed behind them and in fome plantations^ having fuffered the principal part of colonel Stapleton’s party to pafs unmolefted, opened a very heavy fire on their rear, confifting of the yeomen cavalry, whom they threw into confufion; as they were expofed to the enemy in a narrow road, where they could not deploy, or make any movement for their defence. The reverend Mr. Mortimer, vicar of Fortaferry, his nephew, and feven or eight yeomen, who had juft joined them, were inftantly killed. Thofe who attempted to crofs into the fields to form, were butchered with pikes. At laft, colonel Stapleton, with the moft cool intrepidity, difmounted, went into the fields, and formed the grenadiers there. Captain Chetwynd, lieutenant Unit and enfign Sparks, in attempting to follow him, were killed. Colonel Stapleton having attacked the infurgents with the grenadiers and the cannon which he brought to bear upon them, repulfed and killed three hundred and fifty of them.

* See Plate I. 3.

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The rebels having retreated towards Newtownards attacked, next day, a fmall party, confifting moftly of invalids and old men, who were pofted in the market-houfe there, to guard a quantity of baggage and ammunition, and who repulfed them; but, expecting next day to be attacked by a much larger party, they capitulated, evacuated the town, and marched to Belfaft, eight miles off.

The rebels, flufhed with their fuccefs, and with the acquifition of a Gonfiderable quantity of ammunition, formed a committee, and having laid a plan for their future operations, fent horfemen round the country, to fummon their friends, and by force compelled thofe to join them who shewed an unwillingnefs to do fo.

In confequence of this, a large body having affembled, they, on Sunday, entered the town of Bangor, where they compelled great numbers to join them, and plundered Mr. Ward’s houfe of arms. The reverend James Clewlow, with laudable fortitude, and in the moft pathetick manner, reprefented to them the fatal confequences of their conduct, and advifed them to lay down their arms; but could not fucceed. They then repaired to a hill near Newtownards, where, having difagreed, the Bangor people quitted them, returned and reftored Mr. Ward’s arms to Mr. Clewlow, in hopes of his getting for them a protection from general Nugent to obtain which, he repaired to Belfaft; but before he could return, two prefbyterian clergymen, Meftrs. Townfend and Hull, abufed them as cowards and traitors to their caufe, compelled them to re-affume their arms, and marched them to a hill called Scrabo, near Newtown, and thence to Saintfield, where they took poffeffion of the houfes of Meffrs. Price and Clewlow, which they plundered. They fent a party from Saintfield to the houfe of a farmer in the neighbourhood, and having fet fire to it, he and his whole family perifhed in the flames. He was obnoxious to them, becaufe he had profecufed fome united Irifhmen. He, at firft, with very great bravery, beat off a party of about twenty, but was overpowered by a large reinforcement. Though old, he difplayed great fpirit, having been feen firing at them in the midft of the flames.

A numerous body of rebels kept poffeffion of Saintfield, till Monday the eleventh of June, when they marched to Ballynahinch, and joined the main body, who were pofted in what they called a camp, on the lawn before lord Moira’s houfe, which was a favourable pofition, on a

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commanding eminence, and fkirted with thick wood. The commander in chief was general Henry Munroe, a linen draper, and inhabitant of Lifburn, who had been formerly adjutant to a volunteer company, and acquired fome reputation for military knowledge.

On the morning of the twelfth of June, general Nugent marched againft them from Belfaft, with the Monaghan regiment of militia, part of the 22d dragoons, and fome yeomen infantry and cavalry; and was joined by lieutenant-colonel Stewart, near Ballynahinch, with his party from Downpatrick, making in all about one thoufand five hundred men. Information having been received at the rebel camp, that general Nugent was on his march to attack them, a party of five hundred was detached by Munroe, under the command of one Johnfon, to annoy the general, and retard his progrefs. They advanced near four miles to Creevy rocks, at the Ballynahinch fide of Saintfield, but were difperfed by the flanking parties of the army, and did not return to their friends at Ballynahinch.

A numerous body of the rebels were pofted on the Windmill hill, about a quarter of a mile from the town, but were foon driven from their pofition by the difcharge of the artillery, and joined the camp at lord Moira’s houfe. On that occafion, one M’Cullogh, a rebel colonel, was taken prifoner, and immediately hanged. General Nugent and his party then occupied the Windmill hill, where he halted that night, and made proper difpofitions for attacking them next morning.

A council was held in the rebel camp, in which the expediency of an immediate attack was debated with fome warmth. Munroe advifed them to wait till morning, and his recommendation ultimately prevailed.

Between two and three o’clock in the morning of the thirteenth, colonel Leflie and the Monaghan militia marched into the town, and were vigoroufly attacked by a detachment of the rebels, and obliged to fall back. They, however, immediately rallied, and repulfed them with confiderable flaughter. The rebels were fo furious in their charge as to lay their hands on the carriages of the battalion guns, and fome of them were almoft burnt to a coal by their explofion.

The detachment under lieutenant general Stewart, confining of a part of the Argylefhire fencibles, and fome of the 22d dragoons, and fome yeomanry corps, were likewife attacked; but they defeated the rebels, and killed a great number of them. The difperfion now became general,

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and though the retreat was made in a confufed and irregular manner, it was much favoured by the woods and the nature of the country, which prevented the cavalry from any long or effectual purfuit. Near five hundred rebels are faid to have been killed. The town of Ballynahinch was burned by the military.

Munroe fled towards the mountains without any guard or efcort, and was afterwards accidentally difcovered and taken by three orangemen, as he lay concealed in a potatoe furrow, under fome litter, in an open field, about fix miles from Ballynahinch. He offered them forty guineas to let him efcape; but the loyalty of his captors was not to be corrupted. they brought him to Hillfborough, together with a young man of the name of Kane, taken with him in the fame furrow, and who was formerly employed as a clerk in the office of the Belfaft Northern Star. They were fent under a guard to Lifburn, where Munroe was tried by a court-martial, and executed oppofite to his own door. His head was fixed on a pike, and placed on the market-houfe. Juft before he was fufpended, he faid that he wifhed to fettle an account with a neighbour, to whom he was indebted. He accordingly got a pen and ink, and adjufted it with all the coolnefs of deliberation.

The rebel-army at Ballynahinch chiefly confifted of prefbyterians, and other denominations of proteftant diffenters, with few, if any, Roman catholicks, as they deferted the night before the battle, which inflamed the prefbyterians very much againft them.

On the night of the ninth, and the morning of the tenth, the infurrection from Newtownards to Portaferry was general; and a body of rebels, to the number of one thoufand, attacked the latter about four o’clock in the afternoon. They were faid to be chiefly under the direction of one Warwick, a prefbyterian probationer, fince hanged; and they were headed by one McMullin, of Portaferry, a fhopkeeper, and two farmers in its vicinity. The town was gallantly defended by that brave veteran, captain Charles Mathews, and the Portaferry yeomanry, who took poft in the market-houfe, and converted it into a garrifon.

Captain Mathews having received intelligence in the morning, that the town was to be attacked, had the arches of the building filled up with a dry temporary wall, to prevent the rebels from fetting fire to the loft, which their leaders had refolved to do. Captain Hopkins being in

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the river, with the revenue cruifer which he commanded, rendered the moft important fervice on the occafion with his guns. The lofs of the rebels was confiderable, while not a fingle yeoman was hurt. Three volunteer loyalifts, who worked two fwivels outfide the market-houfe, having no cover, were killed.

The event of this action was of the utmoft confequence, for had the rebels fucceeded in it, they were to have croffed the lake at Strangford; and the rebels in the barony of Lecale, who were numerous, were to have joined them.* Downpatrick muft have fallen, and an immenfe force, thus prevented, would have encreafed the army of Ballynahinch.

The boldnefs and courage which the infurgents in the North difplayed during the very fhort period that the rebellion exifted, prove how dangerous and terrifick it would have been, but that government very wifely and feafonably averted the horrors of it, partly by conciliatory meafures, and partly by coercion; and the dreadful and cold-blooded maffacres of proteftants perpetrated in the fouth, having convinced the northern rebels of the cruelty and treachery of their Roman catholick confederates, and that their own deftruction would be involved in that of the conftitution, detached them from the union, and completely extinguifhed the flame of rebellion in the north.

Dickey, a rebel leader, who was hanged at Belfaft, declared a fhort time before his execution, that the prefbyterians of the north perceived, too late, that, if they had fucceeded in fubverting the conftitution, they would ultimately have to contend with the Roman catholicks.

Some refpectable gentlemen of the county of Donegal have affured me that the prefbyterians and Roman catholicks of a large and populous diftrict in it, called Fanet, were fo jealous and fufpicious of each other, as foon as the maffacres in the fouth were known, that they continued for fome time watching each other, without going to bed at night; the former dreading the fate of the proteftants in Leinfter, and the latter fearing that the prefbyterians would be revenged of them for the maffacre of their brethren. Numbers of prefbyterians who had been united, deferted their affociates, joined the yeomanry, and became orangemen.

The judicious difpofition and active exertions of lord Henry Murray, under lord Cavan, from Coleraine, in June, 1798, aided by the yeomanry

* See Plate I. 1.

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of that town, and the like conduct on the part of colonel Leith, aided by the Londonderry and Bevagh corps of cavalry, not only checked the defigns of the ill-affected in the country which they occupied, but completely checked the progrefs of the Antrim rebels, and kept them at the Antrim fide of the Bann; all the bridges of that river having been well fecured, and the boats drawn on fhore to the Derry fide.

The maffacres of the fouth alarmed and animated many thoufand proteftants, who fuddenly volunteered, armed themfelves, and joined general Knox, whofe approach from Moneymore, towards Toome, convinced the Antrim rebels, that they had no bufinefs to quit their own country; and he would have given them a complete overthrow, and have extinguifhed, for a century, a difpofition to rebellion in that county, but that colonel Clavering, who had made terms with them at Ballymena, went exprefs to Hop the general’s approach.

The amnefty granted to the rebels by colonel Clavering, though it was done with the beft intentions, has been condemned by many northern gentlemen of very good fenfe, as it was faid to have fed the flame of rebellion in the county of Antrim for many months after it took place, as much as general Dundas’s negotiation did in the county of Kildare.

It fhould be remembered with the livelieft fenfe of gratitude by the loyal fubjects of Ireland, that fome regiments of Englifh militia, feeling for their danger and diftrefs, voluntarily offered to go to their relief and affiftance; that fome of them went there fo early as the month of June, 1798, and that no lefs than thirteen of them arrived there in that year.

It will reflect immortal honour on the marquis of Hertford and the marquis of Buckingham, that they firft fet the example, and arrived in Dublin early in the month of June, at the head of their refpective regiments.

Plate 10 [Folding map of Leitrim and Roscommon, facing p.559]. NB: The Lord Lieutenant’s march is marked thus [===] General Lake’s thus ⁃⁃⁃⁃ and the French thus ·····

THE REBELLION IN THE COUNTIES OF MAYO AND SLIGO.

The gentlemen and landholders in the province of Connaught, piqued themfelves on the peaceable demeanour, and a refpect for the laws, which the lower clafs of the people there continued to evince, when moft other parts of the kingdom were difturbed by the united Irifhmen. But it has fince appeared, that the mafs of the people were univerfally infected with their malignant doctrines, though they had not broken out into acts of

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open outrage; for at a provincial committee held at Dungannon,* the fourteenth of September, 1797, it was ftated, that the province of Connaught was in a tolerable ftate of organization; that a great number of united Irifhmen had been made there, and more fince the proclamation. §

In the beginning of the year 1798, a number of fugitive families arrived in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, from the north of Ireland; who, as they alleged, fought for protection from the orangemen, who were perfecuting them on account of their religion. They were all Roman catholicks, and from their appearance of decency and induftry, the plaufibility with which they reprefented their fufferings, and the knowledge which they poffeffed of the linen manufacture, they readily obtained an afylum from the gentlemen of the country, and were confidered as a great acquifition in it. They had alfo an apparent folemnity and sincerity in their manners, and fhewed fuch attention to the duties of their religion, as procured them the efteem, not only of perfons of their own perfuafion, but excited the pity of proteftants, who confidered them as an innocent perfecuted people.

This was the general idea entertained of them; but fome gentlemen, who conceived that their improper conduct muft have been the caufe of their perfecution and expulfion, were not inclined to encourage or protect them. Neverthelefs, fome hundred families of them fpread themfelves over the country, particularly near the fea-coaft, and for fome time demeaned themfelves in a peaceable and induftrious manner.

But it was foon difcovered, that they were much addicted to fpeculate on politicks; that they held clubs and meetings, where newfpapers, for which they fubfcribed, were conftantly read; and that they were perfectly well verfed in all the political fubjects which were then the topicks of converfation. They alfo brought with them a number of ftrange and abfurd prophecies, which they pretended were delivered by the ancient Irifh bards and prophets, foretelling the wars and calamities which were fhortly to take place in the country, and which were to prove nearly fatal: to the catholicks.‡

* Report of the fecret committee, Appendix, No. XIV. p.104.

§ This alludes to the proclamation of the feventeenth of May, inviting the people to return to their allegiance, and offering an amnefty to fuch as fhould do fo; and it proves the contumacy of the traitors in fpurning at the benign and conciliating meafures of government.

‡ In the fixteenth and feventeenth centuries, fuch prophecies were ufed during the civil wars, to rouze the people, as may be feen in Spenfer, Morrifon, Temple, Laurence, and Harris.

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In one of thefe it was afferted, that the upper part of the county of Mayo, particularly the mountain of Croagh Patrick, near Weftport,§ would be the fafeft place of refuge, whenever thefe calamities would commence; which induced numbers of people to repair there, fome for protection, others to perform pilgrimage, and to do other pious offices, as it has been always confidered as a holy place.

Thefe prophecies|| have a very great effect on the minds of the lower clafs of people, who are perfuaded that the events predicted muft neceffarily come to pafs; and they were ready to catch at every rumour which feemed to correfpond with the ideas which they had infpired. They breathed nothing but death, bloodfhed and devaftation, painted the rivers as running crimfon with blood, and a peftilence raging through the country, occafioned by the effluvia of putrid carcafes, which remained unburied; with every other horror which a dreadful civil war produces.

Such prophecies were one of the many artifices ufed to excite hatred in the popifh multitude againft proteftants, who were figured under the title of the black army, and were deftined to commit thofe atrocities againft the catholicks; and to furnifh a pretext of maffacring them, whenever an opportunity fhould prefent itfelf.

Thefe northern families were but a fhort time in the county of Mayo, when a perfon of high refpectability informed the magiftrates and country gentlemen, that they were deeply concerned in the confpiracy then carried on in the north, and that moft of them, confcious of their crimes, fled from a country, where they were clofely watched, and dreaded the vengeance of the law, to one where, not subject to fufpicion, they might eafily execute their defigns.

Orange focieties had at that time commenced in the North, whofe avowed object was, to protect themfelves, and their country, from the machinations of a fet of popifh traitors, who had bound themfelves by the moft folemn ties to overturn the conftitution and extirpate the proteftants; and that in fo fecret a manner, that many thoufands were united before a difcovery could be obtained. At their fecret meetings, which were generally held at night, they methodized their operations, employed

§ Plate X. 6.

|| I have already mentioned that many popifh families had emigrated from the county of Tyrone to Connaugbt, in confequence of prophecies.

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emiffaries to propagate their doftrines; collected money for the purchafe of arms and ammunition; laid plans for attacking the houfes of proteftants, and taking away their arms; and finally concerted the means of a general rebellion and maffacre, in conjunction with the rebels of every other part of the kingdom.

The gentlemen and magiftrates of the country were well aware that fuch mifchiefs were hatching; but found it very difficult to procure full and convincing proofs to fubflantiate the facts, and to bring the traitors to punifhment.

It was in this critical ftate of things, that the fpirit and promptitude of the Orangemen, alive to the intereft of their country, and attached to that conftitution for which their anceflors fought under king William, affociated under the ftrongeft bonds of loyalty and affection; and relying on the goodnefs of the caufe in which they had embarked, they, without fear or reftraint, hunted thefe traitors to their dens, developed their dark proceedings, and dragged them to punifhment. By their well-timed and fpirited exertions, they delivered that part of the kingdom from thofe horrors, which were ready to burft upon the heads of the loyal inhabitants.

This was the perfecution which the difaffected fo much complained of, and which afforded a plaufible pretext for the outrages afterwards committed by the rebels.

The conduct of thefe northern families on the landing of the French proves with what malignant defigns they were originally actuated; for, when that event took place, they threw off the veil of religion, and the cloak of humility, boldly affumed the iron front of war, preffed forward to receive arms and ammunition from their new deliverers, chofe leaders among themfelves, erected the ftandard of rebellion, and plundered and defolated the houfes and the property of their proteftant friends and benefactors.

It is very remarkable, that thefe men, defpifing the want of courage and abilities in the Connaught rebels, refufed to ferve promifcuoufly with them, but formed a feparate corps, who kept together during the rebellion.

The peafantry of the counties of Mayo and Sligo, (I mean of the Roman catholick perfuafion,) are favage, ignorant, and fuperftitious; and

[563

though they were organized and fworn to affift the French on their landing, yet I am convinced that they would not have had fpirit or refolution enough to rife in rebellion, if that event had not taken place, however well inclined they might have been.

The gentlemen and men of landed property, with but few exceptions, were proteftants of the church of England, and confequently loyal, and ftrongly attached to the eftablifhed government. To thefe were added an equally loyal and very refpectable proteftant yeomanry, moftly freeholders, and planted rather thickly over the country. All thefe were tolerably expert in the ufe of arms, having ferved in the volunteer and yeomanry corps.

Thefe two bodies, united in common intereft, and roufed by the danger which furrounded them, would have continued to overawe and reftrain an ignorant and unarmed rabble, without men of property or confequence at their head, and ftimulated to action only by fome low emiffaries from other countries; or by their weak and infatuated clergy, many of whom were found among the foremoft in joining the enemy, and in ftrengthening the ranks of rebellion.

The landing of a little more than one thoufand French, achieved, almoft inftantly, what the united Irifhmen could never have effected, notwithftanding all their arts to make the popifh multitude rife in rebellion.

Struck with a fudden panick at the unexpected appearance of the French, the loyalifts, for the moft part, abandoned their houfes; the rebels, armed and encouraged by the French, elated with their firft fuccefs, and animated with a defire of vengeance, and the hope of plunder, entered fword in hand into the deferted abodes of the fugitive loyalifts; where, not content with pillage and rapine, they, with the moft favage barbarity, like the Goths of old, facrificed to wanton revenge every thing valuable, which art and fcience had formed and collected for the comfort and delight of the virtuous and intelligent; and in a few days defaced thofe ornaments and improvements which human induftry had been raifing for a century before.

Another circumftance which contributed to promote the caufe of rebellion in thofe counties, and to cement its votaries, by a bond ftill more binding than the oath of the united Irifhmen, or defenders, was the

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propagation of the myfteries of the Carmelites among the Roman catholicks. This was originally a religious order, which was faid to have been inftituted for the advancement of piety and morality, but it was now perverted to the purpofe of affociating men for the exprefs purpofe of committing treafon, murder, facrilege, and robbery, with every other inferior crime, which depravity might fuggeft, or opportunity afford.

As its malignant influence operated much ftronger in Connaught than in the province of Leinfter, where alfo it was made a vehicle of rebellion, I fhall give the reader a more minute defcription of it. In the neighbourhood of Ballina,* there were fome mendicant friars, who were led, by the poverty of their fituation, to convert the credulity of the popifh multitude to their benefit, by inducing them to believe, that an admiffion into this fraternity would enfure them eternal happinefs; and this foundation being once laid, it was not difficult afterwards to perfuade them to pay a fmall fum of money for its attainment.

