Richard Musgrave [Sir] (1746-1818)


Life
[Baronet; pseud. “Veridicus”; var. ?1757]; member of minor gentry of Co. Waterford; MP Lismore, 1778; created first baronet 1782; Letter on the Present Situation of the Public Affairs (1795), gives warning of 1798 Rising; actively supports Orange Order (‘many gentlemen of considerable talent placed themselves at its head to give the institution a proper direction’, Mem., p.72) and professed himself a ‘warm advocate’ of the Union (Letter to Bishop Percy, Jan. 1799; his virulently anti-Catholic Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland (1801) - based on information solicited from the gentry of Wexford such as Lenox-Conyngham - ran to three edns. during 1801-1802, being dedicated to Lord Cornwallis, Viceroy (though repudiated by him); includes virulent attack on Edmund Burke’s supposed encouragement of Catholics, and blames liberal Protestants for creating the occasion for the Rebellion, especially through the Catholic relief measures of 1792 and 1793, together with the sponsorship of ‘infidel’ Presbyterians in Ulster; answered Francis Plowden’s Historical Review of the State of Ireland (1803) with his own Strictures (1804); regarded as an ultra-Protestant ideologue by modern historians. DIW ODNB RAF

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Works
Chief works
  • Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland, from the Arrival of the English; also, A Particular Detail of That Which Broke Out the XXIIId of May, MDCCXCVIII [23rd May 1798]; with the History of the Conspiracy which Preceded It and the Characters of the Principal Actors in It. To this Edition is Added, A Concise History of the Reformation of Ireland; and Considerations on the Means of Extending Its Advantages Therein [2nd edn.] (Dublin: Milliken 1801) and Do. [rep. edn.], as infra.
  • Strictures upon an Historical Review of the State of Ireland [by Francis Plowden]; or, A Justification of the Conduct of the English Governments in that Country, from the Reign of Henry the Second to the Union of Great Britain and Ireland (1804).
Reprint:
  • Steven W. Myers & Delores E. McKnight, eds., Memoirs of the Irish Rebellion of 1798 [first edn. 1801], with a forward by David Dickson (Enniscorthy: Duffy Press; Fort Wayne, Indiana: Round Tower Books 1995) [see review by Nancy Curtin infra].

See also James Gordon, ‘A Reply to the Observations of Sir Richard Musgrave, Bt.’, appended to History of the Rebellion in Ireland in the Year 1798 [ ... &c.] (London: Hurst 1803).

Note: Musgrave appears to have responded to Edward Hay's History of the Insurrection of the County of Wexford, a.d. 1798 (1803) and to have brought on a second edition with a second part entailing a rebuttal. (See further under Hay, q.v.)

Rebellions 1801
—Copy partially available at Google Books - online.

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Criticism
James Kelly, Sir Richard Musgrave, 1746-1818 (Dublin: Four Courts Press 2009), 272pp. [see extract]

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Commentary
Patrick Kennedy calls Richard Musgrave ‘author of the least trustworthy history of the Insurrection of ’98 ever published, and recites a narrative about him from Barrington. (Modern Irish Anecdotes [1872], p.68).

Cheryl Herr, For the Land They Loved (Syracuse UP 1991), makes much use of Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland (1801), noting its format with fold-out maps including ‘plan of the town of Arklow with part of the circumjacent country to illustrate the account of the attack of the rebels on that Town, June 9th 1798’. Further: ‘The volume delineates some 40 battles that took place as part of the 1798 Rising, and it is these battles that Musgrave really means us to see as the “different rebellions’”. He spends 46 pages on early Irish history from the 5th c. to 1780, and 590 pages with 200 pages of appendix on the events of the latest Rebellion. The documentary style of his presentation allows him to introduce material that brings many of the conflicts to a kind of 3-dimensional life, however biased in political viewpoint.’ (Herr, op. cit., p.22f.).

