Bibliographical details: The following documents were reprinted in Sir Richard Musgrave’s Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland (Milliken 1801), Appendix, pp.13-20 [ppendices VI, VII, VIII]. The whole is available at Internet Archive. The following is a link to the pages copied below - - online. For a full copy of that work, see under RICORSO Library > History > Legacy > Musgrave - via index, or as attached [MSWord .doc]. Note: The archaic ‘f’ font for ‘s’ has been retained.

A meeting of the fociety of United Irifhmen of Dublin, the honourable Simon Butler in the chair, the following was agreed to:

WHEN we reflect how often the freemen and freeholders of Dublin have been convened, humbly to exprefs their grievances to parliament—how often they have [14] folicited the enaction of good, and the repeal of bad laws — how often, for fucceeding years, they have petitioned againft the obnoxious and unconftitutional police act — and how often all thefe applications have been treated with the moft perfect contumacy and contempt When thefe facts are brought to recollection, is there an honeft man will fay, that the houfe of commons have the fmalleft refpect for the people, or believe themfelves their legitimate reprefentatives? — The fact is, that the great majority of that houfe confider themfelves as the reprefentatives of their own money, or the hired fervants of the Englifh government whofe minifter here is appointed for the fole purpofe of dealing out corruption to them — at the expence of Irifh liberty, Irifh commerce, and Irifh improvement. This being the cafe, it naturally follows, that fuch minifter is not only the reprefentative of the Englifh views againft this country, but is also the fole reprefentative of the people of Ireland. To elucidate which affertion, it is only neceffary to afk, whether a fingle question in favour of this oppreffed nation can be carried without his confent? — and whether any meafure, however inimical, may not through his influence be effected?
In this ftate of abject flavery, no hope remains for us, but in the fincere and hearty union of all the people, for a compleat and radical reform of parliament; becaufe it is obvious, that one party alone have been ever unable to obtain a fingle bleffing for their country and the policy of our rulers has been always fuch, as to keep the different fects at variance, in which they have been but too well feconded by our own folly.
For the attainment then of this great and important object — for the removal of abfurd and ruinous diftinctions — and for promoting a complete coalition of the people, a club has been formed, compofed of all religious perfuafions, who have adopted for their name, the Society of United Irifhmen of Dublin, and have taken as their Declaration that of a fimilar fociety in Belfaft, which is as follows:
“In the prefent great æra of reform, when unjuft governments are falling in every quarter of Europe; when religious perfecution is compelled to abjure her tyranny over confcience; when the rights of men are afcertained in theory, and that theory fubftantiated by praftice; when antiquity can no longer defend abfurd and oppreffive forms againft the common fenfe and common interefts of mankind; when all government is acknowledged to originate from the people, and to be fo far only obligatory as it protects their rights and promotes their welfare; we think it our duty, as Irifhmen, to come forward, and ftate what we feel to be our heavy grievance, and what we know to be our effectual remedy:
“We have no national government — we are ruled by Englifhmen, and the fervants of Englishmen whofe object is the intereft of another country; whofe inftrument is corruption; whofe ftrength is the weaknefs of Ireland; and thele men have the whole of the power and patronage of the country, as means to feduce and fubdue the honefty and fpirit of her reprefentatives in the legiftature. Such an extrinfic power, acting with uniform force in a direction too frequently oppofite to the true line of our obvious interefts, can be refifted with effect folely by unanimity, decifion, and fpirit in the people; qualities which may be exerted moft legally, conftitutionally, and effcacioufly, by that great meafure effential to the profperity and freedom of Ireland, an equal reprefentation of all the people in parliament.
“We do not here mention as grievances the rejection of a place-bill, of a penfion-bill, of a refponfibility-bill; the fale of peerages in one houfe; the corruption publickly avowed in the other; or the notorious infamy of borough traffick between both; not that we are infenfible of their enormity, but that we confider them as but fymptoms of that mortal difeafe, which corrodes the vitals of our conftitution, and leaves to the people in their own government but the fhadow of a name.
[15] “Impreffed with thefe fentiments we have agreed to form an affociation, to be called, the Society of United Irifhmen; and we do pledge ourfelves to our country, and mutually to each other, that we will fteadily fupport and endeavour by all due means to carry into effect the following refolutions:
“I. Refolved, That the weight of Englifh influence, in the government of this country, is fo great as to require a cordial union among all the people of Ireland, to maintain that balance whichis effential to the prefervation of our liberties, and the extenfion of our commerce.
“II. That the fole conftitutional mode by which this influence can be oppofed, is by a complete and radical reform of the reprefentation of the people in parliament.
“III. That no reform is practicable, efficacious, or juft, which fhall not include Irifhmen of every religious perfuafion.
“Satisfied as we are, that the inteftine divifions among Irifhmen have too often given encouragement and impunity to profligate, audacious, and corrupt adminiftrations, in meafures which, but for thefe divifions, they durft not have attempted, wc fubmit our refolutions to the nation, as the bafis of our political faith.
We have gone to what we conceive to be the root of the evil; we have ftated what we conceive to be the remedy. — With a parliament thus reformed, every thing is eafy; without it, nothing can be done. And we do call on, and moft earneftly exhort our countrymen in general to follow our example, and form fimilar focieties in every quarter of the kingdom, for the promotion of conftitutional knowledge, the abolition of bigotry and religion in politicks, and the equal diftribution of the rights of man through all fects and denominations of Irifhmen.
“The people when thus collected will feel their own weight, and fecure that power which theory has already admitted as their portion, and to which, if they be not aroufed by their prefent provocations to vindicate it, they deferve to forfeit their pretenfions for ever.”
ORDERED, that the foregoing be printed for the ufe of the members,
JAMES NAPPER TANDY, fecretary.