At their initiation they received a fquare piece of brown cloth, with the letters I. H. S. infcribed on it, meaning Jefus hominum Salvator,§ which was hung round the neck with a ftring, and lying on the fhoulder next to the fkin, was, from its fituation, called a fcapular. The price of it on initiation was, to the poorer clafs, one fhilling; to thofe who could afford it, higher in proportion to their ability. This diftinguifhing badge of the order, having received the prieft’s benediction, was fuppofed to contain the virtue of preferving the difciple, not only from outward dangers and injuries, but alfo from the attacks of the ghoftly enemy. They afcribed to thefe fcapulars the power of protecting a houfe in which one of them happened to be, from being confumed by fire, or of extinguifhing one on fire, if thrown into the flames; while the facred extinguifher would remain perfectly fafe from the power of the fire, like the three Hebrews in the Babylonian furnace.

The ignorance and credulity of the popifh multitude were impofed on by the following device: The cloth of which thefe fcapulars was originally made, being compofed of the Afbeftos, poffeffes a quality to refift fire; and on receiving the prieft’s benediction, they were committed to the flames, where, to the aftonifhment of the beholders, they were found

* Plate X. 3, 4. § Jefus. the Saviour of mankind. See it in Plate V.

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to preferve themfelves fafe and entire; and having undergone this fiery ordeal, the fupernatural power which produced it was afcribed to the prieft’s benediction.

Many of thefe were cut off the necks of the rebels when taken prifoners, and their virtue was put to the teft; by expofing them to the fire, where they gave a convincing proof of their frailty, by being (as the inventors themfelves have long fince been) reduced to duft and afhes.

The parifh priefts in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, either convinced of the efficacy and utility of this order, in promoting the caufe of religion, or feeing that the fale of fcapulars was very profitable, procured a power from the friars before mentioned to difpofe of them, and admit candidates into this holy order. Bags of them have been often fent to fairs and markets, and fold to the credulous multitude.

The officiating prieft at Balllna, curate to the popifh bifhop, was the perfon then entrufted with the diftribution of this facred fymbol, a large number of which he conferred on the worthy claimants.

This foon became the fignal by which thofe of the true faith were to know each other, and the rallying point for thofe devotees who carried on the crufade againft the hereticks; and a fhop was opened foon after the lauding of the French, where all the fons of Erin,* with their pikes in their hands, were fupplied with fcapulars at regulated prices.

Thefe were intended, not only to unite them more ftrongly againft the common enemy, but to arm them with frefh courage, and protect them from danger in the hour of trial. Good God! will that day ever arrive, when a pure, a fimple, a rational, and undefiled religion fhall be eftablifhed among the deluded natives of Ireland; when the clouds of fuperftition and ignorance, which fo much obfcure the human mind, fhall be difpelled by religion and reafon, thofe bright luminaries which the Deity has benignly afforded to erring man, to direct his wandering fleps through the thorny paths of life, and to guide his feet in the ways of peace?

We may fay to the popifh multitude of Ireland, in the words of holy writ, “Ye do err, not knowing the fcriptures.” Mat. xxii. 29.

The better to inflame the paffions, and awaken the fanatical fury of the popifh multitude againft proteftants, a report was univerfally propagated

* The Irifh for Ireland.

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in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, fome months before the French landed, that the orangemen had combined, and were determined to maffacre the Roman catholicks, a device which was practifed in every part of Ireland.

At Balle, near Hollymount,* in the county of Mayo, a pattern was held fome time in the month of July, when the diffemination of that report had fuch an effect on the inhabitants of that town and its vicinity, that they remained in large bodies all night in the fields, where the leaders of rebellion organized and fwore them.

An active intelligent magiftrate informed me, that he expatiated on the dangerous tendency of fuch reports to the parifh prieft of Foxford,† fome time in the month of July, 1798, and recommended to him to undeceive his flock, by affuring them, from the altar, that they were falfe and groundlefs; but he objected to it, alleging as an excufe, that it would offend fome of his moft refpectable parifhioners.

The leaders of rebellion had recourfe to another very curious invention, to incenfe the minds of the Roman catholicks againft the proteftants, and inflame them with a fpirit of revenge; and though the abfurdity was more likely to excite ridicule than ferious attention, it had the wiihed-for effect on the femi-barbarous rabble.

A few days before the French landed, a report was induftriouljy circulated, that the proteftants had entered into a confpiracy to maffacre the Roman catholicks, and that they would not fpare man, woman, or child. It was faid that, for this purpofe, a large quantity of combuftible ftuff had been introduced by the orangemen, who made a kind of black candles of it; that they were of fuch a quality, that they could not be extinguifhed when once lighted; and that in whatever houfe they fhould be burnt, they would produce the deftruction of every perfon in it.

It was faid alfo, that this deleterious fyftem was to be carried into effect through the whole country in one night; and the people in the villages were cautioned not to fleep in their houfes, left they fhould be furprifed.‡

Multitudes, impreffed with this idea, fat up all night, or flept in the fields.

* Plate X. 7. † Ibid, 5. ‡This impofition was practifed in the county of Wexford.

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The magiftrates, finding that this report was univerfally credited by the lower clafs of people, pofted up an advertifeinent at Ballina to undeceive them, and convince them of the futihty and abfurdity of this report; but they were taught to believe that this notice was only an artifice to lull them into fecurity, that they might more eafily become a prey to their perfecutors.

As foon as the French landed, one Crohan, who ferved as clerk to a popifh chapel, was feized in the act of proclaiming in the parifh of Kilmeckfhalgan, in the county of Sligo, that the orangemen were murdering the Roman catholicks.

Moft of the parifh priefts in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, to difarm the fufpicion, and lull the vigilance of government and the magiftrates, collected their flocks, and with them fwore oaths of allegiance before magiftrates, whom they folicited to adminifter them.

In the month of April, 1798, father O’Donnell, parifh prieft of Kilmeckfhalgan, afked Mr. Hillas, of Seaview, to attend him and his flock for that purpofe; and they, in the prefence of him and counfellor Webber, gave that teft of their loyalty; yet as foon as the French landed, that fame prieft feized Mr. Hillas’s beft horfe, and joined them.

The priefts of different parifhes, after the French landed, were heard to fay to their flock, from the altar, “God help you, poor people! Pray for your fouls; I cannot anfwer for your fafety; the king’s troops and the orangemen will put you all to death.”

In the courfe of the fummer of 1798, it was obferved, that the petty fhop-keepers, mechanicks and fervants, of the popifh perfuafion, ufed to hold frequent meetings at the low tippling houfes in Ballina, and its vicinity, which induced well grounded fufpicions that they entertained defigns of a treafonable tendency; particularly as fuch affociations were conltantly attended by fome of the northerns, who were alive and zealous in making profelytes to their pernicious doctrines. They alfo kept up a conftant intercourfe with their friends in the north, by means of emiftaries, who paffed and re-paffed in the guife of hawkers and pedlars. This intelligence having been privately communicated to the reverend Mr. Neligan, of Ballina, a very active and intelligent magiftrate, (whofe zealous exertions on this and other occafions became a fource of many future calamities to himfelf and his numerous family) he and a few friends, in whom

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he could confide, were conftantly on the watch, in order to detect and counteract the treafonable plans of this party; but they were conducted with fuch fecrefy, as to elude their vigilance, and prevent them from receiving any certain information of their real defigns; however it had the good effect of filling them with alarm and diffidence, and of preventing them from diffeminating their doctrine in as wide a circle, and with as much rapidity as before.

Mr. Neligan, ever attentive to the duties of his office and the peace of fociety, having learned that an idle young man of the name of Reynolds, who often frequented the town of Boyle,* as a pedlar, was deeply concerned in the machinations of thofe traitors, wrote to a friend there, to have him arrefted, and interrogated on the subject. On his examination, he affumed an appearance of the moft perfect innocence, and denied every charge which was brought againft him; but a few lafhs of a cat-o’-nine-tails having been infticted on him by order of the officer commanding at Boyle, he difcovered the whole plot, and thofe who were affociated with him. The information having been fent to Mr. Neligan, he was aftonifhed at the number and refpectability of the perfons concerned in it; however, the events which took place in the courfe of the rebellion, verified his allegations; for the perfons whom he charged were the moft dangerous and defperate in it.

From the very critical ftate of the country, it would have been very dangerous to attempt the arreft of fo many perfons of the before-mentioned defcription; for there was no military in the country, except a fmall detachment of the carabineers, a troop of yeoman cavalry, and a company of yeomen infantry; and above one half of the latter, according to Reynolds’s evidence, were united Irifhmen, having, regardlefs of their oath of allegiance, enlifted merely for the purpofe of procuring arms, and joining the French when they fhould land; an event which was ftrongly and earneftly expected. It was then thought prudent to diffemble, and conceal a knowledge of the bufinefs, and to arreft but a few of the leaders, which might caft a damp on the fpirit of the party. Eight only then were taken up, and among thefe two of the name of Walfh, who were fent to general Taylor, at Sligo,† for examination; but they were

* Plate X. 5. † Ibid. 2.

[569; erroneously given as 566]

difcharged by the interceffion of fome gentlemen and magiftrates of the neighbourhood, who affured him of their upright charafters, their loyal and peaceable deportment, though it was declared upon oath, that they were the principal perfons to whom the rebels in the barony of Tyrawly were to look up to for advice and inftruction. Two of thefe magiftrates had foon reafon to retraft their opinions of their liberated friends; for the elder, dreading the punifhment due to his crimes, fled to America, after having defrauded one of the magiftrates at whofe inftance he was liberated. The younger Walfh was apprehended in the houfe of the other gentleman, who had been his encomiaft, with a predatory party in arms, ready to eftablifh liberty and equality, at the expence of his benefactor.

This fact affords a perfuafive leffon to men of property and influence, with what caution they fhould interpofe between the criminal and the laws of his country, particularly when their interference is intended, not to elucidate the innocence of the accufed on his trial, but to refcue him before it takes place from the hands of juftice.

From the following circumftances, which preceded the arrival of the French, no perfon can doubt but that they were expected by the rebels of Mayo and Sligo:

They had an immenfe quantity of pikes in readinefs: To inflame the Romanifts againft the proteftants, they fpread the ufual reports about orangiemen and their fanguinary defigns; and their priefts and their congregations were very eager to take oaths of allegiance, in imitation of thofe of the county of Wexford, to put the magiftrates off their guard, and to prevent the introduftion of troops into the country.

As fome of the Romifh clergy and their flocks in the county of Mayo expreffed a defire of teftifying their allegiance by taking oaths for that purpofe, doctor Stock, the bifhop, and fome of the magiftrates, defirous of encouraging fo laudable a defire in them, fuppofing that it would tend to keep the common people quiet and fteady to the government, held a meeting at Ballina, early in the month of June, 1798, entered into refolutions, and formed a committee, for carrying, their intentions into effect.

An active and intelligent magiftrate of my acquaintance entertained a very different opinion of that meafure, well knowing that treafon was then hatching among the people, and that it would foon burft forth into action; and therefore he abfented himfelf from the meeting, though he had been

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appointed one of the committee, as he had ftrong reafons to doubt the fincerity of the Roman catholicks.

According to the plan adopted, the magiftrates divided the country into diftricts; and in order to accommodate the lower clafs of people, they attended at the popifh chapels on fucceffive Sundays, where the priefts were directed to have their flocks affembled, and where they had the oath folemnly adrairuftered to them, beginning with the prieft, and going through the whole of his congregation. By thefe means, (aided alfo by the feveral landlords who took care to bring their tenants forward) almoft the whole of the inhabitants, clergy and laity, had the oath adminiftered to them. The magiftrate, to whom I alluded, would not attend, becaufe he had many documents to prove, and was even informed by one of their own perfuafion, that they meditated the fubverfion of the conftitution, and that the favourite toafl at their convivial meetings was, “A total extirpation of proteftants!”

Similar perfidy, but ftill ftronger, took place in a yeoman corps, commanded by captain Jones of Ballina. The magiftrate whom I mentioned, received pofitive information, that about thirty of them, who were Roman catholicks, had all been united men, and had been fworn to join the French on their landing, which he communicated to their commander, but he could not be prevailed on to give credit to it. He, however, having mentioned it to them, they feemed very much hurt, and propofed that a very ftrong teft, in addition to the oath of allegiance which they had fworn, fhould be framed and adminiftered to them; and captain Jones having complied, they all took it with the greateft readinefs. This ferved as a mafk to their treachery for the prefent, but which they foon threw off, when an opportunity was afforded them of joining the French, which they all did, except three, adding defertion, perfidy and perjury, to their former crime of treafon.

There are two priefts in the neighbourhood of Ballina, who have not been taken up or put on their trial. One of thefe conftantly vifited the French and rebel generals at Killala, and gave directions and orders to them; and when an alarm was given one day, while he was celebrating mafs, that the king’s troops were approaching, he ordered every man who had arms, and was able to march, to repair without delay to the French Itandard to oppofe them. The other lived in a parifh the moft notorious

[571

for difaffection in the county of Sligo, and a letter from him was difcovered, written to a rebel commander at Killala, communicating the ftate of the country, and mentioning the neceffity of fending a quantity of fpirituous liquors to keep up the courage of his people, and to make them ready for fervice.

There were at leaft a dozen Romifh priefts who went to pay their refpects to the French, and lived in habits of intimacy with them at Killala, and other places, eating, drinking, and making merry with them, on the fpoils of the unfortunate proteftants who had either fled or had been imprifoned; whilft none of the Romifh perfuafion, though reputed loyal, were known to fly the country, through apprehenfion of danger, or to join the king’s troops, or the armed loyalifts.

It was not uncommon to fee fome of thefe fpiritual guides introducing into the court-yard of Killala, fome of their half-naked raggamuffins, taking clothes out of the ftores, which were kept there for that purpofe, and: arraying them for actual fervice. There were two, however, of this clafs, who could not be induced, either through fear or promifes, to partake with their flocks in the rebellion, but ftrongly exhorted them to continue in their allegiance, and to attend to their induftry, forewarning them of the confequences of their difloyalty. One of thefe, was Mr. Conway, prieft of Ardagh: The other, Mr. Grady, prieft of Rathrea; of whom the latter was treated with great feverity, and dragged from the altar by his rebellious flock, becaufe he refufed to partake in their wickednefs, and accompany them to Killala. He had even the boldnefs to denounce vengeance on their guilty heads, fhould they perfevere in their treafonable fchemes.

The perfecution levelled againft the proteftant clergymen, was not confined to the imprifonment of their perfons, joined to the infults and menaces offered to them, and the deftruction of their houfes and properties, but was extended even to the demolition of their churches, which they gutted of all the timber and carpenter’s work, and moft wantonly and infultingly abufed, and tore the books which they found in them.

Amongft the churches moft damaged, were thofe of Lackan, Eafky, Killmaftige, and Ennifcrone, in the parish of Killglafs, and county of Sligo. Of the latter they tore up the floors, demolifhed the pews and the communion table, rifled the tomb with great indecency, and infulted

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the remains of the reverend Mr. Valentine, who had been vicar of, and refident in that parifh, fifty-three years, and who died in the year 1765, in his ninetieth year, noted and univerfally revered for his humane and charitable difpofition. He left £600 for the fupport of the widows of the clergy of the diocefe, and £400 for maintaining a charity-fchool in the parifh, and for apprenticing the children who were inftructed in it. Doctor William Cecil, bifhop of Killala, had a monument erected to him, on which his virtues and good qualities were infcribed, as an example to his fucceffors.

The meeting-houfe belonging to the diffenting congregation of the Moy Water, near Ballina, fell a prey to their deftructive rage. This was a colony brought there by Sir Arthur Gore, from the north, near one hundred years ago; and from their preferving their primitive manners and dialed, and not holding much intercourfe with the common people of the country, they were more odious to the Roman catholicks than the proteftants of the eftablifhed church, and were treated with great feverity. They were diftinguifhed by the name of Albanaugh.*

The treatment which Mr. Little, vicar of Lackan, met with from thefe favages, deferves particular notice: This gentleman refided conftantly at his glebe-houfe, and a great part of his time was employed in enquiring into, and relieving the wants of his poor parifhioners, of every religious perfuafion. He applied himfelf very much to the ftudy of phyfick, and went to no fmall expence in purchafing medicine for their relief, which he beftowed liberally on them. The Roman catholicks (who, from their numbers and poverty, were moft likely to be the objects of his bounty) foon forgot the kind offices conferred on them, and requited his benevolence with unrelenting cruelty. Though he and Mrs. Little were in a very feeble and declining ftate of health, they forced them from their houfe without a horfe to carry them, and fcarcely clothes to cover them, and then plundered them of every thing worth taking, wantonly deftroying a valuable library, and every other article which they could find no ufe for; and joined to all this, they demolifhed his church.

The reverend Mr. Neligan, of Ballina, a gentleman of elegant tafte and extenfive learning, and an active and intelligent magiftrate, narrowly

* This is much of the fame import with Saffinagh, which fignifies equally proteftant and Englifhman; but alludes more particularly to the Scotch.

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efcaped from that town with fome more loyalifts; and after having paffed through a country infefted by banditti, who were roaming in queft of proteftants,§ and after much peril and difficulty, arrived at Seaview, the feat of Mr. Hillas, in the county of Sligo. On his arrival there, fome of the popifh fervants of Mrs. Hillas informed her, that fhe would run a great rifk of having her houfe demolifhed by harbouring a proteftant clergyman.

At length, the event fo eagerly wifhed for by the Mayo and Sligo rebels arrived, for on the twenty-fecond of Auguft, 1798, three French frigates appeared in the bay of Killala,* a fmall town in the county of Mayo, which is the refidence of the bifhop; and as they had Englifh colours, Meffrs. Edwin and Arthur Stock, the bifhop’s fons, and Mr. James Rutledge, the port furveyor, were tempted to vifit them, and were not undeceived, till they were made prifoners.

As the bifhop held a vifitation at that time, and the town afforded but very bad accommodation for ftrangers, his lordfhip had a very numerous company in his houfe. Soon after dinner, a meffenger arrived in the utmoft confternation, to announce that three hundred French troops had landed about a mile from the town, and were marching towards it.

Two carabineer officers, who dined there, rode off inftantly to their quarters at Ballina, to convey intelligence of their landing, and to tranfmit it to Caftlebar.

The prince of Wales’s fencibles, and the yeomen of the town, in all about fifty, refifted them for fome time; but as they would foon have been overpowered by the great fuperiority of numbers, they retired into the caftle,† but not until Mr. Kirkwood, who commanded the yeomanry, after flanding many fhots, had fallen into their hands, and two of his corps had been killed.

The reverend doctor Ellifon of Caftlebar, one of the bifhop’s guefts, with great gallantry, appeared in the ranks, with a mufket, and received a wound in the heel from a fpent ball.

Mr. Edwin Stock, and many other prifoners, appeared at the gate, following general Humbert. The enemy entered the court yard of the

§ This praftice prevailed as much in Mayo and Sligo as in Wexford. * Plate X. 3. † The bifhop’s palace is fo called.

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caftle, and made prifoners captain Cills and a party of the prince of Wales’s fencibles, but not without a very fpirited refiftance on the part of the captain, who wounded, in two places, the officer who led them on, and then fhut the gate. After having entered the yard, they called for the bifhop; and on his lordfhip’s appearing, the general declared, that he came to give them liberty, and to free them from the Englifh yoke.

They put in requifition all his lordfhip’s horfes, and fome of his cows and fheep, faying, at the fame time, that he fhould be paid for them by the Irifh directory, which would be immediately eftablifhed, in Connaught.

The French officers gave the following, account of the expedition: That about eighteen days before, one thoufand five hundred men, fome of whom had ferved under Buonaparte in Italy, the reft had been of the, army of the Rhine, embarked on board three frigates at Rochelle, and of a very dark night, eluded (beyond their expectation) the vigilance of the Englifh fleet, which was clofe behind them. Two of them had forty-four guns, eighteen pounders, the other thirty-eight guns, twelve pounders. They faid alfo, that they brought nine pieces of cannon, and arms, for one hundred thoufand men; but this was a French gafconade, as they had arms only for five thoufand five hundred men, and but two four-pounders. The meager perfons, and the wan and fallow countenances of thefe troops, whofe numbers did not exceed one thoufand and fixty rank and file, and feventy officers, ftrongly indicated the fevere hardfhips which they muft have undergone.

