Conor Cruise OBrien: Quotations
Maria Cross (1952): There is for all of us a twilit zone of time, stretching back for a generation or two before we were born, which never quite belongs to the rest of history. Our elders have talked their memories into our memories until we come to possess some sense of continuity exceeding and traversing our own individual being. The degree in which we possess that sense of continuity and the form it takes - national, religious, racial, or social - depend on our own imagination and on the personality, opinions and talkativeness of our elder relatives. Children of small and vocal communities are likely to possess it to a high degree and, if they are imaginative, have the power of incorporating into their own lives a significant span of time before their individual births. (Quoted [with ref.] in Colm Tóibín, Emmet and the historians [what the epaulets were for], in The Dublin Review, 12, Autumn 2003, p.115.)
States of Ireland (1972), What is coming across to ordinary people is that our problem is not how to get unity, but how to share an island in conditions of peace and reasonable fairness, and that such conditions preclude unity as long as the Ulster Protestants reject that [unity]. (States of Ireland, p.297; quoted in J. H. Whyte, Interpreting Northern Ireland, 1991, p.122.) States of Ireland (1972) - cont.: My roots are entirely in one community, my formal education has been almost entirely in schools of the other community. these communities have traditionally very different attitudes ... My family was a political one, and the activities of its members since the eighteen-seventies, traversed at different times most of the range of what seemed politically, culturally and socially possible and desirable within their community ... there are no privileged observer ... blind spots as well as ... possibilities of insight ... mothers family from Limerick and Tipperary ... fathers from Clare ... We were on the lower fringes of the educated middle class. My father was a journalist - a leader writer on the (Catholic) Freemans Journal. (From States of Ireland, London: Hutchinson 1972, q.p.). [See further under Patrick Pearse, infra.]
The Playwright Politician [interview with Cruise OBrien] in Des Hickey & Gus Smith, eds., A Paler Shade of Green (London: Leslie Frewin 1972), p.228-35: Among living Irish writers Seán Ó Faolain influenced me more than anybody else when he was editor of The bell by his astringent criticism, which was very good for me at the time, although did not realise this immediately, and in particular by his example in combining the activity of a writer with social criticism. I think it was Harold Macmillan who gave Frank OConnor some bad advice when he suggested that he keep out o f public life at a time when OConnor had been on the Board of the Abbey Theatre. His implication was that the writer should sit at his desk in an ivory tower. I think this advice may be good for certain writers, but not for all writers. It would have been better for Sean OCasey if he had stayed in Ireland and become involved in politics and other aspects of the social struggle and written out of the experiences he shared. I have an almost total lack of admiration for everything OCasey wrote after he left Ireland, including the autobiographies, the style of which I find extremely repellent. But in his earlier plays, which probably will always be performed here and to some extent in other countries, suggest a considerable discrepancy between what his writing and what his thinking. To the end of his days OCasey though of himself as a revolutionary, but what his plays are talking about are the horror and pain and ignominy of such acting. It is the tension between the writer and the man himself that makes the plays come alive. (p.231-32); My grandfather sat in the old Irish Parliament form 1885 to 1918. Frank Skeffington and Tom Kettle were members of this family group. I grew up listening to politics, mainly Irish politics, and I suppose even in my youth I conceived the ambition to serve my country in this particular way. It may not be entirely useless for the Dáil to have among its members someone with the wide and perhaps unusual experience which I have had outside this country. I dont think anybody could be completely happy about the cultural climate of Ireland or any country either now or at any other time. Elizabethan England looks very bright in retrospect ... Television has, on the whole, been beneficial in shaking us out of our very strong tendency to stagnation. [&c.] (p.232.) [ top ] Passion and Cunning and Other Essays (1988), incls. title essay and reviews such as The Irish Mind, a Bad Case of Cultural Nationalism, and Bobby Sands, Mutations of Nationalism, a review of John Feehans Bobby Sands. The title-essay is on W. B. Yeatss politics, rep. from A. N. Jeffares, ed., In Excited Reverie [London 1965]; it consists in arguments purporting to demonstrate from letters and poems the charge that Yeats was generally pro-Fascist in tendency. OBrien quotes in particular Yeatss remarks on the social and cultural tone of modern Ireland, and his nationalist contemporaries in particular (e.g., men who had risen above the traditions of the countryman, without learning those of cultivated life, or even educating themselves and who because of their poverty, their ignorance, their superstitious piety, are much subject to all kinds of fear), and remarks that these views are a classical statement of the Irish Protestant view of the rising Catholic middle-class (223). See also A. N. Jeffares, A New Commentary on the Poems of W. B. Yeats (1984), quoting OBriens remarks on Yeatss political associates of the 1890s together with this sentence. [Men who had risen ... &c.] (Jeffares, 1988, p.87).