“I A. B. in the prefence of God, do pledge myfelf to my country, that I will ufe all my abilities and influence in the attainment of an impartial and adequate reprefentation of the Irifh nation in parliament; and as a means of abfolute and immediate neceffity in the eftablifhment of this chief good of Ireland, I will endeavour, as much as lies in my ability, to forward a brotherhood of affection, an identity of interefts, a communion of rights, an union of power, among Irifhmen of all religious perfuafions, without which every reform in parliament muft be partial, not national, inadequate to the wants, delufive to the wifhes, and infufficient for the freedom and happinefs of this country.”

Conftitution of the fociety of united Irifhmen of the city of Dublin, as firft agreed upon.

THE fociety is conftituted for the purpofe of forwarding a brotherhood of affection, an identity of interefts, a communion of rights, and an union of power, among Irifhmen of all religious perfuafions, and thereby obtaining an impartial and adequate reprefentation of the nation in parliament.
The members of this fociety are either ordinary or honorary.
16]
Such perfons only are eligible as honorary members, who have diftinguifhed themfelves by promoting the liberties of mankind, and are not inhabitants of Ireland.
Every candictate for admiffion into the fociety, whether as an ordinary or honorary member, fhall be propofed by two ordinary members, who fhall fign a certificate of his being, from their knowledge of him, a fit perfon to be admitted, that he has feen the teft, and is willing to take it This certificate, delivered to the fecretary, fhall be read from the chair, at the enfuing meeting of the fociety; and on the next fubfequent night of meeting the fociety fhall proceed to the election. The names and additions of the candictate, with the names of thofe by whom he has been propofedj fhall be inferted in the fummons for the night of election. The election fhall be conducted by ballot, and if one-fifth of the number of beans be black, the candictate ftands rejected. The election, with refpect to an ordinary member, fhall be void, if he does not attend within four meetings afterwards, unlefs he can plead fome reafonable excufe for his abfence.
Every perfon elected a member of the fociety, whether honorary or ordinary, fhall, previous to his admiffion, take and fubfcribe the following teft
« I, A. B. in the prefence of God, do pledge myfelf to my country, that I will ufe all my abilities and influence in the attainment of an impartial and adequate reprefentation of the Irifh nation in parliament; and as a means of abfolute  and immediate neceffity in the eftablifhment of this chief good of Ireland, I will endeavour, as much as lies in my ability, to forward a brotherhood of affection, an identity of interefts, a communion of rights, and an union of power among Irifhmen of all religious perfuafions; without which every reform in parliament muft be partial, not national, inadequate to the wants, delufive to the wifhes, and infufficient for the freedom and happinefs of this country.”
A member of another fociety of united Irifhmen being introduced to the prefident by a member of this fociety, fhall, upon producing a certificate figned by the fecretary, and fealed with the feal of the fociety to which he belongs, and taking the before mentioned tell, be thereupon admitted to attend the fittings of this fociety.
The officers of the fociety fhall confift of a prefident, treafurer, and fecretary, tvho fhall be feverally elected three months, videlicet, on every firft night of meeting in the months of November, February, May, and Auguft; the election to be determined by each member prefent writing on a piece of paper the names of the object of his choice, and putting it into a box. The majority of votes fhall decide; if the votes are equal, the prefident fhall have a calling voice. No perfon fhall be capable of being re-elected to any office for the quarter next fucceeding the determination of his office. In cafe of an occafional vacancy in any office by death or otherwife, the fociety fhall on the next night of meeting, elect a perfon to the fame for the remainder of the quarter.
The fociety fhall meet on every fecond Friday night, oftener if neceffary. The chair fhall be taken at eight o’clock from twenty-ninth September, to twenty-fifth March } and at nine o’clock from twenty-fifth March, to twenty-ninth September. Fifteen members fhall form a quorum; no new bufinefs fhall be introduced after ten o’clock.
Every refpect and deference fhall be fhown to the prefident; his chair fhall be raifed three fteps above the feats of the members; the treafurer and fecretary fhall have feats under him, two fteps above the feats of the members. On his rifing from his chair, and taking off his hat, there muft be filence, and the members be feated, he fhall be judge of order and propriety, be impowered to direct an apology, and [17] to fine refractory members in any fum not above one crown; if the member refufe to pay the fine, or make the apology, he is thereupon expelled from the fociety.
There fhall be a committee of conftitution, of finance, of correfpondence, and ©f accommodation. The committee of conftitution fhall confift of nine members, that of finance of feven members, that of correfpondence of five members; eacli committee fhall, independent of occafional reports, make general reports on every quarterly meeting. The treafurer fhall be under the direction of the committee of finance, and the fecretary under the direction of the committee of correfpondence; the election for committees fhall be on every quarterly meeting, and decided by the majority of votes.
In order to defray the neceffary expences, and eftablifh a fund for the ufe of the fociety, each ordinary member fhall on his election pay to the treafurer, by thofe who propofed him, one guinea admiffion fee; and alfo one guinea annually, by half yearly payments, on every firft night of meeting in November and May; the firft payment thereof to be on the firft night of meeting in November, 1792. On every quarterly meeting following, the names of the defaulters, as they appear in the treafury-book, fhall be read from the chair. If any member after the fecond reading, negle£i to pay his fubfcription, he fhall be excluded the fociety, unlefs he can fhew fome reafonable excufe for his default.
The fecretary fhall be furnifhed with the following feal, videlicet, a harp; at the top, “I am new ftrung” at the bottom, “I will be heard” and on the exergue, “Society of united Irifhmen of Dublin.”
No motion for an alteration of, or addition to, the conftitution fhall be made but at the quarterly meetings, and notice of fuch motion fhall be given fourteen days previous to thofe meetings. If upon fuch motion the fociety fhall fee ground for the propofed alteration or addition, the fame fhall be referred to the proper committee, with inftructions to report on the next night of meeting their opinion thereon; and upon fuch report the question fhall be decided by the fociety.