They hoifted a green flag in front of the caftle, with the Irifh words, “Erin go bragh!” infcribed on it, which fignifies in Englifh, “Ireland for ever!” and they invited the people to join them, having affured them, that they would enjoy freedom and happinefs by doing fo.

The firft day they paffed in landing their arms and ammunition; the fecond in clothing and arming the natives, of whom great multitudes flocked to their ftandard, and in granting commiffions to Irifh officers.

Every perfon endued with any degree of wifdom and virtue muft lament the ftate of the popifh multitude, who were fo perverted in principle, and blinded by fanaticifm, as to join a ferocious foreign enemy againft their king and country; though the paucity of their numbers precluded the moft diftant hope of being able, with their affiftance, to fubvert the government; and it is aftonifhing that their clergy, who had more

[575

improved intellects, fhould have incited and ftimulated them to do fo, as it muft have terminated in their inevitable deftruction.

General Humbert, commander in chief, fent captain Cills and the prince of Wales’s fencibles on board fhip, and detained the yeomen twc days, but afterwards liberated the latter on their parole, having on al! occafions made a liriking difference between t-he native Irifh and the Englifh, from a fuppofition, that the former without diftinftion hated the latter, and wifhed to feparate Ireland from England.

The arms taken from the fencibles were delivered to the rebels, who faid, on receiving them, that they would kill every Englifhman and Orangeman in Ireland.

General Humbert told the bifhop, that the object of this invafion was, to refcue Ireland from the tyranny of England, and to give her a free conftitution, under the protection of France, and that he had not a doubt but that it would be accomplifhed in the fpace of one month, as another very powerful armament would foon arrive from France, to fecond his operations.

He informed his lordfhip, that a directory would fhortly be eftablifhed in Connaught, and faid, that he fhould be glad to avail himfelf of his lordfhip’s talents and confequence, to prefide over that important department; but he excufed himfelf, by faying, that he was bound to the king by repeated oaths of allegiance, which he could by no means think of violating.

General Humbert defired the bifhop to iffue his edict, to have all the horfes and cars in the country collected, to convey his cannon, ammunition and baggage to Caftlebar. His lordfhip affured him, that he was but a fhort time refident in the country, and that he had not fufficient power and authority to effectuate his defires, but that he would do his utmoft to ferve him.

Next morning, Humbert finding that no cars or horfes had been procured, became furious, uttered a torrent of vulgar abufe, prefented a piftol at the bifhop’s eldeft fon, and declared he would punifh his lordfhip’s difobedience, by fending him to France; and accordingly he fent him off towards the fhore, under a corporal’s guard. When he had advanced about half a mile, the general fent an exprefs on horfeback to recal him,

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and at his return, he made him an apology, and pleaded neceffity for what he had done.

On the morning of the twenty-fourth of Auguft, a fmall detachment of the French marched from Killala to Ballina, but meeting with a more fpirited oppofition than they expected, from a party of the carabineers and yeomen infantry, commanded by major Kerr, they returned the fame day.

In the evening, major Kerr having received confiderable reinforcements, advanced towards Killala, but was obliged to retire, after an unfuccefsful fkirmifh, in which two dragoons were wounded, one mortally; and the reverend Mr. Fortefcue, reftor of Ballina, and nephew of the earl of Clermont, received a ball in his groin, of which he died in a few days, in excruciating pain.

In one point, the Irifh rebels were very much difappointed, for they imagined that the invaders were to commence their career with the flaughter of the proteftants, and the deftruction of their property; that the popifh religion was to be eftablifhed with the utmoft fplendor, on the fubverfion of the eftablifhed church; and that the eftates which had been forfeited in former rebellions, were to be reftored to the old Irifh families. But their aftonifhment was great, on being informed by the French, that their object was to give them a new conftitution fimilar to that of France; that they would not fuffer any perfon to be perfecuted for religious opinions; and as they confidered both religions as ridiculous and abfurd, they laughed at thofe who contended about them.

On Sunday the twenty-fixth of Auguft, the main body marched towards Ballina, with a prodigious number of the native Irifh, whom they had armed and clothed; but they left behind them two hundred privates, and fix officers, for the purpofe, as the general faid, to proteft the proteftant inhabitants from the fanguinary fpirit of the popifh multitude; but it is prefumed they had alfo another object in contemplation, that of guarding a large quantity of ammunition, which they left at Killala, and of fecuring a retreat. They took five hoftages with them, of whom Mr. Edwin Stock, the bifhop’s fon, and the reverend Mr. Nickfon, were two.

When the French approached Ballina, they blindfolded the hoftages, and led them to the houfe of colonel King, in the midft of a vaft

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concourfe of pikemen, who infulted and reproached them as hereticks in the moft opprobrious language. They paffed the night under the protection of four Frenchmen, but were expofed to the invectives of fome hundreds of the rebels, who threatened to force the guard, and put them to death.

As their horfes could not be found next day, general Humbert at his departure permitted them to return.

On fetting out for Caftlebar, he left one True, a French officer, of a favage difpofition and vulgar manners, to keep poffeffion of Ballina.

Our troops, before they left that town, hanged a man of the name of Walfh, whom they found recruiting for the French, a commiffion from whom they found in his pocket. This was Walfh the younger, who was charged at Sligo, before general Taylor, of treafonable practices, but whom he liberated in confequence of the excellent character given of him by fome magiftrates and others.

The French officers having found his body fufpended when they entered the town, each of them gave it the fraternal embrace, and bedewed it with tears of fympathetic civifm; and after having expofed it fome time in the ftreet, to excite the indignation of the populace againft the loyalifts, it was carried to the Romifh chapel, where it lay in ftate with as much pomp and ceremony as if he had been the greateft hero or patriot of the age.

On the twenty-eighth of Auguft, Mr. Richard Burke was brought a prifoner from Ballina, where he had been haranguing the populace, and inciting them to murder the proteftants, which they had been but too well inclined to do before.

The French were very much aftonifhed at finding that no proteftants would join them; for not a fingle perfon in the whole country of the eftablifhed church could be found to do fo, except two drunken vagabonds at Killala, who in reality were deftitute of all religious principle, though they paffed for proteftants; and they went through the ceremony of conforming to popery, and were baptized, thinking that it would recommend them to the French.

The bifhop might have made his efcape before the French arrived at his palace, but with laudable fortitude he refolved on remaining, by which he

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materially affifted the French officers in maintaining focial order, and in preferving the lives and properties of the proteftant inhabitants.

The popifh priefts very foon difplayed an ardent zeal to promote the intereft of the French. Father Thomas Munnelly lived in a place called the Backs, where he officiated as curate in a parifh which belongs to the popifh bifhop doctor Bellew: Soon after the invafion he repaired to Killala, and offered his fervices to the French, who gladly received them, well knowing the unbounded influence of the priefts over the popifh rabble.

He was employed in carrying them recruits, in equipping them with arms and clothes, and in fearching for orangemen, as the proteftants were indifcriminately called. Having heard that Mr. Knox of Bartra, brother to counfellor Francis Knox, a gentleman of good property, had ftill continued to defend his houfe, he voluntarily offered his fervice to vifit him, and to carry him a prifoner to the French. His offer having been accepted, he put himfelf at the head of a party of armed rebels, marched to Bartra, entered it by furprife, and with a piftol in his hand, forgetful of his allegiance, and of the facrednefs and refpectability of the facerdotal character, he defcended to the meannefs of a common robber, and obliged Mr. Knox to deliver his purfe, confifting of a few guineas, and then conveyed him, tied, as a prifoner, to the quarters of his new allies.

This villain defrauded the gallows of its due, for, after abfconding fome time, he furrendered himfelf under the proclamation, and has been tranfported with many culprits of notoriety.

Father Sweeny lived near Weftport, in the county of Mayo, and enrolled himfelf in the fervice of the French, foon after they landed. He repaired to the bifhop’s palace, and though uninvited, ftationed himfelf there at bed and board, fuppofing that his new allies would be defirous of availing themfelves of his influence over the popifh rabble.

He faid to the French officers, “As every thing belonging to the proteftants will be confifcated, I fhould be obliged to monfieur Charoft, if he would let me have the bifhop’s library, as I am fond of reading;” but Charoft turning from him with contempt, faid, “The bifhop’s library is as much his own now as ever it was.”

This man took uncommon pains to prevail on the parifhioners of Mr. Conway, a loyal prieft, in the neighbourhood of Ballina, to take a part in the rebellion, in which he was ftrenuoufly oppofed by the other,

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who conftantly preached up the duties they owed their king and country, in which he had confiderable fuccefs.

Sweeny was apprehended and tried by a court-martial at Caftlebar, where he was convicted on the moft unqueftionable evidence; and the teftimony of the before-mentioned loyal prieft tended much to bring him to the fhameful and well merited death which he there fuffered, having been hanged for his crimes.

From the very great contempt which the French fhewed for the bigotry of the common Irifh papifts, and the ftrong oppofition which they gave to their defire of maffacring and plundering proteftants, it is aftonifhing that they flocked to them in fuch numbers. The officers were filled with amazement on hearing the Irifh recruits fay, when they offered their fervice, that they came to take arms for France and the bleffed Virgin.

It is aftonifhing alfo, that the priefts fhould have been fo zealous for them, as they manifefted the moft ftriking diflike, mingled with contempt, towards them; though common policy required that they fhould ufe every art to conciliate them, as they had unbounded influence over their flocks; and as many of them had a fmattering of French, they ferved them as interpreters.

Monfieur Charoft faid, “That they had juft driven the pope out of Italy, and did not expect to find him fo fuddenly in Ireland.”

James Conroy, parifh prieft of Adergool, in the barony of Tyrawly and county of Mayo, a few weeks before the invafion of the French, took the oath of allegiance, in his own chapel, and in the prefence of fome hun dreds of his flock, who followed his example; and he exhorted them from the altar, to be loyal to the king and obedient to the laws, in a long fpeech, conceived in fuch forcible language, that the magiftrate, who adminiftered the oath, was convinced of his fincerity; and yet, in violation of it, he repaired to Killala, which was twenty miles diftant, as foon as the French landed there, embarked warmly in their intereft, and. was the firft perfon who shewed them the practicability of marching to Caftlebar, by Barnageehy, inftead of the ufual road by Foxford.*

As his houfe was in their route, he entertained the French and rebel offcers: He converted his chapel into a guard-houfe for them, his manfion

* See Plate X. 5.

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was their banqueting-houfe, and the oxen which they took from his neighbours were flaughtered in one of his out-offices.

It has been since difcovered, that a meffenger had been difpatched to general Hutchinfon, to inform him that the French were advancing towards Caftlebar, by Croffmalina, inftead of Foxford; but Conroy and his coadjutor ftopped him, made him fwear the united Irifhmen’s oath, and enrolled him in the rebel ranks. His name was William Burke. He was afterwards hanged at Caftlebar. The ftopping him was the occafion of many calamities to this kingdom.

Conroy, confcious of his guilt, and fearing that he fhould be arrefted, kept guards conftantly round his houfe, after the arrival of our troops at Killaia; but a party detached by general Trench furprifed his vidette, killed two of them, wounded a third, and took the fourth prifoner. They were all in French arms and uniforms. They found in his houfe a French carabine, and fome cartridges; a printed proclamation of the French, offering liberty to the people of Ireland; and the entire correfpondence which had taken place between him and one Maguire of Crofsmalina,* a noted rebel leader.

He was hanged at Caftlebar, without either confeffing or denying his guilt; and though he was fure of eternal falvation for having oppofed an heretical ftate in fupport of the true faith, he had fcarce fufficient ftrength to afcend the fatal ftep.

On the firft of September, lieutenant-colonel Charoft received orders from general Humbert, to fend off all the French troops to Caftlebar, but that he fhould remain at Killala, as commander of it, with another French officer of the name of Ponfon.

This intelligence filled all the proteftants with the moft gloomy apprehenfions, left the authority of the commandant would not be fufficient to protect them from that fanguinary fpirit which the lower clafs of people had fo often manifefted; and they dreaded the fate of the proteftant fufferers at Wexford-bridge, Vinegar-hill, and Scullabogue.

Charoft, a man of fenfe and honour, and naturally benevolent, fhewed great horror at the bigotry of the Romanifts, fympathized moft tenderly with the proteftants, and ufed the moft unremitted exertions to protect them from its baneful effects. He had two hundred Irifh recruits under

* See Plate X. 4.

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his command, but the envenomed hatred which they had already fhewn towards all loyal fubjects proved, that they could not place much reliance on their protection. The commandant, wifhing to adopt meafures for fecuring the lives and property of the inhabitants of the town and the adjacent country againft robbers, invited them without any diftinction of religion or party, to accept of arms, but on condition that they would return them when called for. The inhabitants of the town, and efpecially the proteftants, embraced the offer with alacrity, and the diftribution took place on the evening of September the firft.

The rebels objected ftrongly againft fupplying the proteftants with arms, as they faid that they would turn them againft the French and their allies, as foon as an English army appeared; and two of their officers, of the name of Mulheeran and Maguire, who were fpokefmen on the occafion, became clamorous and vehement, the former having manifefted his difguft fo much as to lay down his arms.

The proteftants, intimidated by the menaces of the rebel foldiers, refolved to furrender their arms, and to reft their defence on the fidelity of the Irifh recruits.

As the rebels continued their murmurs and complaints, and harraffed the proteftants with domiciliary vifits, in fearch of arms, the commandant, at the inftance of the latter, iffued a proclamation, requiring that no perfon fhould appear in arms, except recruits for the French fervice.

In addition to the terror of being deprived of their arms, the proteftants were very much alarmed at the accounts which were conftantly received of depredations committed on the houfes of perfons of the eftablifhed church, in all the adjacent country. Every night fome houfe was plundered; and fcarce an hour paffed, in which the bifhop was not importuned to redrefs fome grievance, or to obtain from the commandant protection for fome houfe againft the rapacity of banditti.

Deal Caftle, the elegant feat of lord Tyrawly, was made a perfect wreck of. The commandant, therefore, iffued a proclamation for dividing the country into departments, and appointed a civil m-agiftrate, aided by a certain number of rebel foldiers over each. Mr. James Devitt, a Roman catholick tradefman, of good fenfe and moderation, was appointed to prefide over the town, and had one hundred and fifty Imen under his command.

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About twenty men mounted guard in the caftle, which was confidered as the head-quarters of the allied army. This inftitution afforded in fome degree peace and protection to the town: but the moft fhocking depredations continued to be committed on the houfes of proteftants in all the adjacent country, by thofe very rebel guards who had been appointed to protect them.

This is not furprifing, as the rebels were elate on the arrival of tht French, with the hope of being allowed to indulge their fanguinary rage againft proteftants, and to plunder their property with impunity; and they were much vexed and difappointed when it was given out in publick orders, that any depredations committed on private property fhould be punifhed with death; and the rebel leaders fubmitted to fuch orders with the utmoft reluctance, for they were in many inftances little better in point of moral character than the femi-barbarous rabble whom they headed.

At Ballina, and its vicinity, any mifcreant who could influence forty or fifty ruffians, became captain of a company of pikemen, and obtained a commiffion from True the commandant; and the firft act by which he fignalized himfelf was, by dragging in orangemen, by which they meant proteftants, and by plundering their houfes.

Before I proceed to defcribe the operations of the main body of the French army at Caftlebar, I will give the reader a fketch of the characters of fome of the moft confpicuous rebel leaders in the neighbourhood of Ballina and Killala.

Henry O’Keon, was the fon of a cow-herd of lord Tyrawly, and was born at Kilcomin, within three miles of the latter. Having acquired a fmattering of Latin at a hedge fchool, he repaired to Nantz in France, where he ftudied divinity, and received holy orders, in the year 1788.* On the abolition of his order in France, he enlifted in the fervice as a private foldier, and was gradually advanced to the rank of a captain of grenadiers†

The following commiffion found among his papers, proves that he came as an interpreter to the French, and that their expedition was intended for the place where they landed:

† His teftimonium was found among his papers and produced oa bis trial. †His commiffion was alfo produced.

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“Army of expedition Liberty! . . . . . Equality!

“General Humbert, on account of the civifm of citizen Henry 0’Keon, has chofen him to be employed in quality of an interpreter, and he fhall be confidered amongft the number of the ftaff. Citizen O’Keon will embark on board the Franchife frigate, with adjutant-general Fontaine, and fhall be admitted in the number of the ftaff of general Humbert, commander in chief of the expedition.

“HUMBERT.”

O’Keon, well knowing the fuperftitious credulity and the fanaticifm of the popifh multitude, affembled a vaft concourfe of them in the ftreet of Ballina, and having mounted the roftrum, he related the following flory to them in his native tongue, which he fpoke better than French or Englifh: “That he dreamt one night in France, that the virgin Mary vifited him, and informed him that her votaries in Ireland were fuffering the moft grievous perfecution, and fhe recommended to him to go to their relief. As he regarded it merely as an idle dream, fhe made him a fecond vifit, and bemoaned, in the moft doleful accents, the ftate of her friends in Ireland, and repeated her former advice; but as he shewed no regard to it, fhe made him a third vifit, and gave him a violent box in the ear. Convinced by this that her Holinefs was ferious, he repaired to the French directory, and perfuaded them to undertake this expedition; and he affured them that there could not be a doubt of its fuccefs, as it was undertaken by the advice, and under the fanction of the bleffed virgin.” The befotted multitude purfuaded of the truth of what he faid, teftified their joy and their approbation of it by vociferous acclamation.

O’Keon was humane, having upon all occafions oppofed the bloodthirfty difpofition of the popifh multitude.

Father Prendergaft, lived near Weftport, and was of the order of mendicant friars who fupport themfelves by the voluntary donations of fuch perfons in their neighbourhood as can afford to exercife acts of liberality; but he, like many others of his order, extorted very large contributions from the bigotted herd of papifts, who have an extraordinary fuperftitious reverence for their facerdotal guides of every defcription.

584]

Such was father Prendergaft, a flout, fturdy, well fed prieft, who battened on the fat of the land, Epicuri de grege porcus, without giving himfelf any trouble about his fpiritual concerns, except when he could turn them to profit.

The moft fruitful fource of lucre which his vocation afforded him, was the fale of fcapulars, of which he often fold a bafket at fairs or patrons.

He alfo dealt in charms and prophecies. One of the former, of which I give the reader a copy, was found on the perfon of one Prendergaft, a farmer, who obtained it from this holy friar in the year 1798, by a very reputable magiftrate in the county of Mayo, near Weftport. I have given one of them found on a rebel in the county of Wexford, and a fimilar piece of fuperftitious trumpery is to be found in doctor Bernard’s hiftory of the fiege of Drogheda, written in the laft century.

“Jefus I. H. S. Maria
“Truft Thee.”

“This is meafured of the wounds of the fide of our lord Jefus Chrift, which was brought from Conftantinople unto the emperor Charles, within a gold cheft, as a relief moft precious to that effect, that no evil or any thing might take him who reads it, hears it, wears, it, cannot be hurted by any tempeft, fire, water, knife, fword, lance, or bullet; neither the devil fhall hurt him. He fhall be victorious and never die an untimely death, and it fhall be a fure fafety to women with child. Amen, fo be it.” To Pat. Prendergaft.

As foon as the French landed, father Prendergaft attached himfelf in the ftrongeft manner to them, and was very fuccefsful in promoting their intereft, from the great influence he had over the lower clafs of people. When the king’s troops again took poffeffion of the country, he, with many others, fled to the mountains, where for fome months he endured much from want, anxiety and difeafe.

A party of the king’s troops, who went in fearch of a banditti which infefted the country, found this holy friar a moft miferable inftance of the uncertainty of human affairs, lying in a wretched hut, almoft confumed by that moft dreadful and loathfome diforder called morbus pediculofus,* of

* The loufy diforder.

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which he died foon after; and fuch were the putrid effluvia which iffued from his body, that it was both dangerous and offenfive to approach it for the purpofe of interring it.