Conor Cruise O’Brien, The Great Melody (1992), Richard Musgrave describes Burke simply as ‘the son of a popish solicitor in Dublin’, Memoirs of the different rebellions in Ireland, from the arrival of the English; also a particular detail of that which broke out the 23rd of May 1798 ... with a concise history of the reformation in Ireland; and considerations for the means of extending its advantages therein (Dublin 1801) (p.35) [12]. Further, Musgrave’s Memoirs note that an apprentice of Richard Burke noticed that a year after Edmund had gone to the Temple he ‘seemed much agitated in his mind and that they were alone, he frequently introduced religion as a topic of conversation’; he, the apprentice, believed that Burke was ‘become a convert to P- ‘; Burke’s father was ‘much concerned’ and had his brother in law Mr Bowen make ‘strict enquiry about the conversion of his son’, to the effect that Bowen reported he had been converted; ‘Mr Burke became furious, lamenting that the rising hope of his family was blasted, and that the expense he had been at in his education was now thrown away.’ Musgrave continued that ‘it was possible that Mr Burke, in the spring of his life ... might have conformed to the exterior ceremonies of Popery, to obtain Miss Nugent, of whom he was very much enamoured; but it is not to be supposed, that a person of so vigorous and highly cultivated an understanding, would have continued under the shackles of that absurd superstition.’ Musgrave describes the father in law, Christopher Nugent, as ‘a most bigoted Romanist bred at Douay [Douai] in Flanders.’ (ibid.) [38] Further, Sir Jonah Barrington wrote of Musgrave: ‘Sir Richard Musgrave who (except on the abstract topics of politics, religion, martial law, his wife, the Pope, the Pretender, the Jesuits, Napper Tandy and the whipping post) was generally in his sense, formed during those intervals a very entertaining addition to the company.’ (in The Ireland of Sir John Barrington, ed. H. Staples (Lon 1968), p.245; O’Brien, p.39). Note that later [59], O’Brien quotes Musgrave as asserting that Burke’s younger brother Richard was in Ireland in 1765-66 on his Edmund’ behalf distributing money to Whiteboys (Memoirs, p.8.) Further, Basil O’Connell, in Irish Genealogist (Vol. 3, No. I, 1956, p.21), calls Musgrave ‘biased, vindictive, and inaccurate’ but inclines to believe the assertion, although Copeland tells him that it was physically impossible to be there; yet he considers Musgrave had a reason to believe so, ‘and this becomes therefore an essential part of the investigation.’ He further thinks that the evidence persuasive to Copeland was planted by Edmund to protect his brother.’ O’Brien considers the allegations of the Burke’s fanning the flames of Whiteboyism extremely improbably on the basis of their class interests in common with the Nagles. [60]. Further, [Thomas] Hussey inappositely described by Richard Musgrave as ‘an infamous incendiary ... now living in the greatest intimacy with Messrs. Fox, Grey, and Sheridan.’ See Dáire Keogh, ‘Thomas Hussey’, in Waterford History and Society, ed. T. Power (Dublin 1992). [574]

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Nancy Curtin [Fordham University], ְNot for Every Lady’s Nightstand’, review of Memoirs of the Irish Rebellion of 1798, ed. Steven W. Myers & Delores E. McKnight [rep.], in Irish Lit. Supplement 15:1 (Boston March 1996) [Note: page-nums. in bracket are those in the edition.]:

Synopsis [BS]: Curtin suggests that Musgrave found his best argument for the Act of Union in the pusillanimous attitude of the Irish Parliament towards Catholics, manifested in the Relief Acts; Musgrave records with gratitude that the Orange order was established through popular loyalism and only after imitated by their betters; mass expulsion of Catholics from Armagh in 1795 attributed to a messianic belief in a haven in Connacht and a voluntary exodus; Musgrave ascribes the events in Wexford to the Catholic peasantry, ‘blinded by fanaticism and impelled by the irresistible influence of their priests’ (p.512); his account includes valuable details of rebel mobilisation in Wexford (Irish Literary Supplement, Spring 1996, p.3).