THIS letter is addreffed to you from the correfponding committee of the fociety of united Irifhmen in Dublin.
We annex the declaration of political principles which we have fubfcribed, and the teft which we have taken, as a focial and facred compact to bind us more clofely together.
The object of this inftitution is to make an united fociety of the Irifh nation; to make all Irifhmeri, citizens; all citizens, Irifhmen: nothing appearing to us more natural at all times, and at this crifis of Europe more feafonable, than that thofe who have common interefts, and common enemies, who fuffer common wrongs, and lay claim to common rights, fhould know each other and fhould act together. In our opinion ignorance has been the demon of difcord, which has fo long deprived Irifhmen, not only of the bleffings of well regulated government, but even the common
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benefits of civil fociety. Peace in this ifland has hitherto been a peace on the principles and with the confequences of civil war. For a century paft there has indeed been tranquillity, but to moft of our dear countrymen it has been the tranquillity of a dungeon; and if the land has lately profpered, it has been owing to the goodnefs of Providence, and the ftrong efforts of human nature refifting and overcoming the malignant influence of a miferable adminiftration.
To refift this influence, which rules by difcord and embroils by fyftem, it is vain to act as Individuals or as parties; it becomes neceffary by an union of minds, and a knowledge of each other to will and act as a nation. To know each other is to know ourfelves; the weaknefs of one and the ftrength of many. Union, therefore, is power; it is wifdom; it muft prove liberty.
Our defign, therefore, in forming this fociety, is to give an example, which, when well followed, muft collefl the publick will, and concentrate the publick power into one folid mafs, the effect of which, once put in motion, muft be rapid, momentous, and confequential.
In thus affociating we have thought little about our anceftors, much of our pofterity. Are we for ever to walk like beafts of prey, over fields which thefe anceftors ftained with blood? In looking back, we fee nothing on the one part but favage force fucceeded by favage policy; on the other, an unfortunate nation, “fcattered and peeled, meted out and trodden down!” We fee a mutual intolerance, and a common carnage of the firft moral emotions of the heart, which lead us to efteem and place confidence in our fellow-creatures. We fee this, and are filent but we gladly look forward to brighter profpects, to a people united in the fellowfhip of freedom, to a parliament the exptefs image of the people, to a profperity eftablifhed on civil, political, and religious liberty, to a peace, not the gloomy and precarious ftillnefs of men brooding over their wrongs, but that ftable tranquillity which refts on the rights of human nature, and leans on the arms by which thefe rights are to be maintained.
Our principal rule of conduct has been to attend to thofe things in which we agree, to exclude from our thoughts thofe in which we differ. We agree in knowing what are our rights, and in daring to affert them: If the rights of men be duties to God, we are in this refpect of one religion. Our creed of civil faith is the fame; we agree in thinking that there is not an individual among our millions, whofe happinefs can be eftablifhed on any foundation fo rational and fo folid, as on the happinefs of the whole community. We agree, therefore, in the neceffity of giving political value and ftation to the great majority of the people; and we think that whoever defires an amended conftitution, without including the great body of the people, muft on his own principles be convicted of political perfecution, and political monopoly. If the prefent electors be themfelves a morbid part of our conftitution, where are we to recur for redrefs but to the whole community? “A more unjuft and abfurd conftitution cannot be devifed, than that which condemns the natives of a country to perpetual fervitude, under the arbitrary dominion of ftrangers and flaves.”
We agree in thinking, that the firft and moft indifpenfable condition of the laws in a free ftate, is the affent of thofe whofe obedience they require, and for whofe benefit only they are defigned. Without, therefore, an impartial and adequate reprefentation of the community; we agree in declaring, we can have no conftitution, no country, no Ireland. Without this, our late revolution we declare to be fallacious and ideal; a thing much talked of, but neither felt or feen. The act of Irifh fovereignty has been merely toffed out of the Englifh houfes into the [19]