Father Owen Cowley was the fon of a poor peafant, who lived in the parifh of Caftleconnor, and county of Sligo, within about four miles of Ballina. At a hedge-fchool he acquired a competent fhare of Latin to read the mafs, and received holy orders, having been fanctioned by the impofition of doctor Bellew’s hands. One of the crimes charged againft Jeroboam was, “That he made of the loweft of the people priefts of the high places: Whofoever would, he confecrated him, and he became one of the priefts of the high places. And this became fin unto the houfe of Jeroboam, even to cut it off, and to deftroy it from the face of the earth.”*

The fame praftice prevails among the Roman catholick bifhops of Ireland, as they commonly recruit from the loweft clafs of the people, to fill the vacancies in the ecclefiaftical ranks; and when fuch perfons are felected to preach the gofpel, it is not furprifing that vice and immorality are fo prevalent, or that the popifh clergy are found at the bottom of plots and confpiracies, and that many of them are the moft active incendiaries, and foremoft in the ranks of rebellion.

Father Cowley having finifhed his Irifh education, repaired to France, to complete himfelf in humanity and divinity.

When the French republicans were exercifing a cruel and fanguinary fpirit againft minifters of the gofpel, he retired to his native country; and yet fuch was his difaffection to a proteftant king, and a proteftant ftate, that he offered his fervices to thofe very republicans, though they were the avowed enemies of chriftianity, as foon as they landed in Ireland.

True, the French commandant of Ballina, employed him as an interpreter, an office which he abufed very much, having poifoned his mind againft the proteftants, whom he reprefented as peftilent hereticks, and as enemies to French liberty; and he affured him, that their complete extirpation was effentially neceffary for the eftablifhment of the new con. ftitution offered by France.

True, though favage and ferocious, refufed to accede to his propofal, from motives of policy; but Cowley having reprefented, that they were conftantly conveying fecret intelligence to the king’s

* I Kings xiii. 33, 34.

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troops, he obtained permiffion to arreft and imprifon them. He, therefore, in imitation of the Wexford rebels, fent out gangs of banditti, to fearch the country for proteftants, and they fulfilled the moft fanguine wifhes of their favage employer; as they feized a great many perfons of the eftablifhed church, and committed them to the houfe of the honourable colonel King at Ballina, where father Cowley daily vilified and infulted them as hereticks, and denounced death againft them in various terrifick forms.

At one time, he was heard to declare that he would burn them alive in a kiln; another time with tar barrels; and when he defpaired of procuring them, he faid, that his purpofe could be effected by tying flax round their bodies, and by fetting fire to it. Death was prefented to their imaginations another time by the ruthlefs pikemen, of whom fome thoufands daily paffed by the windows of the houfe where they were confined. This villain had the temerity to inform the rebels (who were panting for the blood of the proteftants) that he had procured them permiffion to affaffinate them; and his diabolical defign would probably have been carried into execution that night, but for the interference of Mr. Barrett, fon of doctor Barrett, of whom I fhall fpeak in the fequel; and his difcovery and communication of it to True was near proving fatal to him; for the pikemen, indignant at their difappointment, in not being allowed to riot in the blood of their heretical enemies, attempted to wreak their vengeance on Barrett’s head, from which the fpirit and activity of his horfe alone preferved him, when furrounded by a wood of pikes.

His addrefs to the prifoners was often in thefe words: “Ye damnable hereticks — ye fcum of hell — ye breed of the devil — your time is but fhort — ye have but this night to live, and to-morrow ye fhall fuffer for your crimes.”

This happened in the time of tranquillity, when the country was in the hands of the French, without interruption; but in the hour of danger his fanguinary rage againft them did not abate, for when the rebels were ordered to march towards Coloony to reinforce the French, he folicited and obtained permiffion to march the proteftants with them, under pretext that they would efcape for want of guards, but in reality with an intention of having them cut off. Thus furrounded by a numerous body of pikemen, thefe unfortunate people were marched off thirty miles, many

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of them barefoot, and almoft naked, as the rebels when they arrefted them, ftripped them of their clothes, after the example of their Wexford friends.

During the engagement at Coloony, the prifoners were ftationed near the church, expecting to be put to death if the king’s troops were victorious; but after the battle, the guards being engaged in plundering and revelling, the prifoners made their efcape, but were afterwards taken and reconducted to their former prifon.

Though this wretch efcaped the gallows, he fuffered a more fevere and painful death. Having wandered about the mountains for fome months, fuffering all the miferies of hunger, thirft, watching, and fear, his friends, formed a fubterraneous cavern for him, under a corn field, of which the aperture was covered with a large ftone, fo as to elude the obfervation of his purfuers, who often paffed clofe to it. His provifions were let down to him by a rope. At laft, he was found dead in his den, and his death was imputed to fuffocation from coals, which his friends fupplied him with, to correct the humidity of his cavern. His funeral obfequies were performed at midnight by a number of priefts, who, it is faid, were ordered to attend them, by doctor Bellew, the popifh bifhop. I fhall refer the reader to Appendix, No. XX. 7, for a proof of the brutal treatment which fome of the prifoners received from this ferocious monfter.

General Bellew was defcended from an antient and refpectable family in the county of Galway, and was nearly allied to Sir Patrick Bellew.

He was brother to doctor Bellew, Roman catholick bifhop of Killala, and when that gentleman was at Rome, fludying divinity, their father fent out his fecond fon Matthew, to have him educated for the priefthood under his brother. He fubmitted for fome years, though reluctantly, to the courfe of fludy neceffary to qualify him for the paftoral office; but being of a lively volatile difpofition, and having formed an acquaintance at Rome with fome Auftrian officers, who encouraged him to join them, he entered into the Imperial fervice, and was foon after promoted to the rank of lieutenant; but not finding fufficient employment for the activity of his mind and body at that time in Germany, he entered into the Ruffian fervice, where he found fufficient occupation for

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the energies of both, in the bloody war which broke out between tha Ruffians and Turks. Here his courage and conduft were fo confpicuous, that he was foon advanced to the rank of major in a regiment of infantry. His rapid career in military fame, of which he ever feemed immoderately fond, was fuddenly checked by an unforefeen accident.

At the fiege of Ifmail the enemy fprung a mine, which blew up part of the works, and buried in their ruins our unfortunate hero and a great many Ruffian foldiers. Happy had he been, to have been numbered with the dead, and to have finifhed his life like a foldier, as he had begun it! but Providence referved him for a more ignominious fate, and exemplified in him the uncertainty of human affairs. In his early days, he fought for glory in a foreign land, and fought with courage the battles of alien princes. In his maturer years, he incurred difgrace and infamy at home, and took up arms againft his lawful fovereign and his native country. When extricated from the ruins, he had but few fymptoms of life: He languifhed a long time under his wounds, and his intellects were fo much impaired, that he was found unfit for fervice. It was thought advifable then to give him a long leave of abfence, and to let him return to his friends, in hopes that tranquillity and his native air would reftore him.

Frefh misfortunes awaited him on his return to Ireland, As he had no fortune, he lived with his friends and his brother, on whom he had great dependence; but when the glofs of novelty wore away, they grew tired of him, and manifefted by their conduct that they confidered him a troublefome and unwelcome gueft. This drove him into low company, and a habit which he had acquired of drinking fpirits, encreafed his derangement, and made him difagreeable and offenfive. His brother having quarrelled with him, refufed to admit him into his houfe, and ufed to billet him among his priefts, month about; a fituation very difagreeable to him, as he difliked the principles, and was difgufted with the ignorance and vulgarity of his hofts, which in his gayer hours were a fubject of merriment and ridicule to him. By the death of an uncle, he became entitled to £600 which he frequently folicited, to carry him back to Ruffia; but, notwithftanding the moft preffing folicitations, he could not obtain it from his brother, who tranfacted the affairs of the deceafed. He was frequently invited to the tables of the genteel and

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refpectable families at Ballina, particularly by the reverend Mr. Neligan, who was much entertained with the narrative of his adventures; but from the want of clothes and cleanlinefs, and the filth and fqualidnefs of his perfon, he foon became unfit for fociety.

Being in this ftate of mifery and wretchednefs on the arrival of the French, he had not firmnefs and fortitude enough to refift the temptations which they offered him to enter into their fervice. His firft offer, however, was to his king and country; and juft as the enemy were about to enter Ballina, he earneftly entreated Mr. Neligan and Mr. Weft to fupply him with arms and a horfe, declaring, that he was ready to accompany them and to fhare their fortune. With this requeft, it was impoffible at that time to comply: He was left then with no other refource, but to fly or to join the enemy, and he embraced the latter. The French were happy to find a man who could fpeak. their language well, and who was likely to be ufeful to them, from his long experience in the military line; they therefore conferred on him the rank and dignity of general in the army of the Irifh republick. But as he continued to give way to his former habits of diffipation and drunkennefs, they found him rather an incumbrance than a benefit.

Incenfed againft his brother for the indignities and flights which he had formerly received from him, he plundered his houfe of whatever he wanted; but the doctor having been appointed by the French commandant prefident of the municipal government of the town, had intereft enough to get the general removed and ftationed at Killala.

Mindful of former kindneffes conferred on him, he, previous to his departure from Ballina, pofted a notice on the houfe of Mr. Neligan, denouncing vengeance upon any perfon who fhould moleft it; but his authority ceafing with his prefence, the demolition of it foon took place.

It was ufual with him to levy fmall contributions on the people in the neighbourhood, to purchafe whifkey and tobacco, of which he was immoderately fond; but in no other inftance did he offer any violation to the perfons or property of the loyalifts; and contenting himfelf with the pleafures arifing from his glafs and his pipe, he feemed perfectly indifferent about the iffue of the war.

At the approach of the king’s troops to Killala, he refufed to take up arms, or to march againft them; though furrounded by a hoft of pikemen.

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He was taken in the town, tried next day by a court-martial, and hanged. His dejection on his trial was fuch, that he was incapable of making any rational defence. He was a man of quick lively parts, very fhrewd in his remarks on men and manners, and had much sincerity and ingenuoufnefs in his conduct and converfation. He knew the French, Italian, German, and Sclavonian languages well, and fpoke the firft three with fluency and accuracy. It is much to be lamented, that a man who might have been a benefit and an ornament to fociety, fhould, by a train of misfortunes, to which he was not acceffary, be reduced to fuch a ftate of debafement, and be finally driven to make fo ignominious an exit.

Father McGowan, a fellow of very low extraction, and a noted drunkard, lived at Crofsmalina; but having a difpute with the Maguire family, who made a confpicuous figure in the rebellion, he was obliged to change his refidence. Though deeply concerned in treafon and rebellion, the loyalifts could not obtain fufficient evidence to convict him; but though he efcaped the gallows, juftice overtook him in another way. Soon after the furrender of the French at Ballynamuck, a report having reached him, that they had made another defcent, while he was revelling at a chriftening, he, elate at the pleafing intelligence, indulged in the joys of Bacchus to fuch an excefs, that returning to his own houfe at a, late hour of the night, he fell from his horfe, and broke his neck within a few paces of it.

Many circumftances confpired to favour the defcent and the progrefs of the French in the county of Mayo, and to make it difficult for government to oppofe them with effect. The oaths of allegiance taken by the popifh clergy and their congregations, like thofe of Wexford, Wicklow, and Kildare, for the purpole of impofing on the government and the magiftracy, lulled the vigilance and banifhed the fufpicion of both; and the inhabitants of that county were, in appearance, but feebly organized, and did not break out into any open acts of outrage; and therefore but very fmall parties of the military were quartered in it.

There was a large army ftationed in Munfter, as an infurrection was to be apprehended there, and bccaufe it was more likely to be invaded by the French than any other part of the kingdom. As the landing of the French in Ireland fuddenly occafioned a ftrong and vifible fenfation, not only in the difaffected inhabitants of Dublin, but in thofe of every

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county which had previoufly fhewn any fymptoms of difloyalty, and as ftrong indications of an intended infurrection appeared in them, it would have been very perilous to have marched the troops out of fuch diftricts.

Major-general Hutchinfon, who commanded in the province of Connaught, and who, with major-general Trench, was in the town of Galway,* on receiving intelligence of the enemy’s defcent, refolved on marching towards the counties of Mayo and Sligo, with whatever troops he could collect; but from the flender force under his command, this could not be effected without leaving the counties of Leitrim and Rofcommon, notorioufly difaffected, liable to infurrection, and the bridges on the upper part of the Shannon without protection. The troops with which he moved towards Caftlebar,† were the Kerry militia from Galway, a detachment of the Frafer fencibles from Tuam,| the Kilkenny militia from Loughrea, the Longford from Gort, a detachment of lord Roden’s fencible dragoons, four fix-pounders, and a howitzer from Athenry.|| Thefe troops were afterwards joined by the fkeleton of the 6th regiment, about one hundred men, from Galway; which afterwards continued to be garrifoned by a few corps of yeomanry only.

The difpofition of the country feemed at firft favourable, which was by no means the cafe in the counties of Leitrim and Rofcommon, Cavan and Weftmeath, in which there was a confiderable movement of the people, and the blackfmiths were bufily employed in making pikes.

Brigadier-general Barnet ordered the city of Limerick regiment of militia to march from Athlone§ to Carrick-on-Shannon.**

In the mean time reports were received from general Dundas, who commanded in the county of Kildare, that there were ftrong apprehenfions that a general infurrection would take place there, as notices had been circulated by the difaffected, inciting the people to rife; and as many of the inhabitants had left their houfes, he was under the neceffity of detaining part of the reinforcements intended for Connaught.

The marquis of Cornwallis having received intelligence the twenty-fourth of August of the landing of the French, ordered lieutenant-general Lake to proceed to Galway, to take the command of the troops

* Plate X. 10. † lbid., 6. ‡ Plate X. 8. || Ibid. 10. § Plate X. 9 **Ibid. 5.

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affembling in Connaught, his excellency intending in perfon to collect the troops that could be fpared from leinfter, at Athlone, or Carrick-on-Shannon, and to act in concert with the other general officers, as cirumftances fhould require. He arrived at Philipftown on the twenty-fixth, with the 100th regiment, the firft and fecond battalions of light infantry, the flank companies of the Bucks and Warwick militia, and on the twenty-feventh proceeded to Kilbeggan;* the troops having made a progrefs of forty-four Irifh miles in two days.

Major-general Hutchinfon arrived at Caftlebar on the twenty-fifth, and made proper difpofitions to receive the enemy. Two roads led from Ballina to Caftlebar; one to the eaft of Loughconn, by Foxford,† a village eleven miles from Caftlebar, and fituated on the river Moy, which is broad and deep, and is croffed by a bridge of many arches. As this is by far the beft road, general Hutchinfon detached the Kerry regiment, with their battalion guns to defend that pafs; and brigadier-general Taylor arrived there alfo, with a detachment of regular troops and yeomanry. As there is a very ftrong pafs, called Barnageehy, on the other road,‡ to the weft of Loughconn, and as it is far lefs prafticable, and therefore much lefs frequented, than the road by Foxford, it was univerfally believed, and it was reafonable to fuppofe, that the French would make their approach by the latter; and it is moft certain, that general Humbert, openly and feduloufly announced, fome hours before he marched, that he would proceed by Foxford, intelligence of which was conveyed to generals Hutchinfon and Trench; and the better to deceive them, he marched part of the road towards Foxford, and then turning fuddenly to the right, he proceeded by Loughconn, where a narrow pafs, called Barnageehy, through the mountains of Fanogue, is fo ftrong by nature, that one company with a battalion gun pofted there, would have checked the progrefs of the French. But for the reafons which I have affigned, generals Hutchinfon and Trench could not have the moft remote fufpicion that the French would advance by that road.

At the hour of three o’clock in the morning, a yeoman who had been vifiting his farm near Barnageehy, arrived, and informed general Trench that he had feen a large body of men in blue clothes advancing that way;

* Plate I. 7. † Plate X. 4, 5. ‡ Ibid.

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on which the general proceeded to reconnoitre, attended by a few dragoons; but when he had advanced about three miles from Caftlebar, he was fired on by the advanced guard of the French. He then returned with the utmoft fpeed, and marched the garrifon to a rifing ground outfide the town, which he had fixed on the preceding day as an alarm poft, fhould the enemy advance to attack them. It was on a hill at the north-weft extremity of the town, running from east to weft, and commandng a rifing ground oppofite to it, over which the French muft neceffarily pafs, and at the diftance of about one thoufand yards.

Our line was drawn up in the following order: The Kilkenny militia, the fkeleton of the 6th regiment of foot, and a fubaltern’s detachment of the prince of Wales’s fencibles, formed the firft line. The Frafer fencibles, with a fmall corps of Galway yeomen infantry, formed a fecond line; but both drawn up in irregular lines, fo as to occupy the fummits; of the heights they were deftined to defend. The four companies of the Longford were drawn up in a valley in the rear, and a little on the left of the main body of the Kilkenny. The cavalry, confifting of the 1ft fencibles, and a part of the 6th dragoon guards, were ftationed in the rear of the firft line, fome piquets excepted, who had been previoufly fent out, and fome yeomen cavalry, who were pofted in different quarters.

Captain Shortall, who commanded the artillery, took poft with two curricle guns in front of the firft line, confifting of the 6th infantry and the Kilkenny, who were a little to his right to fupport that flank; the two battalion guns attached to the Kilkenny militia being on his left, feparated by the road, but parallel to him. He left the two other curricle guns in the centre of the town, in an open fpace, under lieutenant Blundel, of the artillery.

They remained in this fituation till near eight o’clock, when the enemy appeared in columns, advancing over the rifing ground in front. When the French general viewed our line, he covered his column deep with rebels, dreffed in French uniforms, to draw the fire on them, and from his own men. A numerous rabble, who were all pluderers, attended them alfo.

When they had nearly gained the fummit of the hill, a round fhot from captain Shortall’s right gun ftruck the head of their column, and nearly divided it in two parts. This made them fail back, feemingly in confusion;

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but in fome time advancing again, a fhot from the fecond gun ftruck them with the fame effect as the firft, with this difference, that the part of the column on the right of where the fhot entered, rufhed forward (about fifty yards) to the cover of a houfe, on which the captain found it neceffary to direct his fire againft the main body, and foon fucceeded in driving them back. After this the enemy difappeared for a few minutes, when they advanced a third time in the fame direction, but endeavouring to deftroy the effect of the fhot, by forcing fome cattle into their front. In this attempt they were alfo fruftrated, and obliged to retire under cover of the hill. In a fhort time they were perceived deploying from the centre, which was performed in a quick and mafterly ftyle, with the files very open. In this manner their line advanced, until it was parallel to (or fomething before) where their column had been fo often obliged to retire from. Here it was, that our infantry committed a fatal miftake, in beginning a fire at fo great a diftance, that it could produce no effect, which the enemy imputing to panick, or the want of judgment, rufhed rapidly forward, to fome hedges immediately in our front, under cover of which they continued to advance in detached parties, and without preferving any regular line, and at the fame time extending their wings with an evident defign of outflanking us. In this fituation they did not refift him fufficiently with their mufketry; and in a very fhort time after, the detachment, which was pofted for the fole purpofe of fupporting the guns, retired, leaving behind them the gallant major Alcock, of the Kilkenny, who was wounded.

It was ftill hoped, that they would have rallied in rear of the guns, when they perceived the execution made by the canifter fhot; but they ran off; and captain Shortall had only time to fire three rounds, when the enemy rufhed in on his right, and would certainly have put him and all his men to death, but that it is fuppofed their ammunition was expended. While captain Shortall was at the britchin of his gun, he was clofed by a French officer, who having fired a piftol at him, and miffed him, was on the point of drawing his fword, but the captain knocked him down with his fift, and then retreated.

In juftice to the earls of Ormond and Longford, I think it proper to obferve that they did their utmoft to rally their regiments.