[...] It is most welcome then that Duffy Press of Enniscorthy, Cos. Wexford, and Round Tower Books of Fort Wayne, Indiana, are launching a series of primary and secondary sources on the rebellion. And yet the choice of their debut volume, Sir Richard Musgrave’s Memoirs of the Irish Rebellion of 1798, is a bit perplexing. Proclaimed by the editors as an essential source for historians and genealogists, it is a book that appears destined for the stacks rather than for every lady’s nightstand. As David Dickson tells us in a very useful introduction, Musgrave was a member of the minor gentry in Cos. Waterford and an undistinguished member of the Irish parliament, whose fame rests on his repugnantly biased account of the 1798 rebellion and its origins in Catholic perfidy. His extremism was even denounced by Lord Cornwallis, the lord lieutenant to whom Musgrave dedicated his heavy tome. Deluded liberal Protestants unwittingly prepared the ground for the popish conspiracy which ignited the rebellion. The Volunteers were one source of the treason of the liberals, and Edmund Burke is particularly singled out for encouraging the Catholics of Ireland, who Musgrave claims were the most privileged Catholics of any Protestant state in Europe, and far more privileged than any protestant minority in a Catholic state, to push for the complete abolition of the penal laws. The Catholic Committee desired no less than the subversion of the constitution, and to this end aided and abetted the Defenders in systematically terrorizing peaceful Protestants. A spineless Irish parliament only whetted an insatiable Catholic appetite for ascendancy with its concessions in 1792 and 1793, providing Musgrave with the best argument for that pusillanimous body’s abolition by the Act of Union. Infidel Ulster Presbyterians deluded themselves into making an unnatural alliance with the Catholics and launching the United Irish movement. The only point in which the papists and presbyterians cordially united was, Revolution; but their views and expectations from it were widely different. The former considered it as the only means of recovering their ancient estates, and of acquiring a complete ascendancy; whereas, the establishment of a republican government was the chief object of the latter. (161)
Indeed, Musgrave dwells almost gleefully on the intense hatred between lower-class Presbyterians and Roman Catholics, attributing the outbreak of sectarian hostilities in Armagh in the 1780s to this conflict. The Orange Order, however, is singled out for praise. Here the lower orders of the established church banded together in the noblest civic enterprise in preserving church and state, and they acted only in defense against scurvy traitors, initiating a surge in loyalism which their betters would soon emulate. It is true that the rise of the Orangemen coincided with mass expulsions of Catholics from Armagh in 1795, but Musgrave explains that as the consequence of popular prophecies promising an apocalyptic haven in Connacht. In other words, the exodus was entirely voluntary, and an example of the slavish superstition of the Catholics. Over two-thirds of the text, however, is devoted to a catalogue of atrocities committed by insurgent Catholics against Protestants. Benign and charitable widows and their superannuated, often invalid, spinster sisters are frequently seen in these pages witnessing their houses bursting in flames, their lives most ungallantly terminated at end of a fearsome rebel pike. The experience of reading hundreds of these accounts is rather numbing, compounded by Musgrave’s clumsy style. For this is no elegant eighteenthcentury elegy. If one can imagine Musgrave as an industrious but rather unimaginative research student, picture him at his desk, surrounded by piles of note cards, where he proceeds to incorporate them all into his text, tediously unembellished. He does offer a highly detailed account of rebel mobilization in Leinster, apparently based on numerous interviews with loyalist victims. His accounts of the risings in Ulster and Connacht, however, are cursory. But then it is the Wexford insurrection which, he feels, makes his case that the rebellion was a religious one, the poisonous fruit of a clerical conspiracy, which sought to achieve Catholic ascendancy in Ireland through nothing less than the mass extirpation of Protestants: “No, you damned heretic bitch,” Black Top Whelan replied when a young protestant women appealed to him to save her infant from the flames of her burning home. “Nits will become lice” (260). “Blinded by fanaticism and impelled by the irresistable influence of their priests” (512), the Wexford rebels systematically perpetrated every outrage imaginable upon those peaceful Protestants with whom they had lived with feigned amiability