To Katanga and Back: A UN Case History (London: Hutchinson 1962): The Penal Laws were very similar in conception to the apartheid system, with the distinction that religion and not colour provided the line between conqueror and helot.The achievement of freedom in the advanced country had involved the negation of freedom in the backward country. Any Irishman who thinks about history and freedom must be conscious of this puzzle and, unless he suppresses this consciousness, it will eventually affect his conception of the world around him. he will be wary, for example, when he hears about bastions of freedom for he cannot nelp remembering that there was probably no greater bastion of freeodm than Great britain in the eighteenth and early nienteenth cneuries, and that his forefather were prisoners of just that bastion. / This is not just a question of brooding on the past - but of present day contrast rooted in history. Ireland is still a relatively backward country, next door to a highly advanced one. The culture of the advanced country ha almost completely destroyed, but only partially replaced, the culture of the backward one. The replacement can only be partial, for the conquered can never properly assimilate one central element in the conquering culture, the psychological attitudes of racial superiority. True, the language of racial superiority has been taboo among enlighted adults since the rise of Hitler, but the think itself is with us, as not only West Indians or Irish labourers in Birmingham, but any Irish boy at an English school can testify. It is entirely inevitable that it should be so. [Goes on to distinguish between brooders and gloaters]. (Katanga and Back, Four Square edn., 1965, p.42.)
Ancestral Voices: Religion and Nationalism in Ireland (Dublin: Poolbeg 1994), contains several citations from an autobiographical excerpt printed in The Atlantic Monthly (June 1944). Epigraphs include, Here be ghosts that I have raised this Christmastide, ghosts of dead mean that have bequeathed a trust to us living men. Ghosts are troublesome things, in a house or in a family, as we knew even before Ibsen taught us. There is only one way to appease a ghost. You must do the thing it asks you. The ghosts of a nation sometimes ask very big things and they must be appeased whatever the cost. (Patrick Pearse, [Speech] Christmas Day 1915). OBriens essay includes a section of W. B. Yeatss relations with Irish-Ireland and especially with D. P. Moran: W. B. Yeats and Other Nationalists [53-70], together with another entitled Yeats and Maud Gonne Diverge [70-77], and a third called The Fall and Resurrection of Maud Gonne [77-85]. Sel. Bibl.: Writings of W. B. Yeats, Maud Gonne [letters], Patrick Pearse, D P Moran, and others; also historical studies by Thomas Bartlett, Defenders and Defenderism in 1795, in Irish Historical Studies (1985) [c.375]; Barry M. Coldrey, Faith and Fatherland: The Christian Brothers and the Development of Irish Nationalism 1838-1921 (Dublin 1988); Emmet Larkin , Consolidation of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland 1860-1870 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan 1987); Daire Keogh, The French Disease, The Catholic Church and Radicalism in Ireland 1790-1800 (Four Courts Press 1993); Frank Callanan, The Parnell Split, 1890-91 (Cork 1992) [for which OBrien wrote an Foreword]; Alan ODay, ed. Reactions to Irish Nationalism (Dublin 1987), which incls. David Miller, The Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, 1898-1918; Monsignor Patrick J. Corish, Cardinal Cullen and the National Association [c127]; W. F. Mandle, The IRB and the Beginnings of Gaelic Athletics Association [c.94]. (For longer quotations, see infra.) [ top ] Imperialism: I was brought up to detest imperialism, epitomised in the manic and haunting figure of Captain Bowen-Colthurst, who murdered my uncle Frank Sheehy-Skeffington during the Easter Rising. As a servant of the United Nations, I combated a British imperialist enterprise in Central Africa in 12961 From 1965 to 1969 in America I took part in the protest against what I saw as an American imperialist enterprise: the war in Vietnam. And from 1971a until now I have been combating an Irish Catholic imperialist enterprise: the effort to force the Protestants of Northern Ireland, by a combination of paramilitary terror and political pressure, into a United Ireland they dont want. I addressed the Friends of the Union to show solidarity with that beleaguered community against the forces working against them within my own community. I joined the United Kingdom Unionists for the same reason.; The moment at which the British government agree to reform the RUC at the bidding of its mortal enemies, will be the moment when it becomes clear that th eUnion has become a trap for the unionists. It is at this pooint that ht unioniists are likely to be forced to consider a deal with constitutional nationalism to avert British surrender of Northern Ireland to violent republicanism. (Memoir, 1998; cited in Books Ireland, Dec. 1998, p.340.)