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The earl of Granard, major Thompfon, captains Chambers and Armftrong rallied fome foldiers of the Longford, and fome ftragglers of other corps, and covered the retreat of our troops, by maintaining, as they retired, a well-directed fire from behind hedges and walls, on the enemy as they advanced. Thefe officers then took poft on the bridge with their fmall party and a curricle gun, well ferved and directed by corporal Gibfon of the Royal Irifh artillery, and with great gallantry and good judgment defended that pafs for above half an hour againft the main body of the enemy. At the fame time, lieutenant Blundell, with the other gun in the ftreet, ufed the utmoft exertion to oppofe them.

The party who defended the bridge, confifting of the before-mentioned officers, fome of the Longford, a few of the Kilkenny and Frafer’s, fuffered moft feverely, as it was expofed to a crofs fire, both from the roads leading to it, and from the houfes on each fide. The men often fell back and were rallied by their officers. At length, moft of the Royal Irifh artillery, who worked the gun, having been killed or wounded, it became ufelefs; and the enemy were able to pufh forward a body of cavalry, whofe charge was however repulfed by this fmall party, and two of the foremoft huffars were killed in our ranks. By this charge, however, our numbers were much reduced, and having loft the affiftance of one captain and one fubaltern, who were defperately wounded, they were obliged to retreat, after having loft near one half of their party.

Captain Chambers fell, covered with wounds; and when down, a Frenchman, enraged at the fpirited defence which he and his fmall party had made, drove a bayonet into his mouth, and the favage rebel women leaped on his body, and yet he ftill furvives; but fo impaired in his health, being completely exhaufted and debilitated by the number of wounds which he received, and the great effufion of blood which enfued, as to be but the fhadow of what he was: But it is to be hoped, that fome fubftantial rewards will one day await that fignal valour which he difplayed in the fervice of his country, and which renders him an honour to it.

Many of the French officers affured me, that they never faw guns better ferved or more deftructive than thofe of our artillery; and that the action would have terminated in our favour, if the infantry had ftood their ground and fupported them for ten minutes longer.

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The French approached the new gaol to break it open: It was guarded by a highland Frafer fentinel, whom his friends had defired to retreat with them; but he heroically refufed to quit his port, which was elevated, with fome fteps leading to it. He charged and fired five times fucceftively, and killed a Frenchman at every fhot; but before he could charge the fixth time, they rufhed on him, beat out his brains, and threw him down the fteps, and the fentry box on his body.

A party of French dragoons purfued our retreating army above a mile from the town, and took a piece of cannon, which they were on the point of turning on their rear, but a party of lord Roden’s fencibles refcued the gun, and killed five of them.

A refpectable inhabitant of Caftlebar gives the following account of five French foldiers who refided in his houfe, and of fome other particulars: “When they entered my houfe, I implored them to fpare the lives of me and my wife: They raifed us from our knees, and faid, “Vivant!” They demanded bread, beef, wine and beer, and by fupplying them with thofe articles, as far as my purfe went, I obtained their good will. The rebels who accompanied them at firft plundered us of various articles; but one day when they revifited us, I alarmed my foreign inmates, who expelled and chaftifed them feverely. One of them, by name Philip Sheers, was from Holland; I gave him my watch, but he kindly returned it; another, Bartholomew Baillie, from Paris, was mild, learned, and rather filent. He had been a prieft, but on the overthrow of his order, became a foldier: He denied a future exiftence. One Ballifceau, a Spaniard, was as intrepid as Hannibal: Since the age of fifteen, he had followed the profeffion of a foldier: He had been a prifoner in Pruffia, in Paris, and in London: He had been confined in a dungeon at Conftantinople: He croffed the Alps with Buonaparte, and fought under him in Italy: His body, head and face were covered with wounds: He was a hard drinker, a great fwearer, and mocked religion; and yet he was very fond of children, and never entered my apartment without conftantly enquiring for my wife, who was on the point of lying-in. The fourth was from Rochelle, and the fifth from Toulon.

“As foon as the French learned that lord Cornwallis was arrived at Hollymount, which was but fourteen miles off, the Parifian came to me

* Taken prifoner when in the Imperial fervice.

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at midnight, and faid, with diftrefs painted in his countenance, “We muft depart, for the English, headed by a great general, are approaching.”

Every perfon poffeffed of moral fentiment, muft contemplate with horror mingled with pity, the depraved and degraded ftate of a people in a revolutionary ftate like the French; for devoid of every tie, human and divine, accuftomed to idlenefs, and unacquainted with the arts of induftry, their only occupation and refource is to plunder and defolate the territories of their neighbours.

On the night of the battle at Caftlebar, bonfires were lighted on all the high grounds near it, particularly towards Weftport and Newport, for the purpofe of inciting the common people to rife, and which it occafioned moft effectually. A numerous mob of favages entered the former, and plundered and almoft demolifhed the houfes of the proteftants, but did not injure one belonging to a Roman catholick. All the loyalifts were obliged to fly to Caftlebar to preferve their lives.

Though lord Altamont and his family had evinced a very ftrong partiality for the Roman catholicks, and had on all occafions given to government the warmeft affurances of their loyalty, their property was not fpared. They carried off his lordfhip’s horfes, cows, and ftieep, drank all the liquor in his cellars, broke fome of the doors and windows in his houfe, which they would have demolifhed, but that James Jofeph McDonnell, who, accompanied by a French officer, took poffeffion of it as his own manfion. They told lord Altamont’s French cook that they would not injure him, as he was a Frenchman and a Roman catholick.

Mount-Browne, the houfe of the honourable Mr. Dennis Browne, his lordfhip’s brother, and member for the county, they plundered and deftroyed beyond precedent, where fire was not ufed; though on all occafions he had been unremittingly the warm advocate of the Roman catholicks in parliament. They carried off all his horfes, cows, and ftieep, and cut down many ornamental trees in his demefne, to make pikes. In fhort, the favages plundered the houfes of every proteftant in the country which was not defended, but in no indances the property of a Roman catholick was injured.

The perfons who took the lead in the rebellion in that country, were James Jofeph McDonnell, a barrifter, fon to Mr. Jofeph McDonnell, a magiftrate, and a man of good property. The whole country was organized

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by him. John Gibbons, formerly agent to lord Altamont, and for whom his lordfhip had a very warm friendfhip: He was the chief director of the pike manufactory: He was far advanced in years. Thomas Gibbons, his brother, and Edward Gibbons, his fon, Valentine Jordan, a very opulent farmer, the reverend Miles Prendergaft, a friar, all papifts. Not a fingle proteftant was concerned in it.

The entrance of the favage natives into Caftlebar was truly terrifick, as they made dreadful yells, and were as rapacious and deftructive as a flock of locufts. They bore flags, having on them a harp without the crown, and the words, “Erin go braugh!”|

Soon after the French had gained the town, the popifh favages attacked and defiled the church, making obfcene figures on fome of the pews, and deftroying others. They were fo prophane, as to poftute with the greateft indecency the bible, which they called the devil’s book. They urged father Egan, the parifh prieil, to fay high mafs in it, and he confulted doctor Ellison on the propriety of doing fo, but he diffuaded him from it. They plundered moft of the proteftant houfes, and whenever the French endeavoured to reftrain them, they would fay, “Sure it is only the houfe of a proteftant!” fuppofing that the French harboured the fame fanatical hatred againft that fect of chriftians which they did.

Though lord Lucan had been always humane and charitable, and a very good landlord, they made a perfect wreck of his houfe, breaking the chimney pieces, and deftroying every article which they could not carry off. They ferved the houfe of the reverend doctor Ellifon, his lordfhip’s agent, in the fame manner, though a gentleman univerfally and defervedly efteemed.

Some of the favages expreffed great furprife and horror at feeing fome of the French eat meat of a Friday; but they treated them with contempt mingled with irony.

They debated in lord Lucan’s lawn on maflacring the proteftants; but the French officers oppofed it vehemently, and they were joined by Bartholonew Teeling and Henry O’Kane, who, though papifts, were free from the fanguinary fpirit which actuated the common herd. The latter faid, “Gentlemen, when you were in the power of the proteftants, they did not fhed your blood; and when your friends were taken in Wexford,

| Ireland for ever!

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moft of them were pardoned, and but few were put to death,§ though they were in actual rebellion: You fhould alfo confider, that you yourfelves may foon be in the power of the government; but if you will maffacre the proteftants, put me to death with them.”

The French ate the beft of meat and bread, drank wine, beer and coffee, and flept on good beds. They compelled the rebels to eat potatoes, drink whifkey, and fleep on ftraw. They beat and abufed them like dogs, in the name of liberty, equality, fraternity and unity. A volume would not contain an account of the brutal actions of the rebels; and the women, who were worfe than the men, carried off hides, tallow, beef, cloth and various other articles.

The following fhort journal of a perfon who travelled from the county of Galway to Caftlebar, while the French were in poffeffion of it, will fhew the reader how univerfally the fpirit of difaffection pervaded the popifh multitude, and how much their minds were debafed and perverted by fuperftition: “Left Monavea, within fix miles of Tuam,* the thirtieth of Auguft, and found the people idling about the ditches, and eager for news refpecting the ftate of his majefty’s forces. They rejoiced much at hearing of their defeat at Caftlebar, and their retreat from it, faying, it was quite confonant to the various prophecies,† importing, that the day was come, when proteftants would be completely extirpated, and that their property (a long time ufurped by them) would be reftored to Roman catholicks, who were the only juft and rightful owners of it; that it was all the work of God, who had enabled a handful of Frenchmen to beat a large army of hereticks.

“When I arrived within five miles of Hollymount,| I found the roads much crowded by people who were very inquifitive about news relative to the army, and of what form pikes fhould be made. I entered a houfe to refrefh myfelf, and was foon after followed by a fervant of Mr. L—— , and the fteward of Mr. R——, who were united Irifhmen, and who faid that I was a fpy. They detained me as a prifoner all night. Next morning

§ See a lift of them in Appendix, No. XXI, 4. * Plate X. 8.

†The popifh priefts in moft places fabricated prophecies, as if made by eminent faints, fome centuries before, predicting, that hereticks would be expelled from Ireland, with the aid of the French; and the popifh rabble really believed that it would be accomplifhed at that time.

‡ Plate X. 7.

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I arrived at Newbrook, the feat of Mr. Bingham, which was completely plundered by his tenants, who carried and flaughtered all his bullocks and fheep; declaring that none of his heretick family fhould enjoy any part of his property, which fhould be given to Roman catholicks, the original and rightful owners of it.”

The bifhop of Killala often folicited the French to permit doctor Ellison to go to fee his family at Caftlebar, but they would not comply, till they had got poffeffion of it; becaufe, from his influence as the parifh minifter, and a magiftrate, he might have injured them materially; but when that event took place, they permitted him to go there, accompanied by monfieur Touffaint.

The French were on the point of levying a very heavy requifition in money and provifions on the town, but the doctor diffuaded them from it, by affuring them that they would alienate thofe who were attached to them, and roufe the indignation of the English government, by any act of feverity or oppreffion. On the whole he acted with fingular fpirit and good fenfe.

While the French were at Caftlebar, doctor Crump, a popifh phyfician, went to general Humbert’s lodgings, at the head of a numerous party, and implored him to give the Roman catholicks one hour’s revenge againft the proteftants, for a hundred years of cruelty and oppreffion. Fifty-three of the Longford militia who were taken prifoners, voluntarily entered into the fervice of the French; but fome of the carabineers, and the Galway yeomen, refufed to do fo though meffieurs Teeling and Roche threatened them with inftant death, unlefs they complied.

A perfon who joined the French at Caftlebar, gave me the following account of the occurrences there: “On my arrival! was introduced to Teeling, who conducted and prefented me to general Humbert, who was very inquifitive. Having informed him that I had been recently in Dublin, and had attended the trials of M’Cann, Byrne, Bond and the Sheares, he afked me many queftions relative to them, and invited me to fup with him, which I accordingly did, in company with many of his officers. There was a prieft there of the name of Gannon, whofe ignorance could be equalled by nothing but his bigotry. He defired Teeling to make me fwear whether I was a proteftant and an orangeman; but on his declining, the prieft fwore me. Numbers of people, all Irifh, were brought in

[601

prifoners, under a charge of committing depredations; but they excufed themfelves, by faying that it was only proteftants that they had plundered.

Michael Gannon, a popifh prieft, conftantly attended general Humbert and his ftaff, and was active and ufeful to the French. He had been domeftick chaplain to the duke of Crillon in France, who being killed on the abolition of his order Gannon continued in the fame capacity to his duchefs; and he ufed often to boaft, when he drank freely, that he was curator, not only of her foul, but her body. On the extirpation of the priefthood in France, Gannon narrowly efcaped by flight, and came to his native country, where he made a moft fantaftick appearance, having a large fierce cocked hat, a la militaire, and filk clothes made in a curious fafhion, all the property of the late duke. From the window of Humbert’s lodgings, he addreffed a large body of rebels, who were in the ftreet, in the following words: “That though he wifhed well to their caufe, he could not think of taking any military command, but that he would both pray for their fuccefs, and march in their ranks; and at the fame time pulling out his oil flock,* he told them, that he would heal their wounds with his holy oil.”

One Roche, who was an officer in Humbert’s army, affured a perfon of veracity of my acquaintance, that he was fworn an united Irifhman at Paris, by O’Coigly, or Quigly the prieft, who was hanged at Maidflone, fo early as the year 1796.

While the French were at Caftlebar, Francis French of Cottage, in the county of Mayo, a Roman catholick gentleman, of an antient and refpectable family, fent a letter to one Roche, or La Roche, etat major to general Humbert, containing, among others, the following paragraphs: “The enemy are coming forward on both fides, and intend to put you between two fires; Plunket is ready with two thoufand men whenever he is ordered.” La Roche, after reading the letter to Humbert, wrote in anfwer, “That he was furprifed gentlemen fhould wait for orders to march, knowing they were there; that they fhould affift them with as many men, horfes, cars, and as much ammunition and provifions as they could; and that by the co-operation of the inhabitants they would foon

* What the popifh priefts carry their holy oil in.

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be able to wreft Ireland from her ufurpers.” Mr. French was hanged. Plunket, to whom I prefume he alluded, was his relation.

Mr. O’Doude, who was of one of the oldeft families in the county of Mayo, and of the popifh religion, joined the French, and was taken and hanged after the battle of Ballynamuck, when the French finally furrendered.

On the night of the third of September, general Humbert fent off his baggage and cannon, with part of his troops, towards Sligo, and about feven o’clock next morning he fet out with the remainder, about four hundred in number. The French found their Irifh recruits fo prone to defert, that they placed a guard in their front and their rear as they marched.

The fame day he fent doctor Ellifon with eighty prifoners to lord Cornwallis, as they were but an incumbrance to him. The doctor in his way met colonel Crawford, with a detachment of the Hompefchers, and lord Roden’s fencibles. He returned with them, and arrived at Caftlebar, about nine o’clock at night, and on entering the town, he announced aloud, that lord Cornwallis was coming, and he even befpoke a bed for his excellency; which intimidated the rebels who were left in the town fo much, that they fled, and the French officers immediately furrendered themfelves prifoners. Soon after they arrived, they fent for Mr. Moore, whom the French had appointed prefident of Connaught. He was preffed to inform them of the plans of the French and what route they had taken, but he declared his ignorance of them. On which colonel Crawford ordered one of Hompefch’s dragoons to draw his fword and cut his head off. Having made fome flourifhes over his head, as if they really meant to decapitate him, he fhrieked and roared, and was in fuch confternation from fear, that he produced his commiffion of prefident, by which he criminated himfelf. He was in a ftate of intoxication, which alone could account for fo egregious an act of folly. In extenuation of his conduct, he faid, that he waited on the French, and accepted the commiffion of prefident, merely to preferve the property of his father, a Roman catholick gentleman, who had an eftate of £4,000 a year, in the county of Mayo. The firft act of his office was to iffue affignats; I give the reader a copy of one of them:

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“No. 20.

“In the name of the French government, good for half a guinea, to be raifed of the province of Connaught.

3d September, 1798.
JOHN MOORE.”

Next morning colonel Crawford purfued the French, hung on their rear, kept them in a conftant ftate of alarm, and killed many of them, and their rebel allies. There is not a doubt, but that general Humbert had not determined the route which he fhould take, till the day before his departure, becaufe a perfon of the name of Jourdan, who at the inftance of Mr. James Jofeph M’Donnell, had acted as a fpy for the French, was fent out to learn what part of the country there was the leaft probability of meeting our troops, and he reported that the fafeft and beft courfe they could take was towards Sligo.

The French at their departure from Caftlebar were about nine hundred, including officers, and they had a great mob of rebels, who were conftantly deferting, notwithftanding their utmoft vigilance to prevent them. They did not halt till they arrived at Barley-field, the feat of Mr. M’Manus, whither fome of the French officers went to order provifibns to be fent thence for their ufe to Swineford.* They arrived there about feven in the evening, halted about two hours, and refrefhed the troops. General Humbert continued all the time in the field, where he ate his dinner, which had been dreffed at the houfe of a Mr. Brabazon.

From Swineford they proceeded towards Ballahy, having halted the army about two miles from that village, to which they fent an advance-guard. Thence they proceeded towards Tubbercurry, and they halted within two miles of it.

The Corranliney and Coolavin yeomen cavalry, ftationed there as a picquet, under the command of captain O’Hara, member for the county, having advanced to reconnoitre the enemy, had a fkirmifh with them, in which lieutenant Knott was taken prifoner, and his only fon was killed.

Captain O’Hara then fent intelligence to colonel Vereker, at Sligo, that the French were advancing.

Captain Ruffel of the prince of Wales’s fencibles, was taken prifoner at Tubbercurry, and though as fuch he was entitled to the protection of the

* See Plate X. 5,

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French, a ruthlefs affaffin among the rebels fhot him in the back, and dying a few days after, in his feventieth year, he terminated a life which had been devoted to the fervice of his king and country for above fifty years.

Befides the rebels which marched from Caftlebar with the French, a confiderable body of them was fent from Ballina acrofs the mountains, to meet them at Tubbercurry, with eighty proteftant prifoners, whom they intended to get rid of, by putting them in the front rank, having infultingly told them fo; but their diftrefs for food was fo great, that they fent them back under a rebel guard.

Thofe ftationed at Ballina being incenfed with their brethren at Killala, for not putting their heretick prifoners to death, three hundred of them fet out with a defign of compelling them to do fo; but they were purfued by O’Keon, who prevented them, though not without difficulty.

Henry O’Keon more than once prevented the rebels from murdering their proteftant prifoners.

The following practice took place in Mayo, as well as in the county of Wexford: A popifh banditti was fent about in every part of it, to collect proteftants, whom they imprifoned, and intended afterwards to maffacre. In Wexford the rebels endeavoured to extirpate the proteftants, becaufe they had the county entirely at their devotion, and really believed that the entire kingdom was fo; but they did not proceed to fuch lengths in Mayo, becaufe there was a large body of the king’s troops in it, and their fanguinary fpirit was reftrained by the French officers.

From Tubbercurry* they proceeded to Coloony,† and in their way the pikemen plundered the houfe of Mr. Perceval, of Temple-houfe, becaufe he was a noted loyalift, and had been active againft the united Irifhmen.

I think it neceffary to defcribe here the circumftances which preceded an action which took place between the French and a detachment of the city of Limerick regiment, and a few yeomen, commanded by colonel Vereker, at Coloony, one of the moft brilliant which took place during the rebellion.

* Plate X. 4. † Ibid. 3.

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When the French arrived at that village, which is about five miles from Sligo,* the inhabitants of the latter, who amount to about fourteen thoufand, were in the utmoft confternation, as nobody doubted but that their defign was to have plundered it, and it contained property to the amount of at leaft £200,000; there were in its harbour a good many fhips, and twelve well furnifhed bleach-yards in its vicinity. The fmall force ftationed there, not more than fix hundred effective men, was ordered to evacuate it; however, colonel Vereker, with a detachment of the city of Limerick militia and a few yeomen, in the whole not exceeding two hundred and eighty-fix men, and two curricle guns, marched out, engaged the French and the rebels, and gave them fo fevere a check, notwithftanding their great fuperiority of numbers, as to deter them from approaching Sligo, and made them proceed towards Drumahair. The French had about nine hundred men, about two hundred and fifty of the Longford and Kilkenny militia who had defer ted, and a numerous body of rebels. Colonel Vereker’s right was covered by a rifing ground, on which he pofted a few men; his left, by a river. They outflanked and forced in his men on the hill, and attacked his rear, on which he was obliged to retreat over a river. The action began at half paft two, andlafted one hour and thirty-eight minutes. Of the French twenty-eight were killed, and a great many wounded: they left behind them at Coloony eighteen of their men, who were defperately wounded.