But there is another way of looking at the rebellion, not a trace of which dilutes Musgrave’s account of unrelenting Catholic treachery. There are no rackings, floggings, or pitch-cappings in this book. There are no Catholic chapels bursting into flames, no humble homesteads torched as their miserable inhabitants despair of their very lives to lusty choruses of “Croppies Lie Down. ” For no sooner had the rebellion been suppressed than instant histories appeared to contest its nature and origin. While Musgrave laid all at the door of the undifferentiated mass of Irish Catholics, others like Rev. James Gordon and Edward Hay invoked the great provocations of a licentious and sadistic soldiery, the wolves of loyalism let loose among the unoffending lambs, who donned their own wolf skins for purely defensive reasons. The atrocities of 1798 cannot be excused, yet they can be explained. Wexford Bridge and Scullabogue Barn threaten to taint emblematically the rising as a sectarian one, yet these massacres, rather than revealing the insurgents’ intent and strategy, can better be seen, as one of their most recent historians, Kevin Whelan, has argued, as examples of loss of control on the part of the republican leadership. Musgrave may dwell on those poor unfortunate widows so unchivalrously treated by the rebels, but the vast portion of the 30,000 fatal casualties of the rebellion were the insurgents themselves. The value of Musgrave’s account, lies not in his analysis, although this certainly provides a window into the mind of a particularly extreme loyalist faction, but in his plodding documentation of rebel mobilization in Wexford. He provides rich anecdotal evidence, but considering his purpose, it should hardly stand unverified by other sources. His is as much an essential source for the historian of the 1798 rebellion as a number of other contemporary accounts. Those libraries which do not possess any of the earlier editions, should be encouraged to purchase this one. Genealogists and local historians are also offered a boon in this edition with the inclusion of an index of no less than 10,600 references to persons and places. How valuable this is, they can judge for themselves.
It is perhaps churlish to note omissions, but I tested the usefulness of this index by asking a few questions of some relevance to the rebellion. For example, how many priests were involved? But there is no listing for them. Were Quakers accorded better treatment than the members of the established church? But there is no listing for Quakers, or for that matter, Presbyterians and their ministers. France is listed, with sublistings for specific towns, but there is no French revolution in the index. And more oddly, no listing for republicanism. All these categories can be found in Musgrave’s text, but this index offers no short-cuts to finding them. It is a pity the editors did not explain their choice of this particular text to launch their very welcome series. It would also be helpful to know their plans for subsequent volumes. I would have liked to have seen something that could be used in the classroom, perhaps a paperback edition of one of the essential texts of the United Irishmen Theobald Wolfe Tone’s Argument on Behalf of the Catholics of Ireland, or Thomas Russell’s A Letter to the People of Ireland, or for the sheer fun of it, Rev. James Porter’s Billy Bluff and the Squire. Musgrave is no Toqueville, and his Memoirs of the Irish Rebellion will hardly constitute the basis for anew paradigmatic interpretation of 1798, or even more modestly, stimulate further investigation info the United Irishmen and their insurrection. Instead, Round Tower Books has provided us with a relatively useful reference tool.*
—Available online - copied 1996; re-accessed 31.08.2023; ere reparagraphed for page.]