1916 Rising: The event was one thing, the way the event was imagined another thing, and more powerful. And there were men and women who lived through the event, and through the imagining of the event. Their lives, marked by this double experience, marked mine. And both the event and its imagining, and the consequences of the way in which it was imagined, helped powerfully to shape what happened in Ireland in the early twentieth century, and what is happening there now. (Conor Cruise OBrien: States of Ireland, 1972, p.23; cited in Peter Costello, The Heart Grown Brutal Gill & Macmillan 1977), epigraph, Pt. I: Revival, [p.9].
Decade of Violence, first of two articles charting the course of Northern Irelands tragic conflict (Sunday Times, 19 Aug 1979). Of the 1920 Govt. of Ireland Act, he writes, That act was the resultant of three forces, the manifest desire of most Catholics in Ireland for control over their own affairs; the not-less manifest desire of Ulster Protestants not to be included in any kind of Catholic-majority political unit, and the general desire of the British people to be rid of Ireland and its controversies, for ever, if possible. He speaks of the negative discrimination operated by the Northern political establishment against Catholics. Tracing the growth of the Civil Rights movement and the Protestant backlash, he cites the acronym, I Ran Away and concludes, The tragedy of the following ten years stems from the reflect of machismo evoked in a large section of the officers and men of the IRA by that experience and by those taunts. In the ensuing article (26 Aug 1979), he traces the events before and after the anti-Sunningdale strike of May 1974. The Ulster Protestants cannot be peacefully incorporated either in a united Ireland, or in some contraption designed by Catholics to convey them to that unwanted destination. Anyone who thinks differently should reflect on the election this summer of the rev Ian Paisley with over 170,000 votes at the head of the poll in the province-wide election for the European parliament ... if Britain disengages ... Northern Ireland will go for independence, not for unification. [ top ] Irish Republicanism: It is suffused with romanticism, which in politics tends in the direction of fascism [An Unhealthy Intersection, Irish Times, 21 Aug. 1975; prev. printed in New Review, 2, No.16 (July 1975), pp.3-8; and cited in the Editorial to Crane Bag Book of Irish Studies (1982), p.14; also cited in Edna Longley, North: Inner Emigré or Artful Voyeur?, in Tonyh Curtis, ed., The Art of Seamus Heaney [rev. edn. 1994], p.93; rep. in Poetry in the Wars [1986].)