After the action, the grenadiers reprefented to general Humbert, that it would be ufelefs and cruel to compel them to endure the calamities of war any longer, as the rebels would not fupport them, and were deferting from them in great numbers; but the general faid, he could not think of furrendering to fo fmall an army.

About three o’clock fome difaffected people entered Sligo, and announced that our army had been beaten, and that the French were advancing; on which many proteftant women, and fome men who could not bear arms, embarked in the fhips, fearing more the popifh inhabitants than the French; but thofe who were capable of doing fo, to the number of three hundred, marched round the town in arms, and refolved to die in its defence. They were joined by a number of methodifts, finging hymns, who were headed by their preacher, Albert Bleft, a man of great piety, and noted for humanity and charity.

* See Plate X. 2, 3.

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The king’s troops, who remained behind under the command of colonel Sparrow, occupied the moft advantageous ports in the avenues leading to the town. Thus they continued under arms all night.

The fpirit of popifh difaffection and fanaticifm appeared no where fo ftrong as in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, particularly in the barony of Tireragh, fituated in the latter. It is feparated from Ballina and Killala by the river Moy,* which forms a bay at the latter, not three miles over; and at low water it is eafily croffed by a ferry. The proteftant inhabitants of that barony, dreading not only the approach of the French, but the cruelty of the rebels, and there being no forces of any kind in the line from Ballina or Killala to Sligo, they fled to the latter for protection.

Many refpectable proteftant farmers were feen on foot, driving their cattle and fheep before them, and conveying on cars their wives and children, their beds and their wearing apparel. All the proteftant clergy were alfo obliged to fly precipitately.

The popifh inhabitants, aided by the Mayo rebels, plundered all their houfes, and even demolifhed fome of them. The principal fufferers were Mr. Nefbitt of Scurmore, Mr. Fenton of Efky, Mr. Brown of Portland, Mr. Grove, parifh minifter of Kilmuckfhalgan, meffieurs Charles and Robert Jones, the meffieurs Woods, and in fhort every other gentleman, and even the lower clafs of proteftants, all of whom were obliged to fly to fave their lives. Nothing could equal the deftructive rage of the popifh rabble, for they tore up the floors of Mr. Fenton’s houfe, pulled down the cielings [sic] of Mr. Grove’s, and danced on his daughter’s piano forte; in fhort, they deftroyed in every houfe fuch furniture as they could not carry off.

Some proteftants on the fea-coaft, went to fea in boats, to avoid the vengeance of the rebels; and on coming on fhore for food, fome of them were taken prifoners and conveyed to Ballina. Some fled to the mountains, and hid in caves, others in corn fields, and were almoft ftarved.

Conry, the domeftick chaplain and bofom friend of doctor Bellew, the popifh bifhop, and who had recently obtained the parifh of Adergold from him, father M’Donnel, of Efky, and father O’Donnel, of Kilmuckfhalgan, and Mangan, his coadjutor, made it a practice of compelling proteftants to be chriftened by a prieft, to which they fubmitted to fave their lives and their property.

* See Plate X. 3.

[607

Mr. Hillas, of Seaview, who had adminiftered oaths of allegiance to father O’Donnell and his flock, at their particular defire, in the month of April, 1798, afked many of them how they came to violate them, and they anfwered, “How could we go againft our priefts?”

That prieft ufed to contend on the following grounds, that the houfe of Brunfwick had no right to the crown of England: That all monarchies were eleftive or hereditary: That no election could be perfect unlefs the majority of the people gave their affent to it: That the Roman catholicks of Ireland had not confented to the acceffion of George I. and that he had no hereditary claim, as he defcended from a younger branch of the houfe of Stewart.

A private in the Tireragh infantry, happened to fall into the hands of the rebels, who conveyed him to their head-quarters at Ballina, where father Cowley commanded. Being a proteftant, they proceeded to try him by a court-martial, at which Cowley was prefident. He was accufed and convicted of being an orangeman, and was to have been hanged next morning; but having infinuated to one of the French, that he was a yeoman, and that punifhing him would be followed by retaliation, he was difcharged.

Very great difaffection took place in the popifh yeomen of the counties of Mayo and Sligo.

The fcapulars a piece of fuperftitious trumpery, which I have before defcribed, was found on the bodies of many rebels killed in thefe counties.

For about a month before the French landed, the papifts shewed a great unwillingnefs to pay any thing they owed, which proves that they expected the invafion.

Father Owen Cowley had one hundred and twenty proteftant prifoners at Ballina, whom he mocked, and told infultingly that they fhould be executed next day; but early in the morning fome of the prifoners perceived an exprefs arrive, about whom the reverend father and fome of his friends flocked, and interrogated with much earneftnefs. Soon after, he approached the prifon with a dejected countenance, and, inftead of contumely, he addreffed the prifoners with mildnefs and complaifance, and told them they might go wherever they chofe. The intelligence

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which the reverend father received was, that our troops were victorious at Ballynamuck, and that the French had furrendered to them.

From the following circumftance, we cannot be furprifed at the active part which the popifh priefts took in the rebellion in the counties of Mayo and Sligo: Captain Nicholas Ormfby, of the Tireragh yeomen cavalry, was quartered with his corps at Efky, in the county of Sligo, foon after the French landed. Having been informed that numbers of the lower clafs of people had affembled at fome diftance from his quarters, and had collected a large quantity of cattle for the ufe of the French, he proceeded to the fpot where that event took place, and refcued the cattle and difperfed the people. When he was on the point of returning, a woman told him, that father Deafe, a parifh prieft, was at a fhort diftance, enlifting for the French; and having advanced a little farther, he faw a great number of people ready to join them. Three of his corps were far before the main body: One of them who preceded the reft galloped by father Deafe, who fnapped a piftol at him. The next yeoman who came up, galloped fwiftly by Deafe, and fired a piftol at him, but miffed him. Deafe was cocking his piftol to fire at the third yeoman, who was coming up, but Mr. Jeremiah Fury, a gentleman of fortune, though a private, feized his arm before he could effect it, and made a prifoner of him. When captain Ormfby arrived, they were on the point of hanging him, but as he fell on his knees, implored mercy, and promifed to make a full confeffion of what he knew, they fpared his life. He then declared, what he afterwards folemnly and deliberately confirmed by information, fworn before a magiftrate, that Dr. Bellew, the titular bifhop of the diocefe, encouraged his diocefan clergy, at a general meeting of them, to rife on the prefent occafion; and that it was at his inftigation that they were fo active in affifting the French. The piftols which they found in Deafe’s poffeffion were French.

One Atkins, of Rathurlifh, in the barony of Tireragh, was bred a proteftant, but having married a papift, he conformed to popery, and became a fanguinary fanatick. He was to have headed five hundred of his own fect, and to have maffacred every proteftant from Ballina to Sligo. He owned this to numbers whom he folicited to affift him in perpetrating his bloody purpofe, and to his uncle and aunt, a worthy old couple, and both proteftants, whom, he faid, he would fave; but that he could not

[609

protect their grand-children. He declared openly, that he would fpare none, from the cradle to the crutch. The day was fixed for the maffacre, but the event of the battle of Ballynamuck deterred him from his fanguinary defign.

I fhall now fay fomething of the movements of our armies, between whom it was impoffible to keep up any communication, but by ftrong patroles, as all the natives were inimical. Lieutenant-general Lake was ordered by the lord lieutenant to proceed from Tuam, on the fourth day of September, to which he had retreated after the battle of Caftlebar, with the Rea fencible infantry, the Armagh militia, with their battalion guns, a detachment of the Roxborough fencible cavalry, and to take command of brigadier general Taylor’s brigade, whom he joined at Ballaghdirreen.* He fent thence the honourable lieutenant-colonel Meade, about one o’clock, P. M. N. with a party of dragoons, to learn whether the enemy had left Caftlebar, and what route they had taken.

After advancing about four miles, to a place between Ballahy and Ballaghdirreen, he was informed by a rebel, taken by an advanced patrole, that the enemy had left Caftlebar, and had paffed through Ballahy towards Coloony, which intelligence he. communicated by a dragoon to general Lake, who came to him, and ordered him to communicate it to lord Cornwallis, fuppofed to be at Hollymount, which he accordingly did.

When on his way, about fifteen miles from Caftlebar, he perceived on the adjacent hills about three thoufand rebels, of whom fome were near him in a bog. Part of his dragoons charged, purfued, and killed fome rebels who were on a bridge, but contrary to his orders and his wifhes, as it might have brought on a conflict, and have impeded or even defeated his miffion to lord Cornwallis. Having made figns to them, that he would receive them in a friendly manner, a good many of them came to him, and furrendered about fixty French mufkets; and probably the remainder would have done fo, if he could have remained there long enough. At Swineford,† he perceived great numbers of them in the adjacent fields. All thefe deluded wretches whom he met in his progrefs had deferted from the French. He overtook lord Cornwallis between Clare and Ballyhanis,‡; where he remained that night.

* Plate X. 5. † Ibid. ‡ lbid. 6, 7.

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Colonel Meade was fent a fecond time to reconnoitre the French, whom he faw pafs the Shannon at Ballintra,‡ over the bridge, which they endeavoured to make impaffable, by blowing up one of the abutments.

He was fent a fecond time to lord Cornwallis, who was at Carrick-on-Shannon,|| to communicate the motions of the French to him.

His excellency by croffing the Shannon at Carrick kept to the fouth of the enemy, fo as to intercept them, fhould general Lake, who purfued them with an army of about two thoufand men, fail in overtaking or defeating them, which was a moft judicious movement; and for the fame reafon his excellency advanced with rapidity from Carrick to St. Johnftown.§ As a further fecurity for the capital, he ordered the brigade of guards to Mullingar* and Kilbeggan, where they muft have ultimately defeated the enemy’s defign of approaching it; and at the fame time they were at a convenient diftance from the metropolis to awe the difaffected who meditated an infurrection there.

The firft day general Lake arrived at Balliniough; the fecond at Ballaghdirreen.† Thence he proceeded with thefe corps, united, to Ballahy, through which, he was informed, the French had paffed the preceding evening, about feven o’clock, more than fourteen hours before him.

He reached Tubbercurry about feven o’clock that evening, where he encamped and remained till two o’clock next morning. He was joined there by colonel Crawford, who formed his advanced guard, General Lake marched from Tubbercurry to Coloony, about eight miles diftant, heard there of the action, and found a number of French killed, and fome wounded, under the care of a French furgeon.

At Coloony, a Longford deferter was recognifed by fome of the advanced guards, and fhot; the whole army marched over his body with indifference; a ftrong inftance of the calamities of war, and how much they obtund the feelings of humanity!

Numbers of the rebels were found all along the road dead or dying, having been killed by colonel Crawford’s corps of light dragoons, who formed the advanced guard, and hanging on the enemy’s rear, harraffed them moft effectually.

‡ Plate X. 4. || Ibid. 5. § Ibid. 5, 6. * Plate I. 6, 7. † Plate X. 5.

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Between Drumfhambo and Carrigan, he received orders from lord Cornwallis at nine o’clock, to march at that hour for Clone. He croffed the river at Ballintra, where the bridge was repaired. The enemy were fo hard preffed in the purfuit, that they left two pieces of cannon on the road, about a mile from Coloony, and threw five into the river at Drumahair.

General Lake encamped on the night of the feventh at Ballintogher, between Drumahair and Coloony. He was under the neceffity of conftantly fending accounts of his movements and thofe of the enemy to lord Cornwallis, which was diftreffing, as it could not be effected but by ftrong patroles. He marched to the fouth of Drumfhambo, halted there about three hours, and proceeded to Cloone, four miles from Ballynamuck; where a little after fun-rife, on the eighth of September, he faw the rear of the French army, whom, with about one hundred and fifty light infantry, mounted behind as many cavalry, he endeavoured to harrafs as much as poffible.

Before day, on the eighth of September, general Lake fent major Hardy to apprize lord Cornwallis of his brigade being near the village of Cloone, where the French had halted the preceding night, and where it was intended to have furprifed them, but from the darknefs of the night fome divifions miffed their route. The French were leaving the village as major Hardy entered it, of which he informed lord Cornwallis, whom he met at Mohill, and who ordered general Lake to hang as clofe as poffible upon their rear, and faid that he would keep in a parallel direction towards Granard, near enough to afford him affiftance if neceffary.

He came up with them about half a mile before they reached Ballynamuck,* when monfieur Sarrafin, who commanded them, furrendered.

General Taylor having reported to general Lake that the French army had yielded, general Craddock and admiral Packenham rode forward to the main body of them, who were halted on the road at Ballynamuck, when a French officer informed them that they would be fired on, unlefs they withdrew; but before they could retreat, a volley was fired, by which general Craddock was wounded.

Previous to this, the French had pofted a body of markfmen on the brow of a hill, about a quarter of a mile from whence Sarrafin had

* Plate X. 5.

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surrendered, in order to take our troops on the left flank as they paffed. General Lake, whofe fpirit and vigilance are well known, being confiderably in front of our light infantry and cavalry, very fortunately difcovered them in time to prevent them from doing us any injury. He ordered the light infantry and cavalry to afcend the hill, whofe top intervening, prevented them from perceiving each other till they were within a hundred yards. After a few difcharges, our light infantry and cavalry charged, on which the French threw down their arms, and the rebels who attended them fled into an adjacent bog. The Frenchmen continued firing their cannon till the markfmen had furrendered, which, if they had been well ferved, muft have done very great mifchief, as our troops moved down a hill from the place where Sarrafin had furrendered, which expofed them to the enemy’s fire.

The following circumftances attended the furrender of the French: The earl of Roden and colonel Crawford, who led on the advanced guard, confifting of his lordfhip’s fencibles, perceiving an officer who feemed defirous to communicate with them, lord Roden ordered his trumpet to found, which was anfwered by the French, when his lordfhip and the colonel advanced into the French lines. The officer politely afked them what their wifhes were? they anfwered, to fave the effufion of blood, and defired them to furrender. The officer faid, that he did not command, but that he would go to general Humbert, which he accordingly did. Humbert came up, afked the fame question, and received a fimilar anfwer. He then demanded half an hour to give a final anfwer, which was granted, on condition that he halted his troops; to which he made no reply, but retreated with precipitation. Lord Roden then ordered his trumpet to found the advance, and came up to the firft and fecond brigade of the French army, who furrendered to about three hundred cavalry, under his lordfhip and colonel Crawford. After this they advanced with about twenty dragoons, and took poffeffion of three French guns.

Shortly after, Humbert rallied his grenadiers, the only part of the army, except the chaffeurs, that had not furrendered, and confifted of about four hundred men, who furrounded lord Roden and his twenty dragoons, They were given in charge to the huffars. While they were their prifoners, which lafted about fifteen minutes, the French officers loaded the united Irifhmen, their allies, with execrations, for having deceived and

[613

disappointed them, by inviting them to undertake a fruitlefs expedition. They alfo declared, that the people of Ireland were the moft treacherous and cowardly they ever knew.

Lord Roden and colonel Crawford continued prifoners till his regiment of fencibles advanced in queft of their colonel, which the French huffars perceiving, requefted that his lordfhip would defire them to halt, as they meant to furrender, and by doing fo, he prevented them from being cut to pieces.

General Humbert furrendered to general Lake, and was afterwards conducted to lord Cornwallis, who was about fix miles off.

Our troops made dreadful havock among the rebels, who were moftly dreffed in French uniforms. Three of their leaders were taken, among whom was Mr. Blake of Galway, a very well-looking man, who was hanged. As our army purfued the French they found all the houfes on the road deferted, their inmates having joined the French.

I muft not pafs over in filence the fpirited and zealous exertions of the army under general Lake, who advanced fo rapidly in their purfuit of the French, as to overtake them, though they were fifteen hours before them; and though the farmers and peafants fupplied the enemy with a great number of horfes, on which the infantry rode in turn; and whenever they halted, with plenty of provifions, for which our troops were very much diftreffed; for their movements were fo rapid, that the heavy baggage could not keep up with them. The French and rebels in their progrefs deftroyed every kind of provifions, and our brave foldiers were obliged to fcour the country for cattle, and before they could kill them and cook their meat, they were ordered to renew their march; fo that potatoes, which they dug and boiled themfelves, were their principal fubfiftence.

When the French changed their route from Coloony towards the metropolis, the moft active exertions were ufed in all the intervening counties, viz. Leitrim, Longford, Monaghan, Rofcommon, Cavan, Weftmeath, and Meath, to raife the mafs of the people to join them; and fome confiderable and alarming movements were perceived among the difaffected even in Dublin and its vicinity.

A numerous body of infurgents, fuppofed to be not lefs than fix thoufand, having collected near Granard, on the fifth of September, feveral

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yeomen corps, under the command of captain Cottingham, engaged, beat, and difperfed them, after having killed about one hundred and fifty.

Many Roman catholicks of confideration urged and headed the infurgents in the county of Longford, and a well-digefted plan of co-operation had been concerted with the Monaghan chiefs; but the latter were not to move unlefs the operations of their Longford brethren proved fuccefsful. At the head of thefe were the two Denniftons, the O’Haras, O’Connells, Farrell, and one O’Reilly, who appeared in arms on the fifth of September in 1798, and led on the attack on Granard. But the iffue of that affair difconcerted the plan of the Monaghan chiefs, and prevented the Cavan leaders from attacking the different garrifons in their county, which they had meditated. The two Denniftons and Farrell were members of the Maftrim yeomen cavalry, feveral of whom fought with the rebels on. that day. The elder Dennifton was firft lieutenant of it.

The popifh multitude in the county of Rofcommon, univerfally difaffected, were on the point of rifing, and waited for nothing but a hint from certain leaders in their refpective diftricts.

A refpectable magiftrate of my acquaintance, who had a ftrong regard, for a popifh gentleman who meant to have headed a numerous body of rebels, obtained a private interview with him for the purpofe of diffuading, him from fo rafh an attempt, which he affured him would terminate in the ruin of him and his family. This chieftain fpurned at the advice of his friend, and expreffed a downright conviction that his party muft fucceed, as the mafs of the people in every part of Ireland were engaged in it, and as they would rife at the fame time, the government muft be overturned, and that fuch perfons as refifted them would lofe their lives and property; and he even went fo far as to advife this magiftrate to be very moderate in the part he took, left his intemperate zeal might mark him for the vengeance of the infurgents. So fure were the difaffected that their party muft fucceed, though with the aid of but one thoufand French!

After an interview of two hours, he left him determined to perfevere in his rafh defign; but at the inftance of another perfon of high rank, who ufed the moft perfuafive eloquence on the occafion, he yielded, on condition of obtaining his pardon. By the wife and feafonable exertions of this perfon, the property and the lives of the proteftants of the county of Rofcommon were preferved from the rapacity of the deluded multitude,

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who were on the point of rifing, and only waited for a fignal from this leader.

I think it right to mention, that this very important fervice was rendered by doctor Law, bifhop of Elphin, who shewed great magnanimity in maintaining his poft; for inftead of flying to the metropolis for protection, he fortified his palace, and bid defiance to the rebels, by which he fet a good example to country gentlemen.

I cannot pafs over in filence the laudable fortitude of doctor Percy, bifhop of Dromore, who alfo remained in his palace, while the rebellion exifted in the counties of Down and Antrim.