cabinet of the minifter; and nothing remains to the people, who of right are every thing, but a fervile majefty and a ragged independence.
We call moft earneftly on every great and good man, who at the late æra fpoke or acted for his country, to confider lefs of what was done than of what there remains to do. We call upon their fenatorial wifdom to confider the monftrous and immeafurable diftance which feparates, in this ifland, the ranks of focial life, makes labour ineffectual, taxation unproductive, and divides the nation into petty defpotifm and publick mifery. We call upon their tutelar genius, to remember, that government is inftituted to remedy, not to render more grievous, the natural inequality of mankind, and that unlefs the rights of the whole community be afferted, anarchy (we cannot call it government) muft continue to prevail, when the ftrong tyrannize, the rich opprefs, and the mafs are brayed in a mortar. We call upon them, therefore, to build their arguments and their actions on the broad platform of general good.
Let not the rights of nature be enjoyed merely by connivance, and the rights of confcience merely by toleration. If you raife up a prone people, let it not be merely to their knees: Let the nation ftand. Then will it caft away the bad habit of fervitude, which has brought with it indolence, ignorance, an extinftion of our faculties, an abandonment of our very nature. Then will every right obtained, every franchife exercifed, prove a feed of fobriety, induftry, and regard to character, and the manners of the people will be formed on the model of their free conftitution.
This rapid expofition of our principles, our object, and our rule of conduct, muft naturally fuggeft the wifti of multiplying fimilar focieties, and the propriety of addreffing fuch a defire to you. Is it neceffary for us to requeft, that you will hold out your hand, and open your heart to your countryman, townfman, neighbour .’’ Can you form a hope for political redemption, and by political penalties, or civil excommunications, withhold the rights of nature from your brother .’’ We befeech you to rally all the friends of liberty within your circle round a fociety of this kind as a centre. Draw together your beft and braveft thoughts, your beft and braveft men. You will experience, as we have done, that thefe points of union will quickly attraft numbers, while the affemblage of fuch focieties, acting in concert, moving as one body, with one impulfe and one direction, will, in no long time, become not parts of the nation, but the nation itfelf fpeaking with its voice, expreffing its will, refiftlefs in its power. We again entreat you to look around for men fit to form thofe ftable fupports on which Ireland may reft the lever of liberty. If there be but ten, take thofe ten. If there be but two, take thofe two, and truft with confidence to the fincerity of your intention, the juftice of your caufe, and the fupport of your country.
Two objects intereft the nation, a plan of reprefentation, and the means of accomplifiiing it. Thefe focieties will be a moft powerful means; but a popular plan would itfelf be a means for its own accomplifhment. We have, therefore, to requeft, that you will favour us with your ideas refpeifting the plan which appears to you moft eligible and prafticable, on the prefent more enlarged and liberal principles which actuate the people; at the fame time giving your fentiments upon our national coalition, on the means of promoting it, and on the political ftate and difpofition of the county or town where you refide. We know what refiftance will be made to your patriotic efforts by thofe who triumph in the difunion and degradation of their country. The greater the necefllty for reform, the greater probably will be the refiftance; We know that there is much fpirit that requires being [20] brought into mafs, as well as much mafly body that muft be refined Into fpirlt. We have many enemies, and no enemy is contemptible; we do not defpife the enemies of the union, the liberty and the peace of Ireland, but we are not of a nature, nor have we encouraged the habit of fearing any man, or any body of men, in an honeft and honourable caufe. In great undertakings like the prefent, we declare that we have found it always more difficult to attempt, than to accomplifh. The people of Ireland muft perform all that they wifh, if they attempt all that they can.

Signed by order, JAMES NAPPER TANDY, fec.