The Fall, review of Albert Camus, The First Man, ed. by Catherine Camus, trans David Hapgood, in The New Republic (16 Oct. 1995), pp.42-47 [extract]: The Fall has the quality of a great self-reckoning. For this reason, it is Camuss best work. It reminds me very powerfully of Yeatss The Circus Animals Desertion, in which the mature poet rids himself of a lot of romantic lumber that had been useful to him in earlier years and suffices, wisely and soberly, with the foul rag-and-bone shop of the heart?. Yeatss poetry was better for the desertion of the circus animals, and The Fall, which marked the desertion of Saint-Just and Meursault and Tarrou, seemed to herald an equally admirable evolution in the work of Camus. It was with considerable disappointment, therefore, that in reading this incomplete and posthumous work I found myself back in the world of The Stranger, [...] the old solemnity reigns, with seriousness about self as its consort. Humour is no more. Self-criticism has vanished. it is as if Jean-Baptiste had never been born [...] What if most, or even all, of The First Man were written after the fall, so that The First Man is, if not Camuss final work, at least a draft of what might have become Camuss final work? Then [...] we must conclude that as a writer Camus regressed ... [&c.] Memorial Address, in Sean OFaoláin Special Issue, ed. Sean Dunne, Cork Review (1991), pp.95-96; quotes end of first editorial of The Bell: whoever you are then, reader, Gentile or Jew, Protestant or Catholic, priest or layman, Big House or shall house, The Bell is yours. OBrien deduces the courage of this statement from the date and the apparent imminence of a Nazi victory in Europe and quotes from a GAA pamphlet: From certain Continental movements we have much to learn. As a fact, the temper of our movement, and the energy and daring of it, have more in common with them than with those nearer home; and another: We cannot allow film-making to remain in the hands of the Jews, the eternal enemies of Christianity (1942). OFaolain wrote of Cathleen Ni Houlihan pushing her bitter red nose into the den, the unburiable corpse (The Bell, Nov. 1945.) Further quotes the last OFaolain editorial entitled Signing Off: I have, I confess, grown a little weary of abusing our bourgeoisie, Little Irelanders, Tartuffes, Anglophobes, Celtophiles et allii hujus generis; Our task has been more that of cultivating our garden than of clearing away the brambles; It is one thing to have a noble vision of life to come and another to have to handle what has come. [Cont.]
Nonsense, Willie!: The Great Melody (1992) takes its title from a poem of Yeats, quoted in the preface: people that were/Bound neither to Cause nor to State / Neither to slaves that were spat on, / Nor to tyrants that spat, / The people of Burke and Grattan / That gave, though free to refuse -. OBrien remarks, I regret that for about ten years I allowed myself to be distracted, by such nonsense as is contained in the above lines, from the precise and piercing sense of the two lines which now supply the governing concept of this book [...] In reality the people of Burke and the people of Grattan were two distinct peoples, then in adversarial relation to one another [... &c.]. (p.12.) Right of Response (Times Literary Supplement, 18 Dec 1992): Conor Cruise OBrien replies at three columns-extent to J. Thompsons dismissive cover-story review of The Great Melody in the preceeding issue (TLS, 11 Dec. 1992), citing support for his thesis about the Irish and Catholic sympathies of Burke in readings of his work by Thomas Bartlett and Marianne Elliott. He makes no reference to Thompsons scurrilous characterisation of the subject of the work as Conor Cruise OBurke (ibid.), but does go on the offensive where he detects that Thompson has skipped over important parts of his argument. He also detects a prejudiced hostility to Burke, showing in Thompsons reiteration of the familiar phrase the swinish multitude attributed to Burke as a reflection on democracy. OBrien points out that the context of the phrase in Burke is very specifically the Revolutionary mobs, and that the article (the/a) has been altered for the purposes of his Burkes enemies, Along with its natural protectors and guardians, learning will be cast into the mire, and trodden under the hoofs of a swinish multitude. (Reflections &c., Penguin, p.173; OBriens own ed.) He concludes his defense by drawing attention to a passage from Burke suggesting the sympathy with ordinary Irish people which Thompson denies Burke to have possessed, That Jacobinism which is Speculative in its Origin and which arises from Wantonness and fullness of bread, may possibly be kept under by firmness and prudence. The very levity of character which produces it may extinguish it; but that Jacobinism which rises from Penury and irritation, from scorned loyalty, and rejectd allegiance, has much deeper roots. They take their nourishment from the bottom of human Nature and the unalterable constitution of things, and not from humour and capricce or the opinions of the Day about privileges and Liberties. (Melody, p.573). The letter is addressed from Whitewater, The Summit, Howth, County Dublin, Eire. (TLS, 18 Dec 1992, p.32.)
Atwoods Tale: a quotation from Conor Cruise OBriens review of Margaret Atwoods novel The Handmaids Tale appears on the jacket of the Virago Edn. (1987): Moving, vivid and terrifying. I only hopes its not prophetic. [ top ] |