On Tuefday the fourth of September, a man on horfeback went about the county of Weftmeath, proclaiming that the orangemen were murdering the Roman catholicks, and burning their houfes. In confequence of it, numbers of people armed with pikes and other weapons, affembled in lord Sunderlin’s park at Baronftown. His lordfhip approached them with about twelve of his corps, and afked them, why they affembled in fo hoftile a manner? They anfwered, that they were afraid of the orangemen, who were armed and were determined to murder all the Roman catholicks.* His lordfhip affured them, that their fears were groundlefs, as no fuch perfons ever were in the country; and he promifed them protection, if they could point them out; but they perfifted in feigning fears and prejudices.

About two miles farther on the road towards Mullingar, his lordfhip met another body of pikemen, with whom he reafoned in the fame manner, but to no purpofe. At laft, one of them knocked down his lordfhip’s trumpeter, and wounded him; and foon after ferved a yeoman and one of his fervants in the fame manner; on which his lordfhip and his few yeomen retreated to Mullingar, and in their way faw great numbers of infurgents affembling.

In the courfe of a few hours they collected in great numbers, and attacked Wilfon’s hofpital, a charitable foundation, for the purpofe of

* As Mr. George Cooper, whom I mentioned in the dedication, has uttered the vileft flander of the orangemen, I think it right to mention, that a member of the Irifh directory acknowledged, while in prifon, that the alarming reports about them were invented by them, merely as a device to stimulate the mafs of the papifts againft the proteftants, and that the priefts eagerly adopted it for that purpofe.

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feizing the arms in it and of deftroying it, becaufe it was a proteftant inftitution, eftablifhed for the purpofe of maintaining old men, and educating children. They rufhed into it with hideous yells, broke open fome doors, and carried off arms and other articles: They gave the reverend Mr. Radcliffe, the chaplain, two wounds; however, as he fhewed the moft undaunted courage, and feemed determined not to furrender his arms, they quitted the houfe; but they fent him a meffage about eleven o’clock at night, that they would level it next morning at three o’clock, unlefs he gave up his arms. But as that propofal was treated with contempt, they next day, about eight o’clock, to the number of five thoufand, forcibly entered the hofpital, plundered it of arms and every valuable article, provifions, and houfhold furniture; took Mr. Radcliffe prifoner, carried him to the town of Multifarnham, declaring, they would keep him till Mr. Latten Fitzgerald, confined in Mullingar, as a ftate prifoner, was difcharged; however Mr. Radclifte was fo fortunate as to efcape.

Next day they returned to the hofpital, converted it into a barrack, feized the cows and fheep, and killed moft of them. In fhort, they left the hofpital a perfect wreck. Alter committing all thefe atrocities they had mafs celebrated for them by a popifh prieft.

They had twenty-feven proteftant prifoners in an office belonging to the hofpital, whom they intended to have put to death, by the moft cruel torture, had they not been relieved by a party of the army and yeomanry, under the command of lord Longford, who routed the rebels with confiderable flaughter.

Some of the rebels propofed to put the boys (who were all proteftants) to death, after having plundered them of their clothes. The labourers, and the popifh fervants of the hofpital, were the leaders in this nefarious bufinefs, and feemed to exult in it.

A moft fanguinary denunciation was pofted on a church in the county of Weftmeath, foon after the French left Caftlebar, which the reader will fee in Appendix, No. XXI. 8.

The evening before the attack on Granard, a body of rebels entered Edgeworthftown, and plundered and almoft demolifhed every proteftant houfe in it, except thofe of Mr. Edgeworth, Mr. William Bond, the captain

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of the Maftrim yeomanry, and Mr. Alexander Bond, poft-mafter; but they did not injure the houfe or property of a Roman catholick.

For a day or two before, reports had been induftriously propagated, that the orangemen were deftroying all the neighbouring country, and had burnt the preceding night Street and fome other adjacent villages. This, which was the watch word and fignal for infurrection, fpread like a conflagration.

A refpectable gentleman, an inhabitant of Edgeworthftown, gave me the following account of his fituation, and of the events which occurred there: “On my going into that village, all feemed to be alarm and confufion. The yeomanry determined, as one of their officers in perfon informed me, to defend at least the barracks, if attacked by the rebels; but fome events occurred in the courfe of the day, which induced them to evacuate the place and march to Longford. On hearing this unexpected misfortune, I immediately fent off my wife and family, and once more walked through Edgeworthftown, examining every countenance, and converfing for a few minutes with the two or three laft proteftants whom I met indignantly retreating. I foon returned to my houfe, wifhing, if poffible, not to defert what I deemed my poft, and yet, not knowing what to do in fuch an emergency; but I was foon roufed from this uncertainty, by intelligence from my fervant, that the rebels in a very numerous body were marching to Edgeworthftown, by the Granard and not the Dublin road, which would bring them within one hundred yards of my door. Before their arrival, I concealed myfelf in a little plantation on my lawn, where divine Providence protected me till morning. I faw almoft a foreft of pikes nearly oppofite my houfe. Some rebels on horfeback paffed within about thirty yards of me, and about three times that diftance, a proteftant, my next neighbour, who had juft fought an afylum in a fhady part of my lawn, received a ftroke of a pike in the head, which, though partially broken by the branches, cut him feverely, and almoft covered him with blood. I was “all ear” in my place of concealment, and ftunned with the difcord and confufion of martial mufick, firing, fhouting, crafhing of windows and furniture, and fuch clamorous exultation as might be fuppofed to iffue from a numerous mob in fo new a fituation, eager to practife republican virtues. It was late in the evening, and juft as the greater body of the rebels had retired, a detachment of lord Oxmantown’s yeomanry, being

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accidentally near the town, and hearing of the outrages committed by the rebels, made a rapid charge through the ftreet, and fhot a few of the ftragglers without any lofs on their part, except one yeoman wounded in the face with a pike. Of the particulars of this tranfaction I was ignorant till next morning; for only once in the night I ventured to walk by my houfe, and, perceiving the windows broken, I again returned to conceal myfelf in the ftirubbery till morning,”

A man mounted on a white horfe rode about the country contiguous to Longford, on the fourth of September, and propagated a report that the Orangemen were murdering the Roman catholicks, and burning their houfes from Edgeworthftown to Carrickboy. To counteract his malig, nant defign, lord Oxmantown, who, with his corps, was on permanent duty at Longford, rode about the country, and by his exhortations and affurances of protection to the lower clafs of people, prevented the infurrection from being general, and induced numbers to return to their homes. The fame attempts were made in the counties of Meath and Cavan.

The rebels fhewed a difpofition to rife in the country round Belturbet, in the latter county; but it abounds fo much with proteftants, who were well armed, that they would not venture to do fo, but repaired to the mountains of Ballynamore, about fix miles off, where they affembled in confiderabla numbers. For the fame reafon they did not venture to rife in the county of Fermanagh, where there were fix thoufand proteftants well armed. From the battle of Caftlebar to the furrender of the French, the blackfmiths were employed in making pikes, in the counties of Monaghan, Leitrim, Longford, Rofcommon, Mayo, Sligo, Meath, Weftmeath and Dublin.

The landing of the French was known by the rebels in the county of Kildare, the Queen’s county, and part of the county of Tipperary; and the mafs of the people in them fhewed fuddenly a ftreng fenfation, and a fpirit of combination, even before the loyal subjectls were acquainted with that event.

I fhall now proceed to relate the defeat of the rebels at Killala, the relief of the fuffering loyalifts there, and fome of the circumftances which preceded it.

The fourteenth of September, the commandant loft his authority fo much, that little regard was paid to his protections; proteftants who

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had obtained them were committed, and their houfes were plundered as Orangemen.

On the fifteenth of September, the French officers entertained ftrong fears that the town would be attacked by pikemen, and they declared that they wifhed for the arrival of the king’s troops. The bifhop and his friends who had been twenty-feven days prifoners fell into great defpondency on the feventeenth of September, as they expected every night that the caftle would be attacked. Twenty perfons in arms flept in it, befides the ordinary guard of eighteen; but the latter being Irlfh recruits, were not to be depended on. There were conftantly alarming reports of the fanguinary defigns of the pikemen, who were encamped clofe to the town.

On the eighteenth of September, one of the rebel leaders came to the caftle, and propofed to the commandant to imprifon every proteftant in the church, as hoftages for their own fecurity, fhould the king’s army arrive; and it was difcovered that they meant to have blown them up; but no other anfwer was given by the proteftants, than that they were ready for them. The commandant generoufly declared that he would lead on the Irifh againft the king’s troops, and that he would alfo head the proteftants againft the former, if any attempt was made againft their perfons or property. On the eighteenth, the guard and all the rebel foldiers murmmed very much at a report which had prevailed, that their friends at Caftlebar were in clofe confinement, and were ufed very ill; and at laft they grew very vehement. To do away the ill effects of it, the bifhop propofed to fend dean Thompfon, and one of their friends, with a flag of truce, and a letter to general French, to reprefent the dangerous fituation of the proteftants, fhould the rebel prifoners be ill-treated.

Dean Thompfon, and one Roger Maguire fet out for Caftlebar, the twentieth of September: They were frequently ftopped and interrogated by parties of the rebels, who would have committed violence on dean Thompfon, but that he was protected by Maguire. They returned next day, with the moft unquestionable teftimony that their friends were treated with humanity. Mr. Bourke, of Summer-hill, with fifteen armed men, bravely defended his houfe againft the fury and rapacity of the rebels; which enraged thofe at Killala fo much, that they refolved to attack it; but Charoft affured them, if they perfifted in their defign, that he would follow and fire on them.

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On the twenty-firft of September, a body of pikemen having marched through the town in prefence of Charoft, he, with indignation, mingled with contempt, defired them to go to attend their harveft, as he had men enough to guard the town, and he would not be troubled with a pack of robbers; and Ponfon, another French officer, vilified and abufed them in the groffeft manner. This was alarming to the proteftants, as the rebels murmured and uttered fome menaces againft them, and complained of the ftrong partiality of the French for them.

Alarming accounts were received that the rebels, in fpite of the French, would enter and plunder the town; and, had they done fo, there is not a doubt but that they would have maffacred every proteftant. To encourage them in their fanguinary defigns, which they had conftantly manifefted, a prieft, of the name of M’Donnell, rode into the town on the twenty-firft of September, and announced that the orangemen were maffacring the Roman catholicks in all the adjacent country. On the morning of that day a report of cannon and fmall arms was heard towards Ballina, and fometime after intelligence was received that the king’s troops were within four miles of the town.

True, the French officer, and Henry O’Keon, arrived from Ballina, where the former had been commandant, and where he had a narrow efcape of being taken prifoner by one of our officers. He abufed, in the groffeft manner, his allies, the Irifh, for having fled at Croifmalina, without ftriking a ftroke.

By a preconcerted plan it was agreed between general French and lord Portarlington, that they fhould attack Killala at the fame time; the former approaching it on the fouth, the latter on the north-eaft fide. His lordfhip marched from Sligo on the twenty-firft of September, with his own, the Queen’s county regiment, a detachment of the twenty-fourth dragoons, the Tireragh yeomen infantry, commanded by captain Woods, and the Tireragh yeomen cavalry, under captain Ormfby, making in the whole, about eight hundred men, with two pieces of cannon. They halted the firft night at Grange, where a number of rebels approached them, but on firing one cannon fhot they difperfed. Next night they halted at Scarmore, where they were attacked by a numerous body of them, commanded by Henry O’Keon and Mr. Barret, fon of doctor Barret, who were foon routed with the lofs of about two hundred killed.

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In this affair we have one calamity to lament, which left the ftrongeft fenfations of grief in every loyal heart. Not far from the fcene of action lies the village of Carrowcarden, where a few proteftant families lived, who, from their peaceable demeanour and good conduct, poffeffed the regard of even the rebels; fo that, partly by giving them entertainment and money as long as they were able, and partly by hiding themfelves in the bogs and corn-fields, they had hitherto avoided the captivity which their brethren fuffered.

On this day, a rebel party, commanded by John M’Dunnough, otherwife Pitcher, on their march to attack the king’s troops, were ordered to enter the village, and to force every man who was able to carry arms to join their party. They there met with fome of thofe poor proteftants, fome of them reaping their corn, others concealed in their houfes, all of whom they forced along with them at the peril of their lives, and even without arms to defend themfelves, and placed them in the front of the line.

When the rebel army gave way, thefe unfortunate men fled among the crowd towards their own homes; but having been overtaken by the advance guard, they fell in the indifcriminate flaughter of the rebels. It was in vain that they endeavoured to explain the caufe of their being there, or to juftify their conduct, as the troops, elate with victory, and inflamed with revenge, had not time to examine the circumftances of their fituation.

The loyalifts had foon after the gratification of feeing captain Pitcher taken prifoner; and having been convicted of that and other crimes, his life was forfeited to the vengeance of the law. This however was but a poor atonement to the community for the lofs of fo many loyal, well-behaved, and induftrious men; and no confolation to the unfortunate widows and helplefs orphans whom they left behind to deplore a lofs which can never be retrieved.

Next day the king’s troops having been joined by general Trench and his brigade, they proceeded towards Killala.

In its defence about four thoufand rebels took poft behind a ftone wall on a hill which commanded the road leading to it; and on which the Downfhire regiment advanced. Though the rebels maintained a conftant

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fire on them from the time they firft came in fight, the Downfhire paid no regard to them, till they arrived at a bridge, which was but a fhort diftance from them. They then began a very heavy fire on the rebels, who fled from their ftrong pofition, and joined the main body, except about forty of them, who took poft in a grove, nearly forty yards from the palace, where fome of them ranged themfelves behind trees, and others behind a ftone wall. The Downfhire purfued them, and were followed by the Frafer fencibles and the Queen’s county militia. After about twenty minutes refiftance the rebels gave way and ran into the town, where they were charged by the Roxborough fencible cavalry; and though the rebels in the grove kept up a conftant fire on them, their only lofs was one man badly wounded, but he afterwards recovered. Mr. Arthur Stock, the bifhop’s fon, a youth of fixteen, was in the charge, dreffed in a red jacket.

After the king’s troops got poffeffion of the town, they killed great numbers of the rebels, whom they found concealed in the houfes, in the gardens, or in the ditches of the adjacent fields. It was to be lamented that our foldiers plundered what had been faved from the Irifh favages by the active exertion of the bifhop and the French officers. In the firft onfet it was impoffible to reftrain them, when they were elate with victory, and their vengeance was roufed by oppofition. Sometime after, lord Cornwallis fent two commiffioners to enquire into the damages committed by the king’s troops at Killala, and in March following, the demands of the fufferers were difcharged by an order on the bank.

Having related the events which took place in the counties of Mayo and Sligo, I fhall give the reader the charadlers of fome of the principal actors in them.

Colonel O’Doude, was defcended from a very antient family of the fame name, who formerly poffeffed a large traft of country in the counties of Sligo and Mayo, two baronies of which, namely Tireragh and Tyrawly had their names from two fons of the original chieftain of the family, who divided his eftate between them. On this extenfive eftate they counted twenty-four caftles, which were occupied by them and their adherents, and many of which are ftill in exiftence. O’Doude having been very active in the rebellion of 1641, this fine eftate was confifcated, and divided amongft the followers of the conqueror; a fmall mountainous

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tract of land, called Bonneconclane, having been given by fpecial favour, to one of the family, and fo handed down to the late poffeffer James O’Doude.

The father of this man, whofe name was Thady, being a younger brother, and having neither property nor employment at home, went out a volunteer to Germany at the age of twenty-five years, and in the courfe of time was promoted in the Hungarian fervice to the rank of captain, having previoufly married a German lady, fifter to baron Wipler, of whom James was the iffue. He having been born and educated in the fervice, found no great difficulty in arriving at the rank of lieutenant, in which flation he ferved, when the death of his uncle David O’Doude, who poffeffed the family eilate and died without iffue, was announced to him. In confequence of this event, he left the army, came to Ireland, and took poffeffion of the paternal property, which proved to be worth about £500 a year, and which he applied himfelf to the cultivation of with great attention. He foon after married a mifs Fitzgerald, daughter to a gentleman of that name, and an attorney, by whom he left children. Previous to the breaking-out of the rebellion, he had become a member of the Tyrawly cavalry, and was confidered an attentive foldier, and very expert in the ufe of arms. On the landing of the French at Killala this corps was, like many others, put to flight by the enemy, and O’Doude deferted his poft, and returned to his own houfe, where, by the felicitations of his wife, and the exertions of one Egan, a bigot, who lived with him, and who had acquired a complete afcendancy over his judgment, he was induced to declare for the caufe of rebellion. Having affembled his tenantry and neighbours, he muftered about one hundred men, and putting himfelf at their head, he marched to the French camp at Killala, where he received his commiffion, and arms for his followers, while his wife, mounted on a good horfe, and decorated with green ribbons and cockade, attended the proceffion, and brought up the rear.

Their career of glory was but fhort, and the hopes of regaining the antient eftate foon vanifhed into empty air. After the defeat at Ballinamuck, he attempted to efcape, but was taken prifoner, and conducted to the camp of lord Cornwallis at St. Johnftown, where, being identified, although he endeavoured to pafs himfelf for a French officer, he was condemned and executed. He pleaded guilty to the charges brought againft him; but affured the court, that this was his firft offence, and

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declared on his honour, if they would pardon this, that he never would be guilty of a fimilar offence; but being informed that his requeft could not be complied with, he begged to have a prieft; but as there was not time for this ceremony, he was conftrained to fubmit to his fate, which, he met, but not with that fortitude which might have been expected from a man who had fpent fo much of his life in active fervice, and fcenes of war.

To a great weaknefs of judgment, this unfortunate man added a high degree of vanity and bigotry, which laid him open to the defigns of interected and ill-difpofed perfons. Confidering himfelf the head of the clan or family, he defpifed taking a chrifhan name, and always fubfcribed himfelf, O’Doude, captain; and latterly he had the vanity to affume the title of baron, perhaps from his uncle, baron Wipler, in Germany.

He was fo much under the control of the priefts, that he fubmitted to walk barefooted, and with his head fhaved, to Loughderg, in the north of Ireland, to perform penance for his fins, and became one of the order of the Scapularians. He took more pains in cultivating the friendfhip of this ignorant clafs of men, than that of gentlemen of worth or knowledge, and his table was feldom without one or more of them, on whom he never failed to lavifh the bell meat and wine.

The idea of recovering his hereditary eftate was ftudioufly infufed into his mind by his wife and followers, who vainly imagined that a revolution would be accomplifhed, and that the defcendants of the old Irifh families would be fhortly reinftated in their former poffeffions and honours by the French. This family have a burying-place appropriated to them in the abbey of Moyne, where may be feen the gigantick bones of some of them, who have been very remarkable for their great ftature; as one of them exceeded feven feet in height.

Colonel McDonnel, a Roman catholick gentleman, was fon to Jofeph McDonnel, of Carnacun, in the county of Mayo, efquire, and in the neighbourhood of Caftlebar. His father being a wealthy man, and able to give him a fufficiency of money to fet him up in bufinefs, placed him with a merchant at Weftport; but confidering himfelf poffeffed of abilities fufficient to fhine in a learned profeffion, he renounced the mercantile life, and went to the Temple, where he profecuted his ftudies with tolerable application, and along with a knowledge

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of the laws of his country, he acquired the feeds of thofe deteftable principles, which were afterwards matured and employed for the deftruction of law, property and juftice. There he became acquainted with the dangerous and feducing works of Paine and his difciples, and was introduced into the correfponding focieties, of whofe principles and practice he was a great admirer, and profited very much by their inftructions. Having returned to Ireland, he was recognifed as a champion for the Rights of Man, and chofen by his party as a delegate from Mayo to the catholick convention in Dublin, convened by Edward Byrne, where, by his inflammatory harangues and violent conduct in endeavouring to inftigate that body to unwarrantable means for profecuting their claims, he attracted the admiration of his friends, and at the fame time ftrongly excited the attention and fufpicion of government; infomuch, that it was debated whether he fhould be allowed to be called to the bar. He was, however, foon after called to it, and fworn a barrifter, which added to his confequence, and encreafed the influence which he was ambitious to exert among the Roman catholicks in Mayo. He fpared no pains in propagating his dangerous democratick principles amongft all ranks and orders of the people, and by corrupting their minds prepared them for the rebellion, which was foon to follow. The magiftrates of the county beheld his conduct with a very jealous eye, and had nearly determined to have him arrefted under a warrant from the fecretary of ftate. This, however, was deferred, through that miftaken lenity by which delinquents are too frequently fuffered to efcape, and by which the late Rebellion was allowed to raife his baleful head. He was permitted to proceed in his career until the invafion, when a full and fair opportunity was afforded him of difplaying both his principles and actions, which he did unequivocally, as foon as the French had made themfelves mafters of Caftlebar, whither he immediately repaired, and was appointed a colonel in their fervice.