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Kevin Whelan, The Tree of Liberty: Radicalism, Catholicism, and the construction of Irish Identity, 1760-1830 [Field Day] (Cork UP 1996), describes Musgrave’s memoir as ‘the matrix of memory’, portraying 1798 ‘as the result of a deep-seated popish plot ... It sought to establish parallels between 1641 and 1798, to depoliticise the 1790s, and to establish disreputable sectarian motives as the sole grounds of state, and especially to argue the case against Catholic Emancipation being part of the Union settlement’. (p.135; cited by Mary C. King, Hewitt Summer School, 1998 [as infra].)

Further [Kevin Whelan, op. cit., 1996], Musgrave’s material was ‘written down from oral examination of the deponents’, while informants were ‘personally paid by him for transport and accommodation costs in Dublin (allegedly from fears of swearing affadavits in their own counties).’ (Whelan, p.136; King, op. cit.). See also Kevin Whelan, ‘Origins of the Orange Order’, in Bullán: An Irish Studies Journal, 2, 2 (Spring/Summer 1996), p.28, noting his role in the encouragement of the Orange Order.

Mary C. King, conference paper on J. M. Synge’s fragmentary play of 1798 delivered to the Hewitt Summer School in 1998, regards that Synge’s play, with its final rejoinder - ‘go home and burn your history book ... it’s you were right and the book was wrong’ - as Synge’s ‘creative riposte to and critique of Musgrave’s technique in Rebellions, particularly in his intransigent conjuring up and naturalising of a binary,. Univocal, oppositional narrative which reduces the unity-in heterogeneity of 1798 to an essentialist account of “the great antipathy which ever existed between these sects” [...&c.].

James Kelly, ‘The Act of Union: its origin and background’, in Acts of Union: The Causes, Contexts and Consequences of the Act of Union, ed. Dáire Keogh & Kevin Whelan Dublin: Four Courts Press 2001): ‘Furthermore, many of the most important voices in conservatism - Sir Richard Musgrave and Patrick Duigenan most notably - were vigorous proponents of union. Their support was inevitably predicated on its being proposed upon “protestant principles”, which caused both the Irish executive and the British government serious problems. They believed that Catholic emancipation should follow the union, but they shrewdly ensured that this did not become a major public matter and it did not prevent the measure’s passing. Moreover, there is nothing to suggest that combined or separately the Rebellion [of 1798], the immediate prospect of the abolition of the Irish parliament[,] or the fear of further catholic empowerment prompted significant leaching from the ranks of Irish unionists.’ p.65.)

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References
Dictionary of National Biography notes that he attached to the English connection but opposed to the Act of Union.

Library Catalogues
Belfast Central Public Library holds A Concise Account of the Events in the late Rebellion (1799); Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland [&c.] (1802). Belfast Linenhall Library also holds William Todd Jones, Authentic Details of an Affair of Honour between William Todd Jones and Sir Richard Musgrave; Reply from the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Ferns, Dr. James Caulfield.

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Quotations
How United?: ‘The only point in which the papists and the Presbyterians cordially united was, Revolution; but their views and expectations from it were widely different. The former considered it as the only means of recovering their ancient estates, and of acquiring a complete ascendancy; whereas, the establishment of a republican government was the chief object of the latter.’ (1995 Edn., p.161; cited by Nancy Curtin, review of Steven W. Myers & Delores E. McKnight, eds., Memoirs of the Irish Rebellion of 1798 (1995 Edn.; as supra.)

‘[T]he great antipathy which ever existed between these sects [Catholicism and Presbyterianism]. I am much at a loss to know how they could ever be made to unite. I have been assured that the Presbyterians quitted the papists as soon as they discovered that they were impelled by the sanguinary spirit which was ever peculiar to their religion.’ (quoted in Whelan, op. cit., p.137; cited in King, supra).

Ireland in her present state may be considered as an intestine thorn in the side of England, as a strong outpost easily accessible to her enemies, who may at all times annoy her through it: instead of affording her strength, it will be an incessant source of weakness.’ (Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland, Enniscorthy [1995 Edn.], p.851; quoted in Kevin Whelan, ‘The Other Within: Ireland, Britain and the Act of Union’, in Dáire Keogh & Kevin Whelan, eds., Acts of Union: The Causes, Contexts and Consequences of the Act of Union, Dublin: Four Courts Press 2001, p.16.)

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Notes
Patrick Byrne, Dublin printer, issued pirated edns. of Musgrave’s works, viz., A Letter on the Present Situation (1795) and Considerations on the Present State of England and France (1796) [Cited in Richard Cargill Cole, Irish Booksellers and English Writers, 1740-1800, London: Mansell 1986, p.237.]

Poulett Scrope, an advocate of a Poor Law for Ireland in 1831, referred to Musgrave’s plan for the employment of the poor as satisfactory. (cited p.75, Thomas G. Conway, ‘The Approach to an Irish Poor Law, 1828-33’, Éire-Ireland, 6, 1, Spring 1971, pp.65-81.)

Sir William Musgrave (6th Bart., of Hayton Castle, Co. Cumberland), compiled England, Scotland, Ireland: Musgrave’s Obituaries Prior to 1800, parts 1 & 2 [properly A General Nomenclator and Obituary, with Referrence to the Books Where the Persons are Mentioned, and Where some Account of their Character is to be Found]. A CD ROM version is available from Family Tree Computing [online].

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