He was attended by a large party of his followers, who had been taught to look for this event by his addreffes and harangues, and with thefe he accompanied Humbert on his march to Ballinamuck, and after the furrender he and colonel Blake concealed themfelves in a bog. Blake was taken prifoner, but he had the good fortune to effect his efcape, and made his way from thence into the wild mountains of Cunnemara, and from

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thence embarked for Spain or France, with fome other fugitives of his own defcription.

Doctor Barrett, a Roman catholick, was a native of Irrus, in the county of Mayo, and defcended from an ancient and refpectable Irifh family, who formerly poffeffed a large eftate in that country, and of which he was not a little vain. Having got a competent knowledge of Latin, which he fpoke tolerably correct and fluent, though in a vulgar manner, he ferved a regular apprenticefhip to an apothecary, and carried on the bufinefs for fome years with much credit to himfelf and utility to the country. He alfo attended many of the genteel families in the neighbourhood of Ballina, (where he lived,) in the light of a phyfician, and was fo much efteemed by them, that they entered into a fubfcription to fupport him at Edinburgh, while he fhould ftudy phyfick there in a regular manner. His wife and children were alfo fupported in the fame manner at home, while he ftudied in Scotland, and that exclufively by the proteftant gentlemen, although he and his family were of the catholick perfuafion.

In that country fuch acts have not been uncommon; and I am forry to remark that the returns made to them have frequently been ungenerous and ungrateful, but were notorioufly fo during the late rebellion.

Doctor Barrett, having returned from his ftudies, commenced the practice of phyfick under the fame aufpices, in which, from his previous knowledge of medicine, and the fkill he had acquired in difeafes, he made fuch a progrefs, as to be in the receipt of £300 a year, in a country, more noted for liberality than riches, and where he had Sir William Boyde to contend with. Before he went to Scotland, the doctor was rather bigoted to his religion, but having frequently attended the prefbyterian form of worfhip, and converfed freely with well-informed men there, he became difgufted with the tricks and fuperftition of his own perfuafion, of which he often fpoke with much feverity, and feldom, if ever, attended mafs or confeffion from his return till his condemnation; and nothing but the prejudices which he had fo ftrongly imbibed, when young, and his pride, (of which, in common with the old Irifh families, he poffeffed a large fhare,) prevented him from abandoning entirely the catholick doctrines and worfhip. It is to be apprehended that his fituation was fimilar to that of many other well-informed Roman catholicks, who, unable to digeft the monftrous tenets prefcribed for their belief, and prevented by

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pride, fhame, or prejudice, from embracing a religion more conformable to reafon and good fenfe, fuffer themfelves to lapfe infenfibly into a ftate of infidelity.

As to the doctor’s loyalty, before the invafion, it was unimpeachable, fo far as was known to his moft intimate friends; and, I firmly believe, he was totally unconnected with the leaders of rebellion before that period. On the approach of the French army, he and his family fled for fafety to an ifland in Lough Conn, where they continued for more than a week, but afterwards induced, partly through want of provifions, partly through promifes of protection, they came into the town, where, on account of their religion, they were not only protected, but amply fupplied with every article of fupport and comfort which the demefnes, houfes and cellars of the proteftant gentlemen, plundered by the rebels, could furnifh.

After the retaking of the town, the doctor was found peaceably at home, and feemed very happy to find his old acquaintances and benefactors returning in triumph, many of whom, as well as the officers of different regiments, he entertained very hofpitably for fome weeks, and feemed perfectly fecure from any danger; and, what is fomewhat odd, fome months elapfed before he was apprehended.

It did not appear on his trial that he ever took up arms, or accompanied the enemy in any act of hoftility, or behaved with feverity to the proteftants who were in his power; but, on the contrary, that he fhewed acts of kindnefs and indulgence to many of them. The chief matters which were proved againft him, were, confulting and advifing with the French officers; directing the guards; figning paffes in his fon’s name, (who was a rebel colonel,); and forcing his fon to take a command;

Before his trial, an offer was made to him, that he, and his whole family, would be permitted to remove themfelves to America; but fo confident was he, that no act of treafon or rebellion could be fubftantiated againft him, that he rejected the propofal; alleging, that if the gentlemen of the country could procure proof fufficient to condemn him, they would not make him fo lenient an offer. He was tried and condemned at Caftlebar, by the fentence of martial law, and fent to Ballina for execution. His reparation from an innocent, virtuous wife, and feven children, whom he was about to leave unprotected, and without the moft

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remote profpect of fupport, was a punifhment far beyond that which the fentence of the law had decreed, and produced the ftrongeft emotions of pity in thofe who execrated the crime for which he was to fuffer, and by which they had been fuch great fufferers themfelves.

He walked from the publick houfe to the fatal tree, and read, as he proceeded, a litany, attended by two priefts, and met his fate with becoming propriety and without emotion, having, in a few fhort fentences, called God to witnefs, whether he had been guilty of the crimes for which he was condemned. He had many good qualities, and was a very ufeful member of fociety; but his having efpoufed a caufe, which was calculated to deftroy the lives and properties of his fupporters and benefactors, leaves a ftain of ingratitude behind it, which no time can efface.

Patrick Barrett, junior, a colonel in the rebel army, was fon to doctor Barrett of Ballina, before maitioned, and received a tolerable fchool education from his father, who intended to breed him to the profeffion of an apothecary. Previous to the rebellion, he enrolled himfelf in the Tyrawly cavalry, where he was always amongft the foremoft to volunteer any duty which required fpirit or activity, and never failed to acquit himfelf like a good foldier and a loyal subject.

On the taking of Ballina by the French troops, this corps, with fome others, were ordered to fall back on Caftlebar, and being badly officered, and partaking in the general panick, with which the troops of the line, as well as the yeomanry, were ftruck on that fhameful occafion, they divided into fmall parties, and effected their retreat, fome retiring home, others joining themfelves to different parties of the king’s troops, where they could find them. Unfortunately for Barrett, it was his lot to be amongft the former, and having come within a few miles of Ballina, he had an interview with his father, which ended in an acquiefcence on his part of coming into the town, which was then occupied by a French commandant, and a large number of rebels. It is afferted, that the caufe of his coming into town, was an expectation of procuring fome money to enable him to return and join the king’s troops; but in this hope he was difappointed, and was committed a clofe prifoner with the proteftants, where he remained until he confented to accept of a command in the rebel army, which he with great reluctance did, after his father had ufed all the authority of a parent, and even proceeded fo far as to ftrike him with a

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ratan, becaufe he refufed fo flattering an invitation. Being invefted with the honour of a colonel, his time was more occupied in reftraining the exceffes of his favage and violent followers, than in training them to military difcipline. Thefe worft of barbarians, having received arms from the French, or furnifhed themfelves with pikes, were conftantly employed in plundering houfes, driving in cattle, imprifoning the few proteftants who remained in the country, or indulging themfelves in eating and drinking to excefs, and then becoming unruly and riotous, fo that Truc the commandant, and young Barrett were frequently called upon to exert their authority and reftore peace, which was the only duty that Barrett feemed to do with a good grace; and it was often remarked of him, that he was never feen to fmile after he had been promoted to the rank of colonel, and ferioufly requefted of his friends not to offend him with that appellation. He enlarged many of the prifoners from time to time, and fhewed them as much indulgence and lenity as his limited and precarious fituation enabled him to do. His exertions were not confined to the town, and he was frequently obliged to mount his horfe and gallop out to the country to protect private property.

Mr. Knox’s houfe at Rappa, being in danger of being plundered, he went there with a party, and conveyed into town the plate and other valuable effects, which he fecured at his father’s houfe.

The reverend Mr. Neligan’s houfe had early attrafted the notice of the rebels, and every thing valuable in it had been either taken away or demolifhed before Barrett came into power, except the papers and records of the regiftry of the diocefe, which were then in Mr. Neligan’s care, Thefe, though trampled under foot, and many of them flung into the ftreet, he carefully collected and depofited in a place of fafety, by which means the original wills and other records for near one hundred years back were preferved.

His endeavours to fave the proteftants from the cruelty of prieft Cowley were near cofting him his life. That villain, who was daily plotting their deftruction, pretended that he had received orders from Truc to give them up to the fury of their enemies; but Barrett, fufpecting the order to be falfe, applied to Truc by another interpreter, and learned that his fufpicions were well-founded; whereupon he publickly abufed Cowley, and accufed him fo fharply of the falfehood, that one of his

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friends attempted with a pike to difpatch Barret, which he would have effected, had it not been for his vigilance and activity.

Notwithftanding his attention and humanity to the loyalifts when in his power, he was ready to draw his fword againft them when he met them in the field, and to acknowledge them, not as friends, but enemies. This he proved in two inftances, the firft in an attack made by him and Henry O’Keon on Caftlebar, on the twelfth of September, when in the hands of the king’s troops, at the head of a large body of rebels, where, by the bravery of captain Urquhart, a few of the Frafer fencibles and the proteftants of the town, he was repulfed and obliged to retreat to Ballina: The fecond was a much bolder attempt, but attended with equally bad fuccefs. When it was at length determined by the wifdom of government, that the unfortunate inhabitants of that part of the country were to be relieved, fome from their imprifonment, others from banifhment, and that the few cowardly and half-armed rebels who had fo long occupied the houfes and the properties of the loyalifts were condemned to expulfion, two large detachments were put in motion for that purpofe, the one from Caftlebar, the other from Sligo. Barrett marched out to meet the latter with a motley crew of his countrymen, but was foon repulfed.

He afterwards concealed himfelf in the town, and although he was proclaimed, and a reward was offered for his apprehenfion, the recollection of his past kindnefs to the proteftants prevented them from difcovering his retreat, or bringing him to trial.

After remaining in a ftate of dreadful fufpenfe for fome months, he effected his efcape to Sligo, where, in the difguife of a failor, he entered on board a veffel, and failed for America.

There were many good traits in this young man’s character, which would entitle him to a better fate. He was brave and generous, humane and grateful, and his perfon and manners befpoke fomething much beyond his education and expectations in life; and it is only to be regretted that his loyalty was not fufficiently ftrong to enable him to refift the influence which was exerted to feduce him to join the enemies of his country.

Henry and John Sheares, two brothers, who had been arrefted the twenty-firft of May, were tried in Dublin the twelfth of July, on charges of high treafon, and were convicted on the cleareft evidence of being

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being deeply concerned in the confpiracy, and of having harboured the moft fanguinary defigns. They were the fons of Mr. Sheares, a banker at Cork, who was efteemed not only for his moral virtues, but refpected for his mental accomplifhments and intelledual powers, having written effays and differtations on various fubjects, which would not have difgraced the pen of doctor Johnfon. Thefe men were at Paris when the king and queen were put to death, and continued there during the tyranny of Roberfpierre [sic]; and at their return were heard to fpeak with delight of the fcenes of carnage which they had feen there. They were executed in front of Newgate, and in their laft moments difplayed that perturbation of mind, and that abject fear which feldom fail to attend the guilty when they are about to depart from this life.

John McCann, clerk to Henry Jackfon, was tried and convicted of the fame crime on the feventeenth of the fame month, and was executed on the nineteenth, when he fhewed a decent compofure, and acknowledged the juftice of his fentence.

William M. Byrne, of the county of Wicklow, was tried and convicted of the fame crime on the twentieth of July, and fuffered on the twenty-firft.

Oliver Bond, one of the principal leaders of the confpiracy, at whofe houfe the Leinfter delegates had been arrefted on the twelfth of March, was arraigned for high treafon on July the twenty-third, and his trial lafted till feven o’clock in the morning of the twenty-fourth, when he was convicted. This man, who had made a confiderable fortune as a woollen-draper, was the fon of a prefbyterian minifter of St. John’s-town, nine miles from Letterkenny, in the county of Donegall. I have very good authority for faying that he was a confirmed deift, and that he had been active in diffeminating the works of Tom Paine, of which he was a great admirer. I have been well affured that he was in indifferent circumftances, till he and Simon Butler were committed to Newgate by the houfe of lords, in the year 1793; on which occafion, being confidered as a perfecuted patriot, his cuftomers encreafed fo much, that he became opulent in the fpace of four or five years.

The prifoners confined for high treafon in the different gaols in Dublin, perceiving from the trials of the Sheares’s, McCann, Byrne and Bond, that they muft fall a prey to the vengeance of the law, applied

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to counfellor Dobbs, M.P. to be their interceffor with government, hoping through his mediation to obtain the royal mercy, on making a full difcovery of the confpiracy. In confequence of his interference, the lord chancellor, lord Caftlereagh and Mr. fecretary Cooke, inclining to do every thing that was merciful on the part of government, condefcended to hold an interview with meffieurs Arthur O’Connor, counfellor Emmet, and doctor M’Nevin, whom all the ftate prifoners delegated to reprefent them. Government, whofe clemency and moderation were confpicuous on all occafions, agreed to the following terms: That the prifoners, about feventy in number, fhould exile themfelves for life to fuch country as fhould be mutually agreed upon; that Oliver Bond, who had been condemned to die fhould be fpared, and permitted to accompany them: And in return they were to difclofe the whole of the confpiracy, and their intercourfe with France; but that in doing fo, they were not to implicate any perfon whatfoever in their guilt.

As it was difcovered that the leaders in this band of traitors abufed the lenity of government, by endeavouring fecretly to foment rebellion while in prifon, the following perfons were fent to Fort George in Scotland, where the feverity of their confinement has been mitigated by the greateft indulgence on the part of government:

Another ftriking inftance of the clemency of the government was this: In the beginning of September, 1798, an act of general pardon, with but few exceptions was paffed, but it was not productive of as much benefit as might have been expected; for robbery and affaffination continued

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to be perpetrated, the whole of that year, and till the end of the year 1799, in many parts of Leinfter; not only in that province, but in fome parts of Munfter, particularly in the counties of Waterford and Tipperary, treafonable combinations continued to be formed, and a ftrong fpirit of infurrection appeared. It is to be lamented, that at this time the popifh multitude are as much fraught with difaffection as ever; though they are ftill fmarting from the former rebellion, and though the royal mercy has been extended to them in a very extraordinary degree.

It might be faid that I have gone far in expofiug the errors of popery, and have been fevere upon them; but it fhould be recollected, that the popifh clergy never ceafe to reprefent the proteftant religion as a peftilent herefy, which brings the frowns of the Almighty on its votaries in this life, and dooms them to eternal damnation hereafter; and this not only orally, but by various publications, fome of which I fhall mention.

One of them, entitled, “Fifty Reafons, why the holy Roman catholick religion ought to be preferred to all the fects in Chriftendom,” is printed by Wogan and Crofs in Bridge-ftreet; and it is annually diffeminated among the lower clafs of people by their priefts. Every page of this wretched volume of fiction is replete with falfehood and bitter invectives againft the eftablifhed religion, and cannot fail of making the lower clafs of people rebels to a proteftant ftate. I give the following extracts from it:

“Proteftants cannot name fo much as one perfon of sanctity that was of their religion, page 36.

Our adverfaries will confefs, that during the firft five ages, there was no other religion” (meaning the popifh) to which nations were converted.” Page 38. “There is little or no inftruftion to be found among them” (proteftants) “upon points of morality, or the obfervance of God’s commandments; but every thing is allowed to the defires and concupifcence of depraved nature.”

“Their parfons varnifh over the dangerous maxims of their own religion, and every thing that tends to the perdition of thofe fouls that are guided by them.” Pages 96 and 97.

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“They” (proteftant minifters) “are not priefts, fince they have not power to confecrate in the Eucharift, nor to forgive fins, which is yet the main office of prieftly dignity.” Page 80.

“Hereticks themfelves confefs, that Roman catholicks may be faved; whereas thefe maintain there is no falvation for fuch as are out of the Roman catholick church. What madnefs then were it for any man not to go over to the Roman catholicks, who may be faved in the judgment of their adverfaries!” Pages 17 and 90.

Every perfon endued with reafon muft recoil, on reading a treatife on the Scapular, a pitiful piece of fuperftitious nonfenfe, which is conftantly perufed by the befotted wretches who are in that holy order; and they are very numerous.

Another piece of grofs fuperftition and impiety publifhed by the fame bookfellers is, “Funiculus Triplex,” or the Triple Cord of St. Francis, which fets forth the great indulgences to which the votaries of that order are entitled.

What can be expected from a rabble drenched with the inebriating poifon of fuch produftions, but treafon, robbery, and affaffination!

A poem in four cantos, and in Hudibraftic verfe, entitled, “England’s Reformation, from the time of Henry VIII. was publifhed by Peter Hoey, a popifh bookfeller in Dublin, in the year 1791. It was written by one Thomas Ward, as a fatire on the reformation, and it abounds with ridicule and inventive on the illuftrious charafters who were the chief inftruments in effecting that glorious revolution. This production contains no lefs than 468 pages.

In the year 1790, the tranflation of a book entitled, “The general hiftory of the chriftian church, from her birth to her final triumphant ftate in heaven,” was printed in Dublin by James Mehain, a popifh bookfeller. It was written originally at Rome, by a fanguinary bigot of the name of Paftorini. This writer defends and expreffes his approbation of all the maffacres of proteftants, which ever took place in France and Ireland; and he endeavours to fhew, by falfe and tortuous expofitions of the prophefies, that it has been pofitively decreed by the Almighty, that hereticks of every kind and in every country in Europe would be extirpated about this time. This piece of blafphemy and folly, which is a large octavo voluime of 502 pages, was publifhed to encourage the mafs

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of the Irifh papifts to join in the confpiracy which was framed fo early, and in the maffacre which was to fucceed it in the year 1798, as if it was to be conducted under the divine fanction; and yet, from the year 1791 to that period, the popifh clergy and laity frequently affembled in different parts of the kingdom, particularly in Dublin, expreffed their zealous and unabated loyalty, and made publick and unequivocal renunciations of the fanguinary and intolerant principles which ever characterlzed their church.*

It is moft certain, that the great mildnefs and beneficence of the proteftants of every rank towards the lower clafs of papifts, would foon make converts of them,§ but that their clergy never ceafe to infpire them with a fanatical hatred againft the proteftant ftate and their fellow fubjects of that perfuafion. Doctor Huffey’s paftoral letter is a ftriking proof of this.

We may form fome idea of this from an oath found on board the Gladiator, by which the Irifh traitors in the fleet bound each other, in the year 1798, to carry it into Breft, “and afterwards to kill all proteftants.”†

It appeared alfo on a trial on board the Caefar, that Michael Butler, an Irifh traitor, declared, that there ought to be a catholick government in Ireland; that the proteftants fhould be expelled from it; and that he fhould not die eafy till he fwam in Englifh blood.‡

* See page 81 of this work.

§ The Roman catholicks of a parifh frequently folicit proteftant gentlemen for ground to build chapels on, and I never heard of the requeft being refufed; and in many cafes, they built them at their own expence. Whenever a popifh chapel is to be built by fubfcription, the proteftants never fail, when folicited, to contribute largely to it.

† Report of the fecret committee of the Englifh houfe of commons, publilbed 5th of March 1799, Appendix, No. XIX.

‡ Ibid.

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An account of the fums of money claimed by the fuffering loyalifts in the different counties of Ireland, for their loffes fuftained in the rebellion of 1798, and laid before the commiffioners appointed by act of parliament for compenfating them.

[Note: the letter ‘h’ appears after several of these numbers probably in lieu of ‘d’ for pennies.]

